The last Labour leader to win a general election resigned as Prime Minister 10 years ago today.

Tony Blair took his final session of Prime Ministers Questions at the despatch box and said: I wish everyone, friend or foe, well and that is that, the end.

A decade on, its clear this was more than the end of a premiership. It was the end of a political age that is radically different to the one we inhabit today.

Gordon Brown had spent years dreaming of how he would lead Britain from No 10 but the financial crash and the mission to rescue the economy defined his tenure. David Cameron and Nick Clegg presided over austerity measures and Theresa May now hopes to oversee Britains departure from the European Union this is not the future Mr Blair will have wanted for Britain.

It would be fascinating if he allowed a team of scientists to attach sensors to him to measure whether he gets more riled by the prospect of Brexit or the sight of Jeremy Corbyn leading the Labour party.

Its doubtful whether Mr Blair will spend much time today thinking back to his final hours in Downing St. One of the traits of true political animals is that they rarely engage in self-analysis and much prefer to pound forward.

There is clear evidence the triple election-winner wants to stage another great disruption in politics, and not just in the UK.

The Tony Blair Institute for Global Change is advertising for a managing editor to take forward its key messages, one of which is that there is an urgent need for a new agenda to provide radical but sensible answers to challenges including the rise of a false populism.

This populism, according to the institute, represents a convergence of the political left and right around isolationism and protectionism.

Whether it is President Trump trashing trade deals or Ukip championing Brexit, Mr Blairs vision for the world is being challenged on multiple fronts. He wants to fight back.

He plans to use his institute to revitalise the centre ground through a corpus of new thinking.

This zeal to shape the future contrasts with how George Bush spends his time. The ex-President does a lot of painting and is winning steadily more positive praise for his portraits.

Mr Blair is not looking for a hobby. The question is how big a bang he wants to make.

This ardent pro-European once looked destined to lead the campaign to take Britain into the euro. Instead, he is now watching the Tories David Davis helm Brexit negotiations.

Mr Blair persuaded Labour to abandon its commitment to nationalisation ahead of his first landslide election victory but admirers of Marx now hold positions of power at the top of the party.

He must look around for younger talent who could champion the type of policies he put at the centre of his reform agenda in the pre-Iraq years. Mr Blair wanted to harness the energy and resources of the best of the private sector for the common good.

He shredded socialist orthodoxy and fought for foundation hospitals, academy schools and even introduced tuition fees to get cash into the university sector. It is still remarkable that a party that had been led by Michael Foot as recently as 1983 went on this neoliberal adventure.

Welsh Labour distanced itself from such policies with its decision to let clear red water flow between Cardiff and London. But during the recent election campaign Mr Corbyns Labour shadow cabinet looked to the left of the Welsh Government.

If Mr Blair wants inspiration he may gaze across the Channel and marvel at how Emmanuel Macron quickly founded a proudly pro-EU party, trounced the National Front, won the presidency and then saw his supporters storm parliament.

His institute exists to support those in the active front line of politics but he may struggle to find a British Macron around Westminster.

David Miliband has become New Labours prince across the water. From his base in New York he leads the International Rescue Committee, one of the worlds most respected refugee agencies.

What would happen if Mr Blair gave his old aide a call and urged him to come back across the Atlantic and start a new party of radical centrism?

It would not take long to raise the cash to start a pro-business party that sees a key role for the private sector in helping the NHS and social services meet the challenge of caring for an ageing population. The real cost would be a psychological one.

Britains remaining Blairites may loath what has happened to their party but when they were at the helm they never thought they were betraying Keir Hardie or Aneurin Bevan. Rather, they believed they were taking forward Labours finest values and using the power of prosperity to advance redistribution and an opportunity revolution.

Activists throughout the different factions of the Labour family see their party as one of the greatest engines for social progress Britain, and the world, has ever known. It is one thing to fight to reclaim the party it is quite another to try and replace it.

Mr Blair, a maestro of political marketing must also understand that he is among the most divisive figures in UK politics. If he does want to help a new movement transform the zeitgeist, one of the best things he can do is stay in the background.

And if he does find himself once more at the centre of national attention, it is easy to imagine his old ally Peter Mandelson whispering some sage advice in his ear before a TV interview: Dont call it a comeback.

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It's 10 years today since the last Labour leader to win a general election quit as PM - WalesOnline