Child prostitution in Zimbabwe spikes amid two other crises: Covid-19 and hunger – America Magazine

The young girls, many barely teenagers, line up along a short street that passes through a popular bar strip about 500 feet from the St. Peters parish church in Mbare, one of the oldest and most impoverished suburbs of Zimbabwes capital, Harare.

It is just after 8 p.m., a day after President Emmerson Mnangagwa introduced a dawn-to-dusk curfew on July 22. That was one among several strict coronavirus lockdown measures that included a limit on religious gatherings to no more than 50 people.

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Now the girls play hide-and-seek with roving police attempting to enforce the new measures. They disappear into narrow passageways between Mbares bars and stores or hide at the back of the buildings as a ramshackle police vanrumblespast. They re-emerge after a few minutes to retake their posts along the street, beckoning again to potential clients who pass by.

St. Peters Martin Nyadewo, S.J., explains that there are more young girls selling their bodies as Zimbabwes economic difficulties continue, in a broad collapse now exacerbated by the pandemic. The city is experiencing a spike in social vices like child prostitution and domestic violence.

We have got a serious problem of child prostitution. And I dont mean organized prostitution, but among the young girls themselves who are increasingly taking to the streets and corners hoping to sell their bodies to be able to feed themselves and their families, Father Nyadewo said.

Many of the girls are the heads of households that are bereft of parents, who are either dead or who have abandoned their children, but the households often include elderly grandparents who cant fend for themselves.

The parish hopes to combat this phenomenon by offering economic alternatives for these young girls and other young people who are struggling to support their families. It is offering loans to begin backyard poultry production or to open mini kitchens that sell food to traders in Mbares informal markets. The parish also provides food assistance to vulnerable families.

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Nigel Johnson, S.J., the development director for Jesuits Zimbabwe, explained that a lot of people in Zimbabwe have lost their income as a result of the Covid-19 and their families do not have money to buy food.

Catholic relief agencies in Zimbabwe, including Catholic Relief Services from the United States and the Catholic Agency for Overseas Development from the United Kingdom, have been redirecting their development efforts toward food relief and programs to help address domestic violence against women and to assist the growing numbers of vulnerable children.

In a pastoral letter released on July 16, Zimbabwes Catholic Bishops Conference warned that livelihoods that were already heavily strained due to the economic situation in the country, the droughts of the last two years, Cyclone Idai and other factors have taken a further knock under the lockdown.

According to the World Food Program, Zimbabwe has the worlds second-highest inflation rate after Venezuelaoverall prices have surged by more than 122 percent since the start of the year and by more than 800 percent since March 2019. By the end of the year, the number of food-insecure people living in urban areas in Zimbabwe alone will have increased from 2.2 million to 3.3 million45 percent of the countrys total urban population.

But even Zimbabweans in rural areas, typically more food self-reliant, face shortages this year because of drought, the coronavirus and economic dislocation. According to W.F.P. forecasts, 5.3 million rural Zimbabweans will be food-insecure by the end of 2020 and between 3 and 3.3 million will face a crisis situation.

The Famine Early Warning Systems Network reported at the beginning of July that Zimbabwes food insecurity and socioeconomic difficulties are growing worse as a result of economic volatility and depreciating parallel market exchange rates that are constraining livelihoods and eroding disposable incomes.

The Mnangagwa government attempted to restore the local currency in June 2019, officially ending a decade when the use of the U.S. dollar prevailed, but the Zim dollar has quickly lost value, depreciating by over 80 percent between May and mid-June. Now, volatile macroeconomic conditions are anticipated through January 2021, researchers from the early warning network said.

Use of the Zimbabwean dollar is increasingly being abandoned for transactions from the commonplace to the official in favor of the use of U.S. currency. Local economist John Robertson described this unofficial dollarization of Zimbabwes economy as a vast no-confidence vote for Mr. Mnangagwas economic policies and for a local currency that has been consistently losing value over the past two years, despite repeated efforts to prop it up.

Zimbabwes businesses are now required to use a dual system that prices goods in U.S. dollars as well as in the local currency according to the official exchange rate. But that rate trails the prevailing street exchange rate substantially.

A lot of people are unable to earn U.S. dollars, and that presents a lot of difficulties, said Mr. Robertson. Workers who are paid only in local currency are forced to adapt quickly to its galloping inflation rate. It gets worse when every business or supplier asks to be paid in nothing else but the U.S. dollar, he said.

Millions of Zimbabweans cant get U.S. dollars, and a lot of people in this country dont have steady work, Mr. Robertson said.

In addition to worries over food insecurity and economic difficulties, officials at Catholic Relief Services are concerned about a dramatic increase in domestic violence cases. Rita Billingsley, the agencys country representative for Zimbabwe, said by email that the increase in gender-based violence and violence against children has prompted C.R.S. to partner with child protection agencies and womens shelters in Zimbabwe.

That has led to expanded services and safe spaces to support women and children who have experienced abuse during these challenging times. Musasa Project, an organization that assists victims of gender-based violence, said it recorded as many as 764 cases of gender-based violence during the first week and a half of lockdown, from March 30 to April 9.

Women and children experiencing abuse can call our toll-free numbers or use WhatsApp messages to report abuse, Ms. Billingsley said. We then provide transportation services to remove them from abusive situations. For those households without phones, we offer services through guided home visits by front-line community child care workers, whom we have thoroughly trained in physical distancing and infection prevention and control measures.

The impact of relief grants and food parcels provided by Catholic agencies is also being stretched as recipient households share the food with their extended family, said Ms. Billingsley.

St. Peters has a list of 450 families it is distributing food to, but Father Nyadewo said, there are a lot more people whom we are not able to reach.

The Catholic Agency for Overseas Development has been supplementing food relief programs with income-generating projects and training on climate resilience farming. Cafods Zimbabwe representative, Verity Johnson, said, A number of the womens groups we work with are now making masks to sell in their communities, which helps protect people from Covid as well as securing an income.

There are rising needs in communities for food but also access to water for people to be able to observe the hygiene protocols around Covid-19, such as frequent handwashing.

Zimbabwes health sector, already poorly resourced, is burdened by corruption. Mr. Mnangagwa dismissed the health minister, Obadiah Moyo, after he was arraigned before a Harare court for abuse of office involving irregularities over the awarding of contracts for the supply of Covid-19-related equipment. Health workers are frequently on strike to demand better working conditions and wage increases to cope with Zimbabwes rampaging inflation.

Front-line health workers at the countrys key public health facilities have been testing positive for Covid-19, but more worrying are the great numbers of Zimbabweans who are at greater risk of death or complications if they get infected by coronavirus because of underlying health conditions.

Another critical concern for us was how people with pre-existing conditions could continue to receive the medication and support they need to stay healthy, Ms. Billingsley said. For the people we work with who live with HIV, we have continued to provide intensive support to ensure they are able to access their critical ART and viral load testing, while limiting their Covid-19 risk.

Father Johnson said that Jesuit-run hospitals in Zimbabwe are seeing increased numbers of people seeking medical care. Patients may be avoiding government-run facilities, which for many have become death traps because there is usually no medicine and no medical staff to attend to them there, according to media reports quoting local doctors.

We also have two rural hospitals, thats at St. Pauls Mission in Musami and another in Makonde, and we have managed to supply those two hospitals with [personal protective equipment] and medicines, said Father Johnson. His challenge will be to keep that support going as the nations economic struggles continue.

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Child prostitution in Zimbabwe spikes amid two other crises: Covid-19 and hunger - America Magazine

It really is different for young people: it’s harder to climb the jobs ladder – The Conversation AU

Our memories of the job market prior to COVID have become rosier: the last decade was a period of fairly low unemployment, even if wage growth was less than stellar.

But that perspective may not be shared by people under 35. For that age group, the past decade has been a period of intense competition for jobs, even before COVID, which will make things worse.

It is likely to have long-term effects, even were it not for the COVID crisis.

Read more: Low-paid, young women: the grim truth about who this recession is hitting hardest

In a new study published this morning, climbing the jobs ladder slower, myself and three colleagues at the Productivity Commission examine labour market scarring after the 2008 global financial crisis.

Scarring is a semi-technical term for what happens when wounds dont properly heal. It was mentioned twice in last weeks economic statement.

Specifically, we asked whether young people entering the labour market during and after the crisis had a more difficult transition to employment than those who entered before, and whether it had long term impacts on their careers.

The Australian Socioeconomic Index is an occupational status scale last updated by researchers at the Australian National University in the late 2000s. It is a method for scoring occupations on a ladder based on educational requirements and average earnings.

Using data from the HILDA Household, Income and Labour Dynamics survey that began in 2001 we find that the average occupational score increased throughout the two decades that followed, but that after 2008 the likelihood that a university graduate would find a high-score job fell back.

Part of the reason is the big expansion in the number of university students and students in vocational education that followed the crisis.

For many graduates that meant more competition to enter their chosenprofession. They moved down the ladder of occupations.

Law graduates increasingly found themselves working as paralegals or in cafs. In turn, young people with vocational degrees were pushed further down.

At the bottom of the ladder, part-time and casual jobs garnered more takers. As a result average wages for workers under 35 fell between 2008 to 2018.

Outcomes varied a great deal. Some young workers found very high-scored jobs, while more were less lucky, obtaining jobs whose scores were well below what they would have expected in earlier years.

Were the lower rungs temporary? Were some of these unlucky young workers able to work their ways back to their desired occupations and pay levels over the years that followed? Not much.

We found that from 2008, if a recent graduate started in a less attractive job, it was harder to climb to a more attractive one than before.

Young peoples prospects and the growth in salaries wereworse than those of young people prior to 2008.

Read more: Yes Ita, younger workers might actually be less resilient. But all workers should be thanked

The finding comes from studying transition probabilities: the probability that a young person can move from a lower quarter of the occupation score distribution to a higher quarter. It suggests that poor initial jobs for graduates have serious long-term consequences.

It pre-dates the COVID-19 recession, but it has heightened relevance for it.

Many young people pushed into unemployment by the recession and are likely to find it harder to get the jobs they could have once expected when jobs come back.

The scarring could last some time.

Some young people might choose to pursue further study in order to return to the job market later when conditions are better, but our report suggests that, even then, the competition for the jobs that follow study will be fierce.

A generation might be set to experience scarring once again from unemployment, from low wages, from jobs that dont fully use their skills, and from dashed hopes.

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It really is different for young people: it's harder to climb the jobs ladder - The Conversation AU

Election preview: The race for Oakland County executive – The Oakland Press

Oakland County voters will see four candidates on their ballot under the race for Oakland County executive.

Oakland County Executive David Coulter and Oakland County Treasurer Andy Meisner are seeking the Democratic nomination with former state legislator Mike Kowall and Jeffrey Nutt, a Troy-based attorney, seeking the Republican nomination.

The Oakland Press reached out to each candidate with questions pertaining to their candidacy for the county's top elected office. Responses to those questions, as well as background information on the candidates, is detailed below.

The state's primary election is being held on Tuesday, Aug. 4.The county executive position comes with a $205,217 a year salary.

For complete coverage of other Oakland County races including sheriff, prosecutor, clerk/register of deeds, treasurer, and water resources commissioner, visitwww.theoaklandpress.com/news/elections/.

Coulter, 60, the former Democratic mayor of Ferndale, was appointed to the position on Aug. 16 by the Democratic majority county board of commissioners to finish out L. Brooks Patterson's term, which expires Dec. 31, 2020. Patterson, 80, died Aug. 3, 2019 following a months long battle with stage four pancreatic cancer.

Coulter, a Ferndale resident, announced his intentions on running for a full, four-year term in October 2019 at Brass Aluminum Forging in Ferndale, a manufacturing company he helped bring to the city.

David Coulter

He has a long history with Oakland County including serving as the mayor of Ferndale from 2011 through 2019 and as an Oakland County commissioner from 2002 through 2010.

During his time as mayor, Coulter also worked full-time as director of external relations for the Children's Foundation of Michigan.For 13 years, he was employed by the Michigan Consolidated Gas Company, which is now DTE Energy.

According torecent campaign filings, Coulter has raised around $446,000 and has over $70,000 cash on hand.

OP: What are some of the biggest challenges that face Oakland County and how would you help to remedy/combat those issues? Challenges unique to COVID-19 pandemic?

OP: Recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic and preventing a second spike of the virus is our top priority right now. Oakland County has led during the pandemic, announcing health orders to keep residents and employees safe, getting grants to small businesses and community organizations, helping workers laid off during the shutdown, and increasing testing for residents and senior living facilities. I am committed to leading the recovery and continuing to implement our Oakland Together agenda to expand health care, improving economic opportunity, protecting our environment, increasing diversity initiatives and maintaining our strong fiscal practices.

OP: What are the main reasons as to why you want to be elected to a four-year term as Oakland County Executive?

Coulter: Oakland County is in the middle of a dangerous pandemic that we must continue to manage and recover from economically. I want to continue to lead Oakland County as Executive to maintain our science-based approach to suppressing the virus so we do not go backward, support our residents hard hit by the economic downtown, help our small businesses recover and our schools reopen safely. I also want to continue the progressive change that my Administration has started including transforming our county health clinics to provide primary care and mental health services, create a new economic development and workforce strategy that brings opportunity to all of our residents, a new housing strategy that provides rental assistance, and an environmental policy that creates a sustainability office and addresses climate change. I have achieved results while maintaining strong fiscal policies, approving a three-year balanced budget and retaining the countys AAA bond rating.

OP: What are your greatest strengths? How will they help you if elected to a four-year term as Oakland County Executive?

Coulter: These times call for a leader who listens, works well with people, and has the executive experience to make decisions on a wide range of pressing issues. I was a unifying voice after the passing of L. Brooks Patterson and my collaborative leadership style has allowed my team to move quickly to achieve results and pull everyone together during the pandemic. The road ahead calls for a County Executive who is already implementing the plans to address our challenges and seize our opportunities and who has built of foundation of relationships around the county to deliver results.

OP: Why, specifically, should Oakland County voters support you on August 4?

Coulter: It is an honor to serve Oakland county residents and businesses as Oakland County Executive. I ask voters for their support on August 4 based on my record in office and the service we have provided during the pandemic. I took early steps to stabilize small businesses with $14 million in grants and 10,000 re-opening kits with personal protection equipment, safety protocols and social distancing signs. Now, we are creating larger recovery grants focused on areas hard hit by the pandemic. Our health division is working closely with Oakland Schools and is hiring five dozen nurses to help them openly safely. I also set aside county CARES Act dollars for local governments because they have been active partners in our response and hard hit by the costs of the pandemic. I am proud to be the only candidate in the Democratic primary that has endorsements from the majority of county officials I work with every day.

Meisner, 47, has served as county treasurer since 2009. He announced his candidacy for office at Ferndale's Rust Belt Market back in March 2019.

From 2003 through 2009, the Huntington Woods resident served as a state representative in the 27th District. Whilein Lansing, he served as assistant democratic leader and vice-chair of the House Commerce Committee and Ethics, Oversight, and Campaign Finance Committee. He also served as a member of the Tax Policy Committee.

Andy Meisner

In the 1990's, Meisner served as apolicy analyst for U.S. Rep. Sander Levin, D-Royal Oak, working on gun violence prevention, criminal justice reform, campaign finance reform, and mental health policy.

According to recent campaign filings, Meisner has raised around $1.1 million and has over $184,000 cash on hand.

OP: What are some of the biggest challenges that face Oakland County and how would you help to remedy/combat those issues? Challenges unique to COVID-19 pandemic?

Meisner: The three biggest challenges facing Oakland County are (1) COVID, (2) expanding gender and racial equity, and (3) providing access to healthcare, mental health and prevention wellness services for every county resident, especially the uninsured and under-insured. On COVID, I will lead us out of the crisis by fighting on two fronts: health and the economy. On the health front, I will improve and expand testing, treatment and tracing to ensure that Oakland County's response is based on Governor Whitmer's lead and the guidance of responsible public health agencies. Currently, test results are taking weeks to come back if at all, and this needs improvement. On the economic front, we need to support our small businesses that are trying to get through this tough time, while expanding opportunity for new and aspiring entrepreneurs, especially women and People of Color. We will do this by building small business incubators that provide free space and wi-fi to small businesses, as well as coaching and access to grant and loan programs. We will expand gender and racial equity in Oakland County by bringing my success in hiring and promoting women and People of Color to the entire county, only contracting with companies that pay their female employees the same as men, and bringing about police and criminal justice reform by using the leverage of the Executive office to demand best practices, including zero tolerance for racial discrimination and excessive use of force and investing in prevention and community policing. COVID has shown us the value of our health, and as Executive I will make sure the County is doing all it can to make sure that every uninsured and under-insured person in Oakland County gets access to affordable prescription drugs and high-quality healthcare, mental health and overall wellness services to make all of us healthier and happier. We must achieve these goals while maintaining a balanced budget and fiscal discipline. I will be a leader as Executive who will bring us together as a county and a region to overcome all of our challenges, leading with innovation, progressive values and a constant reminder that our residents deserve equity and opportunity, no matter their ZIP code.

OP: What are the main reasons as to why you want to be elected to a four-year term as Oakland County Executive?

Meisner: As State Representative and County Treasurer, I have been an innovator and proven fighter for our pro-Choice, pro-racial justice, pro-environment and pro-labor progressive, Democratic values, writing Michigan's laws on stem cell research to help sick people get better treatments and cures, our drug treatment court law that takes mentally ill and addicted people out of prison and put them into treatment, helping 30,000 families save their home and protecting Oakland County's AAA bond rating. I have the right record of accomplishment, experience, vision and track record of winning elections countywide to represent Democrats as our nominee and to lead Oakland County into the future.

OP: What are your greatest strengths? How will they help you if elected to a four-year term as Oakland County Executive?

Meisner: My greatest strengths include my record of bringing innovation and transformational change to the offices of State Representative and Treasurer, my experience at the federal, state and county levels and my core Democratic values, all which I will bring to the role of Executive, leading us out of the COVID crisis, expanding equity for women and People of Color in Oakland County and fighting for our future.

OP: Why, specifically, should Oakland County voters support you on August 4?

Meisner: I'm asking Democrats voting in the primary election to vote for me because I am the only candidate born and raised in Oakland County and the only candidate with a track record of real results on the job and in previous elections. County voters trust me to be an independent voice and an outspoken leader for our values -- not a finger in the wind politician who tells different stories to different people. I want to help lead Oakland County into a brighter future that offers equity to women and minorities who have been held back, reform of our criminal justice system and greater access to healthcare, mental health and affordable prescription drugs to every resident of Oakland County, no matter their ZIP code.

Kowall, 68, served in the State Senate, including three years as Senate majority floor leader, from 2011 through 2018 representing the 15th District. He also served as a state representative from 1999 through 2002 representing the 44th District.

The White Lake Township resident announced his candidacy in April after scrapping plans to run for Oakland County Water Resources Commissioner. From 2004 through 2010, Kowall served as White Lake Township supervisor. He also served 13 years on the township's planning commission.

Mike Kowall

In 2019, Kowall was hired by then Oakland County Executive L. Brooks Patterson to serve as an economic and legislative liaison with the Oakland County Department of Economic Development. He left that position in October.

According torecent campaign filings, Kowall has raised around $39,000 and has over $15,000 cash on hand.

OP: What are some of the biggest challenges that face Oakland County and how would you help to remedy/combat those issues? Challenges unique to COVID-19 pandemic?

Kowall: All levels of government & school systems will face significant financial challenges as a result of the Pandemic. Any entity reliant on sales or income tax will be more profoundly and immediately impacted. Oakland County will feel the impact through loss of sales tax-related revenue sharing from the state, a much lower increase in taxable property values than forecasted, and the very real possibility that many homeowners and businesses may not be able to pay their property taxes on time. Oakland County will need to do some very serious fiscal planning with a firm, conservative approach for the next 3-4 years. To help spur the economy, continue the initiatives Brooks left us, such as Main Street Oakland & Medical Main Street. Review and revise the highly successful Emerging Sectors program in light of current economic conditions, including disrupters. Continue to help develop talent with Tech 248, Manufacturing Day and MiCareerQuest Southeast & other workforce development programs.

OP: What are the main reasons as to why you want to be elected to a four-year term as Oakland County Executive?

Kowall: I decided to run for County Executive after observing the conduct of the Democrat majority on the Oakland County Board of Commissioners, and their unelected County Executive. They are wasting our hard-earned taxpayer dollars on pet projects, self-promotion, and are exploiting the COVID-19 crisis as a vehicle for their own reelections. As your elected County Executive, I will turn my experience into action for Oakland County. I will fight any proposal that adds additional taxes on Oakland County Citizens for new programs, or ill-conceived Transit Systems. I will maintain our countys AAA bond rating by implementing fiscal responsibility and planning out three-year balanced budgets. I will support economic growth by promoting the emerging technological, IT, and medical sectors that will pay dividends for our residents for years to come. As County Executive I will use my experience to make sure Oakland County receives its equitable share of road funding and lead the effort to modernize our countys infrastructure.

OP: What are your greatest strengths? How will they help you if elected to a four-year term as Oakland County Executive?

Kowall: In short, experience and bi-partisan collaboration. As Township Supervisor, I bucked the Great Recession and grew the economic footprint of White Lake Township. In 2010, when I was elected to the Michigan Senate, I was asked by newly elected Governor Rick Snyder to head up economic development for the state. Additionally, I worked across the aisle with Democratic Senator Rebekah Warren to create the legislation that regulates autonomous vehicles in Michigan, giving our automotive industry new life in the 21st century. Oakland County needs a leader who has a proven track record of working across the aisle to get results. I am the only candidate from either party with the record of bipartisanship and success.

OP: Why, specifically, should Oakland County voters support you on August 4?

Kowall: As a state representative and a state senator, I was a cheerleader for Oakland County and always kept the County uppermost in mind during policy and budgetary decisions. During my tenure in the legislature, I served in many leadership roles and came up with creative solutions for complicated problems. I have successfully taken on many difficult legislative issues, such as the autonomous vehicle bills I spearheaded. I stepped in to help out with controversial scrap metal legislation, bringing all parties together to enact responsible, sensible laws curtailing the problem of metal theft. I currently maintain many relationships within state government that will be beneficial to Oakland County. As White Lake Township Supervisor, I brought $95 million worth of new development to our township during the Great Recession. I worked collaboratively & have developed good relationship with most of Oakland Countys local elected officials and continue to do so, especially when we encounter an issue that unites us. I believe that in order to make Oakland County strong, we need to recognize & consider the input of each city, village and township in our County.

Nutt, a Troy-based attorney, serves as president of Jeffrey G. Nutt and Associates and online dean for One University of the Americas. According to recent campaign filings, Nutt has raised around $18,000 and has over $3,000 cash on hand.

Jeffrey Nutt

OP: What are the main reasons as to why you want to be elected to a four-year term as Oakland County Executive?

Nutt: First and foremost, to stop the systemic pain inflicted daily by the new Democrat County Executives inequitable COVID regulation causing inhumane and unnecessary sharp declines in social determinants of healthand to prevent economic harms from the pattern of my Republican opponent Mike Kowalls seven votes to raise the gas tax. I will not tolerate reckless policies that harm virtually every job creator in the county except gas stations. As a state bar Champion of Justice awardeelike L. Brooks Patterson was a seasoned lawyer when he was first elected County Executive until he passed August 5I have fought the abuse of power and can stand up to career politicians from Lansing to DC where I served high officials in 3 branches of government before returning to Oakland County to live after law school. The use of the language of fear to expand government control to suppress our freedoms and quality of life will end under my administration.

Second, We must defeat the virus making sure all those infected enter care and all the non-infected enter their care while immediately taking steps to also make Oakland County an economic powerhouse again. An economic makeover is needed, and a makeover in national perceptions to restore Oaklands global prominence to attract investment. A simple state law reform described more fully below is vital, with deregulation and attracting new small businesses with high paying technology-driven jobs. Achieving unparalleled county economic milestones will propel Oakland County on a new trajectory of growth for not just better jobs, but great jobsand not just a better economy but the best economy Oakland County has had thus far, applying lessons from what President Trump achievedthe nations best economy everbefore the pandemic. Our success in achieving this priority has real potential to succeed with our success in achieving our other priorities here, including making sure we have the very best health, education/talent, transportation, and finance/government operations and the increased NEW federal transit funds linked to a simple state law reform county-borough based US Metro City entity with no new taxing power.

Third, to promote world-class K-16 education and career tech training with resources and talent from our neighborhoods and beyond. An Oxford Fulbright with a track record of expanding programs as an Executive Director of the only Neighborhood Legal Services program of its kind the in the USA due to its federally-funded permanent housing, education in more than 60 schools, and services to seniors, the abused, and to victims of the HIV virus in 7 counties including Oakland, I oversaw a plan to also help schools and programs control the waste of student time and resources and improve quality.

Fourth, a simple state law reform to draw down $100M+/year in NEW federal transportation funds Oakland County residents already paid in federal tax but which previously has benefitted cities/borough cities in a handful of other states. The NEW transportation funds will improve roads and technology to ease congestion with a new simple state law reform for a new US Metro City county borough entity like London or New York City but with no new taxing power. For the first time, Oakland County will exercise the power with the simple state law reform to choose to ensure an entity exists which retains county independence without a new taxing power legalizing the 1.3M+ county as a new US Metro City US Census-backed statistical area of 1.3M+ with measurable positive growth statistics that permanently overshadow any intermittent negative perceptions of decline near Oakland County. After 60 years of Oakland Countys national reputation being tainted by national media reports of decline or decay outside of the county, Oakland County will take control of its destiny while encouraging other local counties to be better or to form their own borough with their own separate apportioned federal NEW transit funds. I will fight to retain the AAA bond rating and improve financial accountability that declined under the current Democrat who allocated $500,000 to an affiliate of a billion-dollar global conglomeratePlanned Parenthood which should have been allocated to the countys under-insured COVID-19 victims.

OP: What are your greatest strengths? How will they help you if elected to a four-year term as Oakland County Executive?

Nutt: I am not a career politician beholden to special interests but a seasoned attorney, recognized as a state champion, with experience serving officials in high office in 3 government branches and Oakland County area and global businessesand in the words of the State Bar Journalcountless needy people since returning to my native Oakland County after law school. No candidate has more experience in providing both direct service and administering multimillion-dollar federally-funded programs serving as many youth, families, seniors, veterans, HIV virus survivors, abused, disabled, homeless, or unemployed individualsprotecting their rights and providing federally-funded permanent housing, education, Social Security, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services-funded, Victims of Crime Act-funded solutions to complex socio-economic problems to lift people out of personal states of emergency. No other candidate has the Fulbright caliber perspective and worldly street smarts to transform Oakland County into a new global hub in the new knowledge economy brining knowledge from a U.S-U.K.Fulbright to Oxford and an ability to fight for IT and education businesses in 30 nations from our Oakland County basecamp to benefit every Oakland County resident and business, welcoming new businesses from around the globe and cultivating new talent from every school around the corner. Furthermore, because of my background, as documented in the attached, no other candidate has a track record of working since 1990 with as many local minorities. My wife happens to be an OB/GYN of Black/Spanish/Asian/Amerindian parentage, so I have a level of rapport with people of all colors that is unique. My CV is also attached as verification providing the specifics of the following summary:

Oxford Fulbright Scholar, State Bar Champion of Justice, Trump Supporter, I own a Troy, MI global legal and management services firm; helped individuals and 50+ local communities and businesses in Oakland County and 30 nations; served Chief Justice Warren Burger, 2 Senate Offices, State Department, and Oakland County court; spoke to 25,000+ youth and adults; National Consortium on Racial and Ethnic Fairness in the Courts National Conference presenter; oversaw 20+ accounting departments, 7+ chief executives, and multimillion-dollar human survival, housing and advocacy programs. I am Fulbright Association Michigan Chapter President; Somerset North HOA City Liaison/elected President 5X. My wife Mayra -- an OB/GYN doctor trained in Panama, Paris, Detroit and Oakland County -- delivered 1,000+ local babies. An Oakland County native, I earned the Chamber Leadership Detroit XIX Certificate, was raised by a single mom, attended Gesu Catholic and Southfield Christian schools, worked assembly line/past UAW member, discovered in college my father was a 2 nd Generation Ford Motor Co. Whiz Kid; I filled a Supreme Court job once held by author Mark Levin and Prof. Clayton Christensen who later coined the term disruptive innovation. Oral Roberts University B.A.; American University J.D.; Goldman Sachs United Jewish Endowment funded scholarly legal studies.

My strengths were cultivated as 1 of 4 Americans then serving in a Judicial Intern position under Supreme Court Chief Justice Warren Burger after work in 2 U.S. Senate Offices and a job writing 9 country environmental profiles for the U.S. State Department U.S. Agency for International Development Environmental Affairs Coordinator at the request of the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development, and serving in a Farmington Hills court refined my skills in government. I was then selected as 1 of 6 Americans to then earn a U.S. - U.K. Fulbright Scholar Certificate at Oxford University concentrating in the law of the European Union where I would eventually also serve intellectual property IT and education business clientele as the owner of a legal and management services firm in Oakland County. Based on my public interest legal advocacy and executive leadership, I was named a State Bar of Michigan Champion of Justice. I won a national civil test case against drug dealers with Children's Law Center attorneys, was Executive Director with Elder Law Center programs, expanded programs from 5 to 60 schools, and have supervised more than 100+ professional employees/consultants, 7+ chief executives, and am the only U.S. lawyer to have administered 2 legal services-based HUD Continuum of Care permanent housing and support service grants to end homelessness. I led an HIV law program in 7 counties, including Oakland, in the epicenter of the viral epidemic long before the COVID-19 virus and understand how to fight the virus and promote prosperity throughout the community and how to best enhance the social determinants of health. I know how to recruit, retain and train talent having enrolled 300 volunteer lawyers to protect the abused and having trained the Oakland County area child advocacy attorney who wrote the Juvenile Code that was signed into law by President Karzai of Afghanistan. No one will protect the health and welfare of youth, families and seniors and stabilize and grow businesses, as I have done, as County Executive.

OP: Why, specifically, should Oakland County voters support you on August 4?

Nutt: Once in a while, it makes a world of sense to elect a non-career politician as a county executivesuch as me, a person known more as a tough, successful lawyer and community activist, aspiring to emulate a person previously known more as a tough lawyer than a career politician, L. Brooks Patterson, when he became county executiveand aspiring to emulate Abraham Lincoln known more as a tough lawyer rather than a career politician before he ascended to the presidency. Because the people of the county are in dire needand I am a tough lawyer who has no problem being called a tough Nuttthe county is in dire need of confidence in leadership that has been lacking since L. Brooks Patterson died. No other candidate has pre-COVID-19 experience as an Executive Director of a federally funded program to battle a virus, HI/AIDS in 7 counties, including Oakland. No other candidate has the local international experience or expertise to make the county an economic powerhouse in the new knowledge economy from my Oxford Fulbright scholarly study lasting 5 times longer than the current Democrat County Executives Harvard trainingand serving businesses in Oakland County and 30 nations as a 30-year resident and professional in Oakland County. This expertise is vital to bring in new businesses with valid, actual world-class education and health care expertise. The current Democrat County Executive refused to stand up to inequitable, excessive Lansing quarantine regulations causing great untold harm and lives due to the sharply declining social determinants of health (excessive unemployment, transportation problems, barriers to healthcare, housing crisis portended by the pandemic economic fallout that could have been minimized) and my Republican opponent backed a nearly $2B 2015 Proposal 1 increasing taxes with the first $800M going to special interests which was overwhelmingly defeated 80/20 by voters. No other candidate led 100+ professional employees/contractors prior to a county executive post, including administering a federally funded HUD Continuum of Care permanent housing and support services grant to end homelessness for individuals, families, and those fleeing abuse and violence. I care.

OP: What are some of the biggest challenges that face Oakland County and how would you help to remedy/combat those issues? Challenges unique to COVID-19 pandemic?

Nutt: These questions were previously answered.

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Election preview: The race for Oakland County executive - The Oakland Press

The Pandemic Is Putting Marriage Even Further Out of Reach – The Atlantic

My mostly married, mostly professional social circle seems especially well placed to weather the coronavirus storm. Their good fortune is buttressed by data: Married couples entered the pandemic healthier and wealthier than their unmarried peers, which may help explain why counties with more married households have seen fewer infections. Domestic violence is less common among spouses than unmarried partners, and married adults have reported fewer feelings of loneliness than those who are single, divorced, separated, or cohabiting. Married couples also tend to live in single-family homes, which makes any kind of quarantine more bearable.

Read: The pandemics long-lasting effects on weddings

While the pandemic has made things harder for just about everyone, being married seems to have made the new normal more manageable. Yet a declining share of Americans enjoy the perks of wedlock. In 2018, the number of adults getting hitched reached its lowest point in more than a century, and the coronavirus threatens to depress these numbers further. As the poor face disease, unemployment, and eviction, and as the risk of infection keeps many single people from pursuing new relationships, marriage in the United States will probably become an even more unlikely and unequal institution.

Some marriage advocates hope that COVID-19, in the long run, will inspire more people to trade vows as a kind of insurance against uncertainty. I think every family affected by this will recognize the merits of having two parents instead of one, W. Bradford Wilcox, a sociology professor at the University of Virginia and the director of the National Marriage Project, told me. He predicts that the crisis will lead couples to reassess their priorities and work harder to create stable homes for their children. The whole adult-centered, me-first model of family life died on March 13th. What will emerge is a kind of family-first model of marriage, where kids and kin are paramount.

Talk of fortifying unions and sturdy kinship bonds might sound pragmatic at a time when the government and the economy have failed so many Americans. But pointing to the stability of married couples to highlight the benefits of marriage makes a fundamental mistake of causation. In America today, people arent more privileged because theyre married; theyre married because theyre more privileged.

Most Americans of all demographics aspire to be married one day, but even before the pandemic, the prospect for many felt all too remote. Up until the 1970s, American families looked similar across socioeconomic levels. But with the rise of globalization, the decline of unions, and the shift from a manufacturing to a service-based economy, theres been a sharp fall in good jobs for Americans without a college degree. The work available has grown more precarious, with less money and fewer benefits such as health care and paid leave. These changes have helped create a class divide in marriage.

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The Pandemic Is Putting Marriage Even Further Out of Reach - The Atlantic

Facing potentially steep declines in enrollment and increased costs to safely reopen schools, school superintendents call for the General Assembly to…

As August draws near, public school superintendents across North Carolina are grappling with how to begin the 2020-21 year with plans that keep educators, families, and students safe and engaged in rigorous learning while the country continues to fight COVID-19.

But as superintendents and education leaders piece together the complex logistics that remote and hybrid learning plans demand, their associated costs ranging from purchasing expensive protective gear for staff, delivering nutrition to students in need in settings outside of school buildings, and investing in computer devices and internet hot spots to distribute to students who cannot access online learning otherwise are mounting quickly.

And while schools are likely to need significant support and resources in the face of these unforeseen circumstances, school district leaders are staring down another threat that could potentially wreak havoc on their ability to ensure all children are educationally served during this pandemic.

I think the elephant in the room is the ADM [average daily membership] piece, said Greene County Schools Superintendent Patrick Miller. The state provides our budget, or our allotments of money, based on the number of children that they project we will serve each year, and that is rectified between the 20th and 40th days of school.

And if we have a significant drop in students who either dont come back [to school], choose to homeschool, or choose to leave to go to another school of choice, then that significantly affects the budget of the public schools, Miller said.

Greene County Schools, a small rural school district tucked between Wilson and Greenville in eastern North Carolina, serves just under 3,000 students. Miller says just a 10% drop in enrollment equates to an estimated loss of $2.3 million in state funding, which would arise during the middle of the school year. The consequences would be profound, and result in employee layoffs, moving children to different classrooms, and causing even more instability during a time when children are desperately seeking routine and reassurance. Its not a recipe for educational success.

What needs to happen? Miller says a hold harmless provision that would prevent districts from seeing steep drops in funding two months into the school year based on ADM counts is necessary and that is something that only the North Carolina General Assembly can provide.

In North Carolina, local school districts receive the lions share of their funds from state coffers, unlike in many other states where school funding is drawn largely from local taxes.

The amount of funds a district receives from the state for its schools is calculated based on the average daily membership (ADM) a district is projected to have during the school year. On the 20th and 40th days of school, those ADM projections (sometimes referred to as student attendance, butits a bit more complex than that) are reassessed. If ADM figures are lower than what was initially projected, state funds are adjusted by the NC Department of Public Instruction according to certain guidelines.

Typically, student enrollment at public schools across the state fluctuates over time, but rarely do enrollment numbers vary dramatically enough from one year to the next to result in severe budget adjustments just a couple of months into the school year.

But COVID-19 stands to do just that.

A ten to 20% enrollment drop is certainly a concern around the state, says North Carolina State Board of Education Vice Chairman Alan Duncan.

While Gov. Cooper announced earlier this month that school districts could elect to implement a hybrid learning option for students this fall (known as plan B) that would consist of a mix of in-person and remote schooling, more than a third of districts across the state serving roughly half of all of North Carolinas public school students have chosen to begin the school year with all students learning remotely 100% of the time (plan C), citing rising COVID-19 cases and hospitalizations.

As families scramble to come up with their own plans that enable their children to learn while allowing parents to continue to work, local education leaders are concerned that despite offering robust virtual learning options, a significant percentage of families will choose to leave public schools altogether this fall, resulting in devastating budget implications for this year and the years ahead.

If you have to lose that number of students, whether you use plans A, B, or C and in particular B, school expenses will still be even greater than a normal school year, Duncan said.

For in-person instruction, the number of students per classroom must be fewer based on social distance guidelines, the cost of protective gear for staff will be significant, and transportation based on social distance guidelines will also cost more and be logistically complex. And there are costs associated with remote learning as well, said Duncan even if there are savings in some areas, there are higher costs in others, such as the procurement and distribution of devices and internet hot spots for those who do not have broadband access and the distribution of child nutrition.

There has been some financial help for schools to mitigate the sudden costs associated with the pandemic. Congress appropriated federal COVID relief funding to states earlier this year with the passage of the CARES Act, and the North Carolina General Assembly has, so far, distributed nearly $400 million of CARES funding to K-12 public schools.

For Greene County, those funds have helped, to some extent.

The state has provided two months worth of PPE (personal protective equipment) for school nurses and those on the front lines of screening students, Miller said. But the school year is 10 months, he said, and initial PPE costs are already very high. $15,000 for three weeks worth of hand sanitizer. $17,000 for an initial mask order. Disposable gowns that are intended for one time use are $4 each. There will be higher personnel costs to screen students, and other needs related to providing students with devices and internet connectivity, school buses, transportation, and substitute teachers.

Miller has access to nearly $1.5 million in federal aid appropriated by the General Assembly so far,according to the NC Department of Public Instruction. Enrollment dips amounting to a $2.3 million budget reduction, however, could quickly wipe out that aid.

Jack Hoke, Executive Director of the North Carolina School Superintendents Association, says the legislature has to act to hold school budgets harmless for 2020-21, agreeing with Millers assessment that enrollment drops are on the horizon.Its very possible we will see anywhere from 15 to 20% loss in students this upcoming year, Hoke said.

The sudden costs associated with mitigating an infectious disease for which there is no vaccine or reliable treatment methods yet, as well as the shock of school budgets taking hits thanks to unexpected enrollment dips is a lot to handle. But that must also be considered in the context of a couple other significant realities first, many school districts across the state still havent recovered from the effects of the Great Recession that took place now more than a decade ago, along with significant tax cuts that decreased revenues available for public education. In FY19, per-pupil spending remained 6.2% below pre-recession levels in districts with the highest levels of school-aged poverty,according to an analysis by the North Carolina Justice Center.

To cope with state-level disinvestment that has eroded budgets over the past decade, local districts have raided their savings, or fund balances, to make up the difference.An analysis by EdNCfound that overall, fund balances across North Carolina are lower than they were before the Great Recession and thats important because these savings enable local districts to make critical decisions around school planning when the General Assembly may be tied up passing a budget, something the state is dealing with now.

Second, North Carolinas courts as well as an independent consultant have found that the state continues to fail its constitutional obligation to ensure every child has access to a sound basic education, and has done so for at least the last 20 years, since the beginning of theLeandrolitigation. A lack of investment in resources and funding for public schools, especially in schools and districts serving North Carolinas most vulnerable populations, is to blame.

OurLeandrochildren who struggle in low socioeconomic conditions have suffered significant academic losses and we must act to mitigate the losses they stand to see even more of this year, said the State Board of Educations Alan Duncan. Remote learning plans demand access to reliable broadband internet, something that many North Carolinians dont have access to thanks to poor infrastructure or prohibitively high costs. Nearly 200,000 households across the state lack access to broadband, according to the NC Department of Information Technology.

The pandemic has laid bare these stark inequities, and rural districts are on track to struggle even more than they currently are. Rep. Craig Horn, R-Union, says he believes its the intention of the North Carolina General Assembly to take up the idea of holding school budgets harmless if they experience ADM drops this fall.

Thats the desire, Rep. Horn said. Ten percent [in budget reductions] is a lot of money and no, districts cant handle that kind of reduction.

Its the intent of the General Assembly, I think, to hold budgets harmless. But I cant guarantee that will come to pass my crystal ball doesnt work so well.

The funds for school budgets for 2020-21 have already been appropriated by the General Assembly, so a measure to hold budgets harmless wouldnt require a new appropriation. And, said Horn, there remains additional CARES Act money to be spent along with the hope that Congress will appropriate even more stimulus money this fall.

In the meantime, Rep. Horn acknowledged, theres little that superintendents can do on their own to staunch the potential bleeding of their budgets.

The fact is the state provides the great bulk of funding for public education, Rep. Horn said. So there are few alternative resources available of any great extent to public schools. Certainly the General Assembly doesnt want to be put over a barrel here, and the schools dont want that, either.

Horn noted that before adjourning, the House did pass additional COVID relief measures but the Senate did not take them up. Recently, Senate leader Phil Berger, R-Rockingham, published a statement urging families to consider using a taxpayer-funded voucher program to leave the public schools and attend private schools, which are more likely at this time to be open to in-person instruction.

Im going to give Senator Berger the benefit of the doubt, Horn said. I will suggest that [with his statement] he is highlighting that there are options for students.

But I will also hope that Senator Berger will continue to support traditional public schools as the basis of the states education plan, Horn added. Traditional public schools, for me, are the backbone of education not only for this state, but for the country.

Editors note: This piece was originally published by the Public School Forum of North Carolina. It has been posted with the authors permission.

Lindsay Wagner is senior writer/researcher at the Public School Forum of North Carolina. She provides research, analysis, and reporting on issues pertaining to education in North Carolina with a particular focus on transparency and accountability.

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Facing potentially steep declines in enrollment and increased costs to safely reopen schools, school superintendents call for the General Assembly to...

Opinion: To Fight Racism, American Colleges Must Prioritize Teaching History – Times of San Diego

Share This Article:Protesters move away from tear gas shot by federal law enforcement officers during a demonstration against police violence and racial inequality in Portlan on Monday. REUTERS/Caitlin OchsBy Catherine Christensen Gwin

In recent weeks, Americans have awakened to the reality of racism and police brutality in the United States. The white public displayed shock, bewilderment and even growing contrition about their ignorance of both the nations past and present social conditions.

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In response, social media accounts lit up with a flurry of didactic memes, videos and vocabulary lists to catch folks up on white privilege, systemic racism and Jim Crow. This statement of solidarity and collective grappling with racism is good; however, the brevity and immediacy of the platform cant quite explain the depth and complexity of race in American history.

These lessons cannot be gleaned from the broader social, economic and political context they require sustained attention, study and engagement. Today, Americans need to take responsibility for knowing this history, especially since our schools have failed in this regard.

To help redress this deficiency, the California Legislature is proposing that ethnic studies be made a graduation requirement for students in the California State University system. Ethnic studies courses focus on historically marginalized groups, dismantle stereotypes, and inspire activism and social consciousness among students who finally see themselves in the national story. While I support this, and believe it benefits both individuals and society as a whole, a broader academic and civic problem remains.

Relegating select histories to separate narratives only reaffirms the story of white America as the standard or real history. Unfortunately, racial oppression is not a side show of American history its at the center. The triumphant accounts of economic growth and mobility are inextricably linked to the horrors of slavery, the fact of Indian genocide, and the exploitation of immigrant workers.

This tendency to sublimate racism goes back to the myth of America is a City on a Hill, the perfect society envisioned by the devout Pilgrims. As it turns out, Plymouth was not the first colony, and it was hardly a beacon to the world. Jamestown, preceded the Pilgrims settlement and can claim credit for the first representative government and the introduction of American slavery (not to mention tobacco, Indian wars and even cannibalism.)

Unfortunately, this American inclination to mythologize undermines our truth-telling and casts the unpalatable and painful chapters to the periphery of the American epic. Just five years ago textbook publisher McGraw-Hill identified African slaves as immigrants and workers in their high school text a subtle and egregious disavowal of the nations market in human chattel bondage. After two hundred years, its time to confront these truths.

Shifting school initiatives are partly responsible for this misleading approach. For years, teachers faced immense pressure under No Child Left Behind Actan educational policy from 2002 to 2015 that emphasized standardized tests and penalized schools failing to demonstrate proficiency. The testing regime encouraged memorization, superficial comprehension, and arguably widened the achievement gap. The system also promoted history instruction as a linear march of progress that collapsed the complexity of the past into a litany of names and dates.

In response to diminished student performance, the creation of the Common Core State Standards established national, and more rigorous benchmarks for critical thinking, reading and writing. And while the Common Core emphasized both analytic skills and the disciplinary practices of historical scholarship, the content of history curriculum remains determined by individual states. As you can imagine, history lessons vary greatly between Alabama, New York and the other forty-eight states.

Despite the regional inflection and emphasis, American history instruction pretty much falters all around in contending with the story of racial oppression. Race plays a minor role in the narrative, showing up at expected times and places primarily the Civil War and the 1960s. It is embodied in villainous figures like Orval Faubus and the Ku Klux Klan. Yet the undercurrent of white supremacy goes unseenin housing policy, in science, and in the Constitution.

To be fair, states like California have revised their instructional standards to account for a broader, multi-racial history that includes experiences of LGBT Americans, the struggles of Latinos, and the long history of Asian exclusion the in the United States. However, the word slavery shows up only once in Louisianas Student Standards for Social Studies.

Despite the importance of history, the discipline ranks conspicuously low in the realm of academic achievement, and STEM continues to receive the disproportionate amount of school funding. One of the casualties of the Great Recession was the defunding of liberal arts programs at many American colleges. In the years since, disregard (and in some cases disdain) for such programs has only increased, while money and incentives for STEM majors continues to rise.

The marketing of science and engineering degrees as means to increase earning potential only exacerbates the decline of college enrollment in the humanities, which has fallen by 14% in recent years. History majors have declined by 33% since 2011. Perhaps that explains why the majority of history teachers do not have a degree in the field. The fact that 34% of history teachers coach an athletic team, only confirms beliefs that the field demands less time, and little disciplinary knowledge or pedagogical expertise.

Today we have an opportunity to rethink the value of history. It is important as an academic subject and a necessity for an informed citizenry and a vital democracy. We can celebrate the heroic and even indulge our sense of exceptionalism, but we must still reckon with the oppression and injustice of the past. In doing that, history cultivates awareness, promotes understanding and expands our vision for change. It is only when we face and contend with the entirety of our national story that we can fulfill the promise of equality and justice celebrated in our history books.

Catherine Christensen Gwin, Ph.D., is an assistant professor of history at Palomar College.

Opinion: To Fight Racism, American Colleges Must Prioritize Teaching History was last modified: July 29th, 2020 by Editor

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How the Pandemic Is Changing the Way Hospitals Care for Patients – WTOP

Across the country, as the novel coronavirus and resulting economic recession have disrupted nearly every aspect of life, they have

Across the country, as the novel coronavirus and resulting economic recession have disrupted nearly every aspect of life, they have also laid bare both the strengths and the shortcomings of Americas health care system.

Even as providers have treated patients with awe-inspiring dedication, the virus has changed the face of patient care for the foreseeable future (if not for good), strained hospitals to their limits and spotlighted shocking gaps and disparities. COVID-19 ripped the Band-Aid off of the structural inequities that exist within our society, says Dr. Stephen H. Lockhart, chief medical officer of Sutter Health, a health system in Northern California.

Whats become evident are the ways in which the system will and must respond, experts say.

Telemedicine

Most immediately visible to patients, medical care will continue to look and feel different, certainly as long as the pandemic is a threat and perhaps well beyond. One of the most dramatic shifts, to virtual care, has been a rapid acceleration of a trend already underway and promises in many circumstances to be lasting. Helped by temporarily higher reimbursement and relaxed government restrictions, some 42% of Americans reported having used telemedicine during the early months of the pandemic, according to a survey from Updox conducted by The Harris Poll in mid-May.

Sutter Health in California, for example, quickly went from an average of 20 video visits per day pre-pandemic to 7,000; the number of physicians trained and equipped to conduct them rose from 50 to more than 4,700. Such rapid acceptance may speed the use of sophisticated remote monitoring to follow and treat people in their homes. When COVID-19 cases surged this spring in the Northeast, Mount Sinai in New York and Atrius Health in Boston took advantage of their hospital at home programs to free up beds for COVID patients and keep others safe from exposure.

[See: Fear, Courage, Grit: Meet More Than 50 Hospital Heroes in Pictures.]

Reconfiguiring Care

Shorter term, providers are grappling with the need to bring people safely in for delayed and important non-COVID care, such as needed surgeries, vaccinations and cancer screenings. Hospitals have learned a great deal about how to identify COVID patients as quickly as possible though this depends on sufficient testing supplies and quick turnaround times and physically separate them from other patients, says Michelle Hood, executive vice president and chief operating officer of the American Hospital Association.

Philosophically, we start with the statement that we need to be able to care for non-COVID patients no matter what comes at us from a COVID point of view, says Dr. Marc Boom, a physician and president and CEO of Houston Methodist, which saw COVID hospitalizations surge in July. Across the systems hospitals, COVID patients are cohorted in designated areas, including in the ER. To increase capacity, were spreading out appointments on weekends and in the evenings, and doing surgeries on weekends, he says. Elective cases can be canceled system-wide as necessary, he says. More restrictive visitor policies are here for the time being.

Mayo Clinic has made videos to show people how things will change when they come back on campus, says Amy Williams, executive dean of practice and a nephrologist at Rochester, Minnesota-based Mayo. Changes include COVID screening on entering the building, universal masking and socially distanced waiting rooms.

People considering a routine visit should ask about safety practices and separation of possible COVID patients, advises Dr. Jacqueline W. Fincher, a general internal medicine specialist and partner at Center for Primary Care-McDuffie in Thomson, Georgia, and president of the American College of Physicians.

Health Inequities

One long-time system failure the pandemic has brought into sharp relief: the adverse health impacts of racial and socioeconomic inequities, previously well-documented in heart disease, diabetes, cancer and infant and maternal health. It turns out COVID is no exception.

According to a July New York Times analysis of data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, African-American and Latino people in the U.S. have been three times as likely as white people to become infected with the virus. And they are almost twice as likely to die from COVID-19, the paper found.

Changing these realities requires taking aim at the social determinants of health such factors as economic and housing stability, education quality, and access to health care, healthful food and safe places to get exercise. Numerous health systems and payors across the country, from Kaiser Permanente and UnitedHealth Group to ProMedica, Nationwide Childrens Hospital and Montefiore Health System, were already investing in such areas pre-pandemic as part of their efforts to improve population health and keep people out of the hospital.

Both food insecurity and housing instability are clearly linked to preventable health conditions that can result in emergency room visits and inpatient admissions, observes Alexandra Schweitzer, senior fellow at the Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government at Harvard Kennedy School. Such needs are becoming dramatically more widespread and dire because of the pandemic, she notes, at the same time that its increasingly necessary to limit avoidable hospital use.

What may give such efforts added impetus going forward is the wave of acknowledgment this spring that so many of those disparities are fueled by racism, and a recommitment by many groups to fight racism itself.

In June, the board of trustees of the American Medical Association said the group recognizes that racism in its systemic, structural, institutional, and interpersonal forms is an urgent threat to public health, the advancement of health equity, and a barrier to excellence in the delivery of medical care. The group vowed to actively work to dismantle racist and discriminatory policies and practices across all of health care.

Close attention to population data patterns and targeted community outreach offer one way to make progress against disparities. In Georgia, Navicent Health had previously identified 15 ZIP codes where outcomes were quite unequal for white and Black patients with chronic heart failure, COPD and diabetes; the system was able to close the gap for COPD within six months by engaging patients early on, getting accurate diagnoses, making sure affected patients got treatment and connecting them to its Healthy Communities program, which works with local partners to help people get needed services. The system noticed promptly, as cases began to surge in the state and as patients have filled beds this summer, that disparities in COVID follow the same pattern.

I said to our team, it would be insurmountable to think about the world, the U.S. or Georgia, but if we focus on the population within the communities we serve, it is very doable, says Ninfa M. Saunders, president and CEO of Navicent Health, where early data showed that more than half of COVID patients were African-American, disproportionate to the demographics of the surrounding population.

Efforts have included presenting up-to-date public health guidance in layperson-friendly terminology, educating ER and urgent care patients about the disease, expanding drive-through testing hours and using a community health partners mobile program to reach out to vulnerable communities.

Sutter Health, which since 2017 has been focused on bringing down the disproportionately high rate of ER visits by African-American adults with asthma, conducted research this spring, published in Health Affairs, which found that Black COVID patients were almost three times as likely as white patients to require hospitalization. Sutter is expanding its testing, outreach and education efforts for the people who are most likely to be adversely affected, Lockhart says.

Preparing for the Next Pandemic

Another area ripe for improvement as hospitals look ahead is how best to prepare for the next surge and the next pandemic. This one has highlighted the downsides of the overall health systems decentralized and often fragmented nature, and the difficulties of managing through a national crisis without centralized leadership and strategic planning when resources like ventilators, beds and staff are a critical issue, and without a well-funded and robust public health infrastructure to coordinate systematic testing and contact tracing. Large integrated health systems have more flexibility to acquire and deploy resources where needed; the 16-hospital Indiana University Health System, for example, was able to use its scale to get medicines and personal protective equipment and to develop in-house testing capabilities, and shifted staff and equipment from Riley Hospital for Children to other sites.

[Read: Pandemic Partnership: How Our Childrens Hospital Pivoted to Help Adults.]

But generally speaking, most institutions and systems arent organized so that they can easily coordinate with each other, says Susan Dentzer, senior policy fellow at Duke Universitys Robert J. Margolis Center for Health Policy. There have been some exceptions, such as in Boston, where hospitals have to a large degree coordinated their responses. New York State implemented a plan for hospitals across the state to share information, supplies, staff and patients almost as if they were one system. Among the findings in a June RAND Corp. report on creating critical care surge capacity was a recommendation that state, regional and federal entities consider developing protocols for quickly sharing resources across regions based on need.

How financially able the health care industry will be to invest in change post-pandemic is an open question. While the industry has often been described as recession-proof, as David Blumenthal, physician and president of the Commonwealth Fund, notes, recession-proof isnt the same as pandemic-proof. The CARES Act provided $175 billion in emergency funding to hospitals and health care providers, but that wont entirely fill the gaps.

According to the American Hospital Association, COVID-related expenses (including the cost of virus-related hospitalizations and of personal protective equipment) plus lost revenue (as elective procedures were halted and then cash-strapped, fearful Americans skipped care) added up to $202.6 billion between the beginning of March and end of June at U.S. hospitals. An additional $120.5 billion in losses was expected in the second half of the year.

Childrens hospitals, which also cut non-urgent procedures to avoid the spread of infection, and in some cases became part of surge capacity for adult patients, collectively were losing $2 billion per month in revenues as of mid-July, says Mark Wietecha, president and CEO of the Childrens Hospital Association.

[Read: Childrens Hospitals Are National Treasures. And They Are in Jeopardy.]

The financial structure of health care isnt likely to change overnight. But the crisis may accelerate the shift to alternatives to the fee-for-service model, says Jose Figueroa, a physician and assistant professor of health policy and management at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health. One possible approach for hospitals is global budgets. As described by the Urban Institute, this model provides a fixed amount of funding for fixed period of time (typically one year) for a specified population, rather than fixed rates for individual services or cases. Its been part of Marylands hospital payment system since 2014 through an agreement with the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Innovation. In that state, public and private insurers are required to pay the same price for hospital services, with rates specific to the hospital based on its global budget. An article published in NEJM Catalyst in June argued that the recent plunge in the volume of non-COVID care makes the time ripe for hospitals to look to other forms of population-based revenue, such as capitation arrangements that provide a flat amount per patient for a specified period.

Alternative payment models might help the many primary care providers, too, who have been badly hurt by cancellations and deferred care, Fincher says. A study published online in late June by Health Affairs estimated that primary care practices will lose nearly $68,000 in revenue per physician in 2020. Blumenthal thinks that prospective payments with insurers paying a set monthly fee in advance for each patient in a practice, on a risk-adjusted basis might better cushion that sort of blow during the pandemic and beyond.

More from U.S. News

Fear, Courage, Grit: Meet More Than 50 Hospital Heroes in Pictures

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How the Pandemic Is Changing the Way Hospitals Care for Patients - WTOP

Explained Ideas: Why it is too early to judge the National Education Policy – The Indian Express

By: Explained Desk | New Delhi | Published: July 31, 2020 8:14:19 am Students check their results after the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) declares the same on July 15, 2020. (Express Photo: Gajendra Yadav)

The National Education Policy lays down a roadmap for the next two decades. But, as Kumkum Roy, professor, Centre for Historical Studies, JNU, argues in her opinion piece in The Indian Express, there are many reasons why this policy needs a close scrutiny, a full debate, for what it says and what it doesnt.

She points out that this policy is an ambitious and complex document and it has been adopted during a pandemic and a lockdown, which renders discussion and debate difficult.

For instance, what are its implications for the majority of those covered under the acronym SEDGs (Socially and Economically Disadvantaged Groups) in the text?

Absent in the document, as far as I could see, is any mention of the term caste, apart from a fleeting reference to Scheduled Castes. Also absent is any mention of reservation in academic institutions, whether for students, teachers, or other employees, she writes.

Reservation, necessary but not sufficient, is the bare minimum required in terms of affirmative action in the highly differentiated socio-economic milieu in which we exist. The silence of the document on this issue is troubling, to say the least, she argues.

Equally disturbing, in her view, is the passing reference to educational institutions in tribal areas, designated as ashramshalas and envisaged as part of the Early Childhood Children Education programme.

What, one wonders, will be transacted in these institutions. While there are sections of the document that describe ways in which SEDGs are supposed to gain access to higher education institutions, there is no time-frame that is specified, she writes.

This is particularly crucial as the document visualises increased benign privatisation of education, attempting to distinguish this from commercialisation. In a situation of growing privatisation and the near collapse of public institutions of higher education, how these policies will be implemented is a matter of concern, she states.

In the piece, Roy shares several other examples of provisions that need greater clarity.

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The rise of Michael Manley and the George Floyd connection – Jamaica Observer

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THE death of George Floyd in 2020, tragic as it was, has turned out to be both symbolic and of historic significance. For one, it raises the question about justice, dignity, and the fact that all men and women are born equal, even as it reminds us that those noble ideals, centuries after they have been proclaimed as the inalienable rights of man, still elude the oppressed black race in the US and around the world, as well as some indigenous peoples.

The symbolic significance of George Floyd is not a convenient insert on the pages of history. It has a context, text, and subtext that, for us here in Jamaica, span 500 years of a brutal reminder of slavery and its colonial bedfellow. History records that those rights are never going to be achieved without a struggle.

Just about the time of George Floyd's birth, the overwhelming majority of black Jamaicans did say they too 'could not breathe'. The unemployment level had nearly doubled in the first decade following Jamaica's Independence; the poverty rate had soared; there still existed a social hierarchy of class and race; and there was the uneven distribution of property and a growing sense of marginalisation, ostracism, inferiority, and insecurity among the black masses in their own country. Juxtapose that with an annual average growth rate of over six per cent in that first 10 years after Independence, and a complete mosaic of the country's development model, devoid of the primacy of the human element, unfolds.

So, while the development model provided impressive economic growth, it denied the black masses a just share of the economic fruits of their labour. Where industry increased, the workforce decreased; excess profits were repatriated and the social, economic, cultural and psychological aspects of the development process stood beyond the reach of the vast majority of our people.

Researchers have long postulated that the quality of life index has a far more significant and positive impact on economic growth, whereas the latter has a far less significant lagged effect on the quality of life. A 2005 study in India concluded that the neglect of the social sector resulted in the prevalence of widespread poverty and deprivation; and Drs Omar Davies and Michael Witter, in examining the country's economic status since Independence, contended that the development of the economy cannot be understood outside of the political, social, and cultural development accompanying it.

The development model we pursued after the attainment of Independence followed on a continuum laid out during the colonial years. Professor Claremont Kirton, in his 1992 book Jamaica: Debt and Poverty, reminded us that the country's economic development programme was heavily dependent on foreign capital being attracted to invest in the country by the provision of generous government incentives. He argued that the increased penetration of multinationals in our bauxite, tourism, and financial sectors led to the transfer of surpluses abroad and did little to improve the situation of ordinary working people.

Alexander Bustamante's foray into the heart of the workers' struggle and his subsequent rise to political leadership as Jamaica's first Independence prime minister was to achieve just that improvements in the situation of ordinary working people.

Michael Manley came to power on a promise of the politics of change in 1972. The broad philosophical framework he articulated included:

(i) freeing Jamaicans from the psychology of dependence brought about through slavery and colonialism;

(ii) deepening the democratic tradition to offer the electorate a feeling of power over their own destiny;

(iii) linking the concept of democracy to the principles of justice and equality; and

(iv) taking steps to ensure that local government, education and health are tailored to suit Jamaica's needs.

Although Manley's rise to power occurred during the heightened ideological tensions depicted through the Cold War, he was quick to reject the parlous political thinking of those on the radical left and the extreme right of the ideological spectrum. His central thesis, which was rooted in the anti-imperialist struggle that ushered in Jamaica's Independence movement, was simply about the equitable distribution of the country's wealth.

Capitalism, Manley argued, with its emphasis on notions of liberty and the creation of wealth, proved incapable of distributing wealth on an equitable basis. The experience in the first decade after Independence clearly demonstrated that. He would, of course, be attracted to the notion of liberty, which is everywhere evident in his many exhortations about building a spirit of national cooperation, promoting self-reliance, and mobilising the people around the politics of participation.

The second extreme on the ideological spectrum communism was flatly rejected by Manley, arguing that it has evolved into the idea that the equitable distribution of wealth can only be ensured within the framework of an authoritarian system. Manley's development of a 'third path' would naturally draw on capitalism's notion of liberty, recognising however its limitation in providing equitable distribution of wealth, and communism's notion of the equitable distribution, but totally rejecting authoritarianism as a method.

The development paradox which Jamaica faced in the early post-Independence years would certainly, therefore, be caught in the cross hairs of the Cold War. Manley himself recognised that to build a society founded on equality, social justice, and egalitarianism meant to change the power structure of the society built up through 300 years of slavery and colonialism.

The profundity of the Manley years, linked by a common theme to the George Floyd protests, is best represented by comments from a Confederate supporter who still carries the anger that his foreparents were wrongfully deprived of their sole livelihood of earning an income through the enslavement of blacks. Consequently, the post-Independence development paradox, set in the context of the Cold War, was sure to be mired in ideological conflict real and imagine.

The Manley Government of the 1970s infuriated the colonial lineage with the audacity to think that a small, developing country of predominantly black people could defy the Monroe Doctrine. Its author the fifth president of the United States would betray the spirit and intent of the doctrine by his chastisement, ridiculing and name-calling, like scoundrel and worthless, of an enslaved man named Daniel, simply because he desired freedom and equality under the American Constitution.

What the Michael Manley Government of the 1970s represented was that sense of justice and equality, preceded by Daniel, and succeeded by George Floyd. In acknowledging and understanding Manley and his contribution to Jamaica's development we therefore have to judge him by his deeds. Perhaps to determine whether his deeds were consistent with his ideological postulation of democracy, social justice, egalitarianism, and of wanting the majority of Jamaicans to have pride in themselves and respect for each other.

Let's examine some of his policy initiatives to determine whether the spirit and intent of the Manley doctrine were designed to make Jamaica a place to work, raise families, and do business.

We start with the abolition of the Master and Servant Act to protect the rights of workers; the granting of legal rights to children born out of wedlock; the maternity leave law; the equal pay for men and women Act; free education from which people in positions of power and authority today were the beneficiaries; the Jamaica Movement for the Advancement of Literacy (JAMAL) Foundation; the development of G C Foster College of Physical Education and Sports; the building of 93 infant schools, 67 primary schools, 44 new secondary schools and four community colleges; the establishment of the National Housing Trust (NHT); increased access to land to boost agricultural production; the Employee Share Ownership Programme, and the list goes on.

The truth is, subsequent governments of both the People's National Party and the Jamaica Labour Party would have built on Manley's progress to varying degrees, like the distribution of houses under the NHT, the safeguard and protection of the maternity leave law, and other labour legislations. But that pride, that sense of self that is the touchstone of equality and social justice, is perhaps Manley's most enduring accomplishment. To be sure, it is at the heart of the reparations movement and the quintessence of the George Floyd protests.

The Manley years never achieved the level of economic growth as in the preceding years. There is undoubtedly an explanation for that, and it lies somewhere in the nature of small, open economies which either ignore or underestimate the impact of exogenous factors in the development process: It may be climate change, the oil crisis, the novel coronavirus, or a global economic recession. Manley faced at least two of these, but unlike any other Government before and after, he faced the full onslaught of the Monroe Doctrine because he dared to seek social justice and egalitarianism for the majority of Jamaican people, without fully recognising the deep-seated link to the imperial master plan.

The price for human progress, respect, and social justice may mean we have to suffer with dignity. I too wish it were not the case, but the argument of the Confederate supporter, who opposed the George Floyd protest, rings resoundingly true.

Danny Roberts is a former chairman of the Michael Manley Foundation.

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The rise of Michael Manley and the George Floyd connection - Jamaica Observer

The three reasons Black Lives Matter marchers refuse to quit – CNN

Even if there aren't tens of thousands of people flooding the streets as they did at the beginning of the summer, the demonstrators carry on -- unafraid of police presence and unrelenting in the face of potential coronavirus infections.

Each has their own reason. Some personally experienced the sting of police brutality. Some demand things need to change.

For their unique motivations, all of them agreed -- this work has become a vital part of who they are.

Here are three reasons why they still march.

To maintain momentum

Before the pandemic, 22-year-old Tyrell Taylor and 12 of his friends used to get together and do anything they could to stay active. Those meetups came to a screeching halt once New York started shutting down in March.

To beat the boredom, they formed a group called MBR, or Mind, Body, Results, for organized bike rides.

After the death of George Floyd, those leisurely rides became acts of protest.

The group meets every Friday at 6 p.m. with a few exceptions. They've occupied the Brooklyn Bridge, Washington Square Park and Times Square, among other iconic New York locales. At their largest protest, Taylor and his friends rode with 1,000 cyclists.

Clogging the streets with bikes is both disruptive and peaceful, Taylor, a graduate student at Medaille College, told CNN. Their bikes have become their platforms for anti-racism.

"Our main focus is to be a community, a family," Taylor said, "Without that, we're just a bunch of strangers yelling 'Black Lives Matter' and that's not what we want to create, we want people to know and be familiar with what they're going into the protest to achieve."

Taylor has had to cancel protests at times, but the group would come back the following week stronger. Quitting would mean throwing away almost two months of progress, Taylor said

"I would say, even if you feel like it's getting repetitive, if you're getting tired of doing it, continue to do it, because they're waiting for you to stop," he said. "And knowing that they're waiting for us to stop, makes us want to go twice as hard."

Taylor said he thinks now the movement for Black lives is peaking.

"People are falling off, but it's our job to maintain this peak."

To be an ally

"You have to understand that this is a marathon, not a sprint," he told CNN. "I'd say the focus and organization is actually much stronger than it was on day one."

Kilgore, who is White, said his community appears to be progressive, but the Black Lives Matter movement has laid bare inequalities in education, income and opportunity within the city.

"Racism is still deeply ingrained in every institution of this city," he said.

It's a start, said Kilgore, who support defunding the police department, but "not enough to satiate people's thirst for true equality." The announcement came around the same time police began to fine protesters for blocking the street.

"I plan on staying the course as long as it takes to achieve radical change here in St. Pete," he said. "I am in it for the long haul."

To disrupt the status quo

Fargo, North Dakota, didn't have a formal Black Lives Matter chapter until a few days after the death of George Floyd, when four residents coalesced to found the organization's Fargo-Moorhead branch.

They've had to become a family fast.

Before they joined the Black Lives Matter board, they advocated for Black lives in Fargo in different ways: Kiara Jackson is president of North Dakota State University's Black Student Association, where she met fellow board member and graduate student Frederick Edwards Jr. There's Faith Dixon, who runs a daycare and nonprofit in Fargo, and Jamaal Abegaz works with the local Democratic Socialists group.

For their differences in background and age, they're a formidable team. They've led several marches since May 30 in their predominantly White community and met with local officials to plead for change.

Their work energizes them. It's also made them targets, they told CNN.

They've been told their protests "make the town look bad." Abegaz said he's received death threats.

"Just the simple act of saying that things need to change and that we're not going to go along with the status quo puts our lives in harm," Abegaz said.

Dixon said they've been painted as the enemy, which intimidates residents from joining them.

"We are citizens of this community which we love," Dixon said. "I own a business here. Our families are here. Why would we want to see a city we care so much about be ruined ... We're four individuals that have a right to speak and have a right to protest, and why is it such a huge fight just to do that?"

The demonstrators will hold as many more protests as it takes for those changes to come, Dixon said. Their work has become a part of who they are.

"We're organizing for our lives," Abegaz said. "We have to live, so we're not going to live under somebody's boot."

Read more:

The three reasons Black Lives Matter marchers refuse to quit - CNN

From Bloody Sunday to Black Lives Matter, the role of the Black church is shifting – POLITICO

We dont really know when the economy will get better, but there are three directions it could go. We break them down and why the future of the largest economy in the world is virtually in the hands of Congress.

What is missed often about what these movements have in common is we may not be of a religious tradition, but we absolutely are of a spiritual tradition, Khan said, citing the examples of Lewis and Ella Baker, another civil rights forbear with ties to the church. There is something inherently supernatural and spiritual about the work of social justice and the work of change.

The goals of the Black Lives Matter movement also intersect with the objectives of many liberation-focused Black churches: self-sufficient, politically empowered Black communities, equal access to resources and deep regard for public safety.

Al Sharpton, Baptist minister and founder of the National Action Network, said that to suggest that the movements conflict with the church is a new phenomenon would be rewriting of the movement.

This is nothing new, Sharpton said. Martin Luther King used to call it 'creative tension.' We need the push and pull between different disciplines and different tactics to come up with the best way.

Sharpton pointed out that of the Big Six civil rights leaders of the 1960s who coordinated the first March on Washington James Farmer, Roy Wilkins, A. Phillip Randolph, Whitney Young, King and Lewis only one, King, was a preacher. Many, as in the case of Roy Wilkins, were often hostile to the church as an organizing tool and felt it got in the way of the movements goals. Its a pattern that repeats itself in the Black Lives Matter era, Sharpton argued.

It's not like you don't have church leaders that don't disagree with me, he said. And it's not like you don't have Black Lives Matter folks that say he ain't with us even though he's black, and he says he is. There's searching on all sides. Can we make it all work is the challenge.

Two of Black Lives Matters founders, Patrisse Cullors and Alicia Garza, have spoken at National Action Network events and gone on Sharptons show to show operational unity. Younger activists have deferred to Sharpton in their organizing, as was the case in Minneapolis during George Floyds funeral, where it was accepted that Sharpton would deliver Floyds eulogy.

Activists of all generations, genders and sexual and religious orientations are united, moreover, in their view of how Lewis civil rights record has informed the work they have done and continue to do. His legacy proves especially critical now, following the more than two months of protests against racism and police violence that have made Lewis quintessential phrase good trouble newly relevant.

Speaking at Lewis' funeral at Ebenezer Baptist Church, former President Barack Obama, weighed in from the pulpit on the biggest political issues of the day: Voting rights, fair Congressional representation and the presence of federal agents in Americas cities.

We may no longer have to guess the number of jelly beans in a jar in order to cast a ballot, but even as we sit here, there are those in power who are doing their darnedest to discourage people from voting by closing polling locations and targeting minorities and students with restrictive ID laws and attacking our voting rights with surgical precision, Obama, the nation's first Black president, said.

Yet Lewis work, Obama continued, vindicated the faith in our founding.

Several organizers said Lewis legacy has helped them push the boundaries of what could be possible in their work.

Patrisse Cullors, a co-founder of Black Lives Matter, evoked Lewis words from his speech at the first March on Washington in her address to the Democratic National Committees platform meeting on Monday.

Hearkening back to Lewis, we are now involved in a serious revolution, Cullors said, borrowing language from his March on Washington address. Cullors encouraged the Democrats to embrace sea changes recommended by the Black Lives Matter movement, namely the BREATHE Act, which would limit federal ability to deploy police forces to cities and dramatically decrease the defense budget.

It's not enough just to have a seat at the table, we want to create a table or we want to flip the table over, said Angela Peoples, an organizer and director of Black Womxn For, an organization that aims to galvanize the political power of Black women and gender non-conforming folks. But even being able to name that as something that we want or that we even think is possible is only because those that have come before us have pushed their existence and their reality to see beyond what's possible.

This was true even in the face of bodily danger, something that has been associated with Lewis legacy as a protester. Jesse Jackson, former presidential candidate and founder of the multiethnic organizing Rainbow Coalition said that Lewis became immortal on the Edmund Pettus Bridge on Bloody Sunday in 1965. During that day, Lewis skull was cracked by a state trooper with a billy club.

John never stopped fighting, Jackson said. He had no fear and was always a really gentle and tough-minded person.

He also had his eyes on the future, even in his final days: one of the last pieces of legislation Lewis supported was the Justice in Policing Act, which aims to limit police violence. The bill, which would establish a national standard for police tactics and limit officers use of force, passed in the House on June 25, exactly one month after Floyd was killed.

Kayla Reed, director of the organizing group Action St. Louis and co-creator of the Movement for Black Lives Electoral Justice Project, said Lewis legacy inspired her career of activism.

I think it highlights what is possible, Reed said. When we think about how some people put a beginning and end to movements, that movement [work] is actually a lifelong commitment.

Read more:

From Bloody Sunday to Black Lives Matter, the role of the Black church is shifting - POLITICO

A man held a Black Lives Matter sign in Harrison, Arkansas. He posted the racist responses to YouTube. – USA TODAY

Rob Bliss, holds a Black Lives Matter sign in Harrison, Arkansas. Bliss posted a video of the reactions he received to the sign.(Photo: Rob Bliss)

Rob Bliss stood outside a Walmart Supercenter in Harrison, Arkansas - dubbed "America's Most Racist Town" - and held a sign for everyone to see.

The words on the sign? "Black Lives Matter."

Needless to say, it caused quite a stir.

Bliss, a 31-year-old white man from Los Angeles, endured abarrage of hate speech during his project, which is now a viral rage on social media.He went to Harrison shortly after Independence Day and recorded the reactions of townsfolk, condensed days of vitriol down to just over two minutes,and let it fly on YouTube.

The video, which has been viewed more than 920,000 times on Bliss page, is a bleak bombardment of hate.One person warns Bliss not to be around after dark. Anothercalled him a derogatory term for Jewish people. A few brought up the fact he was white and asked why he was holding the sign at all. Most looked like they were on their way to or from shopping, driving typical trucks, SUVs and compact cars, launching salvos of venom.

Federal agency: Supporting 'Black Lives Matter' isn't partisan or political

A lone man rolled down his window while driving by Blissand said, About 10 minutes I'm going to be back. You better be (expletive) gone. Bliss said he feared the man was going to get a gun.

Bliss, no stranger to viral video famewith videos like "10 Hours of Walking in NYC as a Woman,"said videos like his help the conversation around the Black Lives Matter movement.

Protests against racial inequality and police brutality have continued across the country in the wake of the death of George Floyd, a Black man who died at the knee of a former Minneapolis officer.

I think people assume that real racism doesnt really exist anymore, Bliss said. That its more like, its institutional or its implicit or its subconscious, when really, one of the reasons why I like this video is you can see this is very real. This is very present and its very visceral. Its like Level 1 racism and were still at this level in many places around the country.

Across the US: Black Americans report hate crimes, violence in wake of George Floyd protests and Black Lives Matter gains

Bliss videofeatures a near-constant torrent of insults, threats and racial epithets directed at Bliss. The end features a solitary upbeat moment, in which a person gives Bliss a note saying, "Don't give up hope."

There were others who were kind, Bliss said. Some people offered Gatorade to help him beat the brutal heat and others gave the occasional thumbs up.

Bliss said most of the video was shot at theWalmart Supercenter. At one point in the video, Walmart employees confronted Bliss and asked him to leave.

As a company committed to racial equity, we stand in solidarity with the Black community, and are appalled some chose to express themselves in such a hurtful way, Walmart said in statement to USA TODAY in response to the video.

Still, Bliss was asked to leave the premises because we have a policy prohibiting solicitation and demonstrations on Walmart property for both individuals and organizations, the company added.

Fact check: Kroger is not charging customers a Black Lives Matter tax

Its important we come together during these difficult times and display kindness and understanding while respecting our differences, Walmart said in a statement. Respect for the individual is a core value at Walmart, and we will continue to demonstrate that principle in how we operate our business.

Bliss said hes received threats of legal action from people who dont want their faces in the video.

Leadership in Harrison responded to the video on Tuesday. In a joint statement, Boone County Judge Robert Hathaway, city Mayor Jerry Jackson and Harrison Regional Chamber of Commerce President/CEO Bob Largent said, The video does not represent Boone County nor the City of Harrison.

While we cannot excuse the reprehensible behavior and words of individuals recorded in the video, we know for certain that they do not reflect the views of the majority of the good people of our communities, the group said.

Walmart: Walmart will stop selling 'All Lives Matter' merchandise

They added, It is obvious there is still work to be done in our area and across the nation. We must constantly strive to do better, and we pledge our continued efforts in that regard.

Harrison was recently featured in the Boston Globe after Black Lives Matter demonstrators marched to the Harrison town square in June. The protest, despite the presence of armed counter-protesters, was largely peaceful, the Globe reported. A single armed Black man led a march consisting mostly of white people, and police held back and quieted counter-protesters, according to the Globe.

Harrison is a town of just over 13,000 and is more than 95 percent white, according to U.S. Census data. The Southern Poverty Law Center reports the city is the headquarters of the Ku Klux Klan. In 2019, the SPLC tracked 15 hate groups in Arkansas -- five were in Harrison.

Shedding some of the towns racist reputation can start with getting rid of a billboard, Bliss said. The still image for the video is Bliss holding his sign in front of a billboard for White Pride Radio.

If thats not Harrison, Arkansas, then they as a city, as a town, need to take it down, he said. Go get a cherry picker, a ladder, whatever you need to do. If thats not you, then take that down and support each other in doing that. If it remains up, the whole town is complicit in allowing that to remain.

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A man held a Black Lives Matter sign in Harrison, Arkansas. He posted the racist responses to YouTube. - USA TODAY

Instead of demonising Black Lives Matter protesters, leaders must act on their calls for racial justice – The Conversation AU

The intensification of the Black Lives Matter movement in the US in recent months has led to radical reform and action.

The police officers responsible for the killing of George Floyd were all charged with serious offences, including one with second-degree murder. The city of Minneapolis voted to replace its police force with a new system of public safety, while other cities have slashed their police budgets.

The BLM and Stop First Nations Deaths in Custody protests across Australia since early June have similarly called for charges against police officers and prison guards responsible for deaths in custody, as well as an end to racialised police violence.

Another major protest is scheduled for today in Sydney amid warnings from Prime Minister Scott Morrison that demonstrators would be breaking the law by attending after organisers lost their appeal to overturn the Supreme Court ruling blocking it.

Organisers offered to call it off if Premier Gladys Berejiklian committed to an investigation into the 2015 death of Aboriginal prisoner David Dungay Jr.

The co-chair of the National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Legal Services, Nerita Waight, said last month,

we cannot be silent while police violence is unchecked and continues to kill our people.

There has also been a push to implement the 339 recommendations of the almost 30-year-old Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, which call for the use of arrest and imprisonment as a last resort, safer police and prison practices, independent investigations into deaths in custody and Aboriginal self-determination.

In recent decades, however, governments have defunded many First Nations organisations and programs that would enable successful implementation of these recommendations.

Read more: Can you socially distance at a Black Lives Matter rally in Australia and New Zealand? How to protest in a coronavirus pandemic

While there has been no movement on these larger structural issues just yet, the BLM protests have resulted in smaller victories.

This month, the South Australian government committed to funding a custody notification service to ensure all Aboriginal people who enter police custody have access to a call to the Aboriginal Legal Services.

This service was recommended by the royal commission and has saved First Nations lives in other states and territories.

Another victory has been the initiation of a NSW parliamentary inquiry into how First Nations deaths in custody are investigated.

Ken Wyatt, the federal Indigenous affairs minister, has also met with Aboriginal peak organisations to discuss incorporating justice targets in the new Closing the Gap measures.

Yet, these targets have not yet reined in police powers and the discriminatory over-policing of First Nations adults and children.

Overwhelmingly, the Commonwealth and state governments have responded to the BLM protests in Australia with condemnation.

Police commissioners and political leaders in several states have sought to block protests to prevent the spread of coronavirus, threatening arrests and issuing fines.

NSW Police Minister David Elliott said of the move to push ahead with todays rally,

its actually arrogance and its probably the most dangerous act that anybody could do during a pandemic is organise a mass gathering.

Government leaders say they understand the cause and support the BLM movement, but not the means.

Yet, they still have not responded to the movements demands for mitigating police violence against First Nations people.

In fact, when police attacks on Aboriginal people have been captured on phone cameras and televised in recent months, they have been defended by the police, commissioners and ministers.

There have been at least five First Nations deaths in custody this year, with two in the last month alone.

There are also increasing concerns for the lives of First Nations people in prisons as COVID-19 has begun to spread in institutions and youth detention centres in Victoria.

Read more: 'I can't breathe!' Australia must look in the mirror to see our own deaths in custody

Urgent and systemic change is required to claw back decades of extended police powers in NSW under the Law Enforcement Powers and Responsibilities Act and redress the lack of accountability for the 438 First Nations deaths in custody since 1991 and the 99 deaths investigated by the royal commission.

However, there are internal and external factors preventing this type of structural change.

On the one hand, the police have considerable power in Australia to influence decision-making at the parliamentary level and the way the tabloid media report on policing. The police unions also run active campaigns to defend officers charged in deaths in custody cases.

On the other hand, there has been a national silence about racialised police violence and deaths in custody of First Nations people. Gomeroi scholar Alison Whittaker describes this silence as embedded in colonisation and white supremacy.

The BLM movement has stimulated critical discussions in Australia on racial injustice and how First Nations people have challenged and resisted racialised policing and custodial practices.

It has also opened up conversations on the historic role of the police in the assimilation, enslavement and massacre of First Nations peoples. These practices have disrupted First Nations cultures, laws, families, connections to Country, languages, health and well-being.

This is precisely why a holistic, nationwide truth-telling process is so critical to hold the police to account for enforcing policies to eliminate First Nations people in the past and today. We must decolonise our legal system to remove assumptions about the central role of the police in managing First Nations communities.

Read more: Despite 432 Indigenous deaths in custody since 1991, no one has ever been convicted. Racist silence and complicity are to blame

Truth-telling is not a one-off event, but a process of ongoing exchange. This requires reforming the education system: for instance, by emphasising diversity and cultural competency in the law and justice programs that produce the next generation of police and legal professionals. It also requires a commitment to independent investigations for deaths in custody and police violence.

Truth-telling can be a mechanism for structural change and reparations, as well. This requires resetting police strategies to reduce their disproportionate surveillance of First Nations people and ensuring police accountability.

Enacting policies, such as the NSW Police Aboriginal Strategic Direction 2018-2023 to improve relationships between officers and Aboriginal communities, is meaningless if Aboriginal people are still being disproportionately stopped and searched as part of police detection targets.

In the absence of truth-telling processes, police accountability and government commitments to de-centre the police from the lives of First Nations people, the BLM street protests will continue. Its the only way for First Nations people and their allies to be heard, to educate and to elevate calls for justice.

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Instead of demonising Black Lives Matter protesters, leaders must act on their calls for racial justice - The Conversation AU

Black Lives Matter Group: Apology to Family of Man Who Died – The New York Times

WINSTON-SALEM, N.C. A Black Lives Matter chapter in North Carolina has apologized to the family of a Black man who died last year for demanding the release of jail and body camera footage leading up to his death.

We apologize for any hurt that our support of the legal petition by several news outlets and publications for the release of this footage may have caused the Neville family or his loved ones, Black Lives Matter Winston-Salem said on Facebook Thursday. We want to fully impart to them that we meant no harm in any way, and we wish to honor them and the dignity of John Neville.

Prosecutors said John Neville, 57, died in December due to a brain injury after he was placed face down and restrained by officers in a manner that made him unable to breathe. The family had opposed releasing the footage from Forsyth County jail, but released a statement through their attorneys this week saying they now want the video released, news outlets reported.

Before his death, Neville had been arrested by Kernersville police on a misdemeanor charge of assault on a female. Six people, including five detention officers and a jail nurse, have been charged in connection with his death.

Brienne Neville, John Nevilles daughter, declined a request for comment by the Winston Salem-Journal on the groups apology.

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Black Lives Matter Group: Apology to Family of Man Who Died - The New York Times

Orlando Hudson says he won’t wear Black Lives Matter shirt – SCNow

DARLINGTON, S.C. Former Major League Baseball All-Star second baseman Orlando Hudson says he will not wear a Black Lives Matter shirt.

Hudson, a native of Darlington, spoke alongside South Carolina Highway Patrol Col. Chris Williamson, also a Darlington native, at a conversation on policing event held Thursday evening at the Dominion Church.

"I've been asked to wear that shirt," Hudson said. "The reason I won't wear that shirt is not because black lives don't matter but because we have lost our identity as a black culture. We leave our women [and children] fatherless. We rape our women. We sell drugs to our own people. And it hurts."

"It seems black lives only matter when you have a Caucasian cop killing a young black man, then everybody wants to march for injustice," Hudson continued. "Where's the [march for] injustice when our mothers are raising two or three kids and the father is running around doing what he have to do?"

Hudson asked where was the march for injustice when gang-bangers were killing each other over a street corner or a block.

"They call that street cred," Hudson said. "When the white man kill us, they call that injustice."

No one in the room, Hudson said, created the injustices that African American people face today. Those have been going on for 400 years.

Hudson said most people have virtually unlimited opportunities for education.

"Now, we're in a time now where an African American brother can get an education but we'd rather see how many likes we can get on Snapchat," Hudson said. "We'd rather see how much love we can get on Instagram."

Instead of reading books, it's TikTok videos, Hudson added.

Hudson also expressed a desire for African Americans to desire to become doctors and lawyers and not focus all their efforts on becoming professional sports athletes.

Hudson imagined a conversation between Christ and God in which Christ tells God not to get angry about the lack of unity in the world because Christ was going to send a pandemic to force people to become unified.

Hudson also expressed a desire to see more people put God first in their lives. He implied that people needed to spend less time waiting in line at Walmart and more time in church.

Hudson also spoke about NBA forward LeBron James. He said he absolutely adored James both on and, particularly, off the court. Hudson said he admired James for making it to the NBA despite being the child of a teenage single parent.

James was born on Dec. 30, 1984, to 16-year old Gloria James.

"He understood being a young black man, playing this game that he loved playing, 'I can't make too much noise right now because they got an opportunity or a chance to run me out of here. I've got no leverage,'" Hudson said, partially speaking as James. Now that James has achieved success and the financial security that comes with it, Hudson said, "they can't shut him up."

Others speaking during the conversation included Williamson he showed a video of what to expect during a traffic stop and also talked about unity and togetherness South Carolina state Rep. Robert Q. Williams, Darlington County Schools Superintendent Tim Newman, Darlington Police Chief Kelvin Washington, and Darlington Mayor Curtis Boyd.

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Orlando Hudson says he won't wear Black Lives Matter shirt - SCNow

This Black Lives Matter Activist Is Running for Congress. Can She Bring Down a 20-Year Incumbent? – Mother Jones

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Cori Bush smells tear gas when there isnt any. Loud noises frighten her, reminders of police brandishing sniper rifles, firing rubber bullets, and revving the engines of armored vehicles. When the video of Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin kneeling on George Floyds neck began to circulate, Bushs reaction was instinctual: Dont look at it. She looked anyway.

For 400 days in 2014 and 2015, protesters gathered in Ferguson, Missouri, to register their outrage over the police killing of unarmed Black teenager Michael Brown. For most of those days, Bush joined themat first, in her capacity as a registered nurse to tend to protesters injuries, and later as a community organizer on the front lines. She went out again in 2017 to organize after another white police officer was acquitted of murder in the 2011 shooting death of a Black man during a car chase in north St. Louis. This year, as Americans across the country protested Floyds killing, a white police officer in the St. Louis suburb of FlorissantBushs hometownran over a Black man with his unmarked SUV before getting out of the car to repeatedly kick him. And so Bush and her fellow Ferguson activists organized yet another demonstration against police brutality. During a June gathering, she tweeted that she had been pepper-sprayed in the eyes by the cops.

Its a reminder that we didnt finish the work, Bush, 43, tells me.

After Browns killing, Ferguson voters replaced several members of the city council, which now, like Ferguson itself, is majority Black. The city swore in its first Black police chief in 2016, and, two years later,the much-criticized county prosecutor who oversaw the investigation into Browns killing lost his seat in a primary. But for all the headway theyve made at home, Ferguson activists have had little ability to rewrite the countrys broken criminal justice policies. Theres only so much you can do when you dont have that pen in your hand, Bush says.

Half a decade after the Ferguson protests, Bush is in the final days of her second primary challenge against Rep. Lacy Clay (D-Mo.), who has held the St. Louis-area 1st congressional district since 2001. The race features two Black leaders with very different ideas about how to create change. Clay is a consummate insider who has spent decades building political power, which he has used to secure tangible, if incremental, progress on issues including police abuse. Bush, who is also an ordained minister, has little patience for incremental measures. She believes the district that helped turn Black Lives Matter into a national movement should have an activist in its congressional seat, someone who stands unwaveringly with BLMs demands.

Bush began her career as a preschool teacher making minimum wage. After a decade with the same company, shed worked her way up to become the schools assistant directorbut she still made only $9 per hour. She quit that job in 2001, when she became ill while pregnant with her second child. Not long after giving birth, she and her then-husband were evicted from the home theyd been renting. For several months, they lived out of the familys Ford Explorer with their 14-month-old son and newborn daughter.

When her children were small, Bush got stuck in a cycle of debt with predatory personal loans. She borrowed small amounts$250 here, $500 thereto cover rent, utility bills, and car repairs. I remember one day I was sitting outside of the PayDay Loan officeI just remember thinking like, Who speaks up for people like me? Bush recalls. Why do I keep having to live like this?

So for Bush, her crusade for office is personal. She supports Medicare for All because she gave up her employer-sponsored health insurance to run for officeand has to pay out of pocket for two hospitalizations for a suspected case of COVID-19. She supports tuition-free college because she had to pay off student loans. And she supports a $15 minimum wage because she made far less than that for so long. Ive struggled paycheck to paycheck, asking, Wheres our progress? Bush narrates in her first television ad. As a Black mom, Im sick of having to say, Just make it home safely.

The thing isClay supports these things, too. Hes been a cosponsor of Medicare for All since former Rep. John Conyers (D-Mich.) first introduced it in 2003. He sided with progressives by voting against Trumps replacement for NAFTA. He cosponsored the Green New Deal. In the most recent session of Congress, he signed onto Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortezs (D-N.Y.) bill that would cap credit card interest rates at 15 percenta limit that some of his more moderate colleagues on the House Financial Services Committee found preposterously low.

Then theres criminal justice. Two months before the 2014 Ferguson uprising, Clay had joined a majority of Democrats in voting against a measure that would have ended the transfer of military equipment to police. But in the days that followed Browns death, he co-authored a letter to Attorney General Eric Holder demanding the Justice Department investigate the shooting and any patterns of police misconduct. The DOJ did investigate, ultimately clearing the officer who killed Brown but issuing a damning report that determined Ferguson police were routinely stopping people without reasonable suspicion, arresting them without probable cause, and using unreasonable force against them. The St. Louis American, the local Black newspaper, endorsed Clays reelection bid in 2018, observing that his insider game in Washington had helped bring about the probe, which ultimately resulted in a consent decree under which the city agreed to legally binding reforms. St. Louis will be better served by having an experienced congressman with nearly two decades of seniority, the paper concluded.

This year, while Bush was protesting Floyds murder, Clay and many of his colleagues in the Congressional Black Caucus were shaping the Democrats landmark police reform legislation. The measure stops short of activists demands to defund the police, but it would establish a national registry of police misconduct, end qualified immunitywhich prevents citizens from suing individual officersand ban chokeholds. Clays contributions to the bill would mandate deescalation training for officers, require that deadly force only be employed as a last resort, and provide for the appointment of an independent prosecutor anytime deadly force is used. The bill passed the House on June 25, exactly one month after Floyd died.

It is the role of an activist to push us as far as they can push us. It is our role to legislate, and that is a different role, CBC chair Rep. Karen Bass (D-Calif.)herself a longtime civil rights activisttold Politico in June, as the bill was working its way through the House. We are very committed to making a difference, and that is different than making a point. You can either make a point, or you can make a difference.

Bushs run against Clay doesnt neatly follow the pattern of successful progressive primary challenges, which have lately excelled on two planes. One is ideology: Former marketing executive Marie Newman defeated Rep. Dan Lipinski (Ill.) this past March on the premise that no sitting House Democrat should oppose abortion rights. Another is representation: Two years ago, Rep. Ayanna Pressley (Mass.) unseated Rep. Michael Capuano, a bona fide progressive, by arguing in part that her life experience would help her better serve her majority-minority district. Jamaal Bowmans recent win against New York Rep. Eliot Engel succeeded on both frontsas did Ocasio-Cortezs 2018 victory over House Democratic caucus chair Joseph Crowley.

Bush is challenging Clay on a third dimension: The rigorousness with which he fights for his constituents. As an example, she points to the Houses police bill. I think theyre too soft, she says of its provisions, criticizing the lack of any real defund language. Bush has also slammed Clays coziness with corporate interests. Three-quarters of the nearly $750,000 Clay raised through June of this year came from political action committees, nearly 80 percent of which are backed by big business. His top campaign contributor is Quicken Loans, a mortgage giant that Clay is charged with overseeing from his perch on the Financial Services Committee. In 2015, the Justice Department sued Quicken for originating hundreds of home loans for borrowers who werent eligible for them. (The company agreed to pay $32.5 million to settle the case without admitting wrongdoing.)

Clay maintains that his fundraising has no bearing on how he votes. But Fight Corporate Monopolies, a progressive group, placed a six-figure television ad buy to revisit an episode in which Clay sided with financial services companies to fight against a rule that would force investment advisers to act in their clients best interests. (The rule took effect, but a GOP-appointed judge later gutted it, and Clay has since joined other Democrats in calling for its reinstatement.)

It doesnt always align perfectly with a voteoften, stagnation is in return for a corporate donation, says Morgan Harper, a former Consumer Financial Protection Bureau adviser who recently waged an unsuccessful primary challenge against Rep. Joyce Beatty (D-Ohio) and now advises Fight Corporate Monopolies. We need someone who is fighting for progressive policies that make sure the economy is working for everyonewith the maximum level of aggression thats possible.

The CBC counts some of Congress most progressive lawmakers among its members, including Pressley and Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.), who regularly oppose the positions of Democratic congressional leaders. But many CBC members align closely with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) and are staunch defenders of institutional norms like seniority. Few so closely embody that guiding principle as Clay, who won his seat upon the retirement of his father, a civil rights activist and founding member of the CBC who served in Congress for 32 years. Between the two of them, a Clay has represented the district for more than half a century.

CBC allies view that longevity as an asset. Seniority has played an important role in the rise of the CBC, a source close to Clay says. The reality is that elevating those CBC members who have been there for 10 or 20 or 30 years has played a key part in the CBCs ability to gain chairmanships and leadership roles and become as powerful as it is today.

Bush sees things differently. If that seniority is not benefiting the people directly anymore, then its time to retire, she tells me.

In recent cycles, the CBCs political action committee has supported some long-serving white incumbents over their Black opponentsit backed Capuano and Engel, for instanceand its members generally do not take kindly to primary challenges. This cycle, Justice Democrats, which played a role in Ocasio-Cortezs and Pressleys 2018 victories, endorsed challengers against two CBC members: Clay and Beatty. Some members of the CBC were livid. Clay told TheHill that Justice Democrats actions were a bunch of B.S. and insulting to his constituents, likening their attempts to devastate the party to the Russian trolls of 2016.

They want to come back again this year? he told the Washington Post, referring to the progressive groups supporting Bushs second attempt to oust him. Thats fine. Im going to kick their [posterior] again, okay?

Clay defeated Bush by nearly 20 points in 2018, but hes nevertheless taking this years primary seriously, launching a series of sharply negative attacks in the final days of the race. His campaign circulated a mailer that notes Bush failed to pay taxes four times in recent years, that shes been evicted three times, and that her nursing license was suspended. In essence, the fusilade amounts to criticism of Bush for being poor. Bushs campaign says her license was suspended because she couldnt afford to pay her taxes, and shed been evicted because she couldnt afford her rent. The Clay campaign did not respond to a request for comment.

Those attacks may have less efficacy than Clay imagines in this political moment, when Americans are attuned to the legacies of systemic racism more than ever before. And a sea of new donors have appeared on Bushs side: She raised $170,000 in June as nationwide protests raged, an amount that accounts for nearly a third of all the money shes brought in this cycle. She received an endorsement from Bernie Sanders, for whom she served as a national surrogate, as well as from the recently victorious Bowman.

Notably absent from this growing list of supporters is Ocasio-Cortez, who hasnt weighed in on the race this time around. But Justice Democrats is giving Bush more financial support than it did last cycle: In addition to the $40,000 the group helped her raise, its independent expenditure is now running a TV ad on her behalf.

Bush thinks the momentum is on her side. Because of the work that we did [in Ferguson in 2014], such a foundation was laid to where some of this is easier for peopleso more people have been activated, she says. Now people are looking for those candidates. Theyre like, Okay, youve been actually doing this work. That has been a huge boost to our campaign.

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This Black Lives Matter Activist Is Running for Congress. Can She Bring Down a 20-Year Incumbent? - Mother Jones

Dodgers to Auction Off Opening Day Black Lives Matter Jerseys – NBC Southern California

The Black Lives Matter movement is a turning point in thehistory of our country.

The Los Angeles Dodgers know a lot about history, especiallywhen it comes to racial inequality. The organization that broke the colorbarrier in sports by signing Jackie Robinson on April 10, 1947, announced thatthey would auction off game-worn jerseys featuring the MLB's Black Lives Matterpatch that was worn by the team on Opening Day.

The Los Angeles Dodgers Foundation (LADF) is responsible for the auction that is currently available at Dodgers.com/auctions. The team announced that all of the net proceeds from the auction will be donated to the California Funders for Boys & Men of Color Southern California: Our Kids, Our Future Fund.

The auction features game-worn jerseys from entirety of the team's 30-man roster and coaching staff from their 8-1 Opening Day win over the rival San Francisco Giants.

Fans can place a bid on their favorite player's game-wornjersey, or a player or coach they feel a connection with. Among the featuredgame-used jerseys are reigning National League MVP Cody Bellinger,, JustinTurner, Kenley Jansen, Corey Seager, Max Muncy, Will Smith, Joc Pederson,Walker Buehler, A.J. Pollock, Ross Stripling, Alex Wood, and manager DaveRoberts.

The auction includes other Dodger memorabilia as well andwill run through August 9th.

The Dodgers Foundation has been an integral part of the community since 1995, and recently won ESPN's Sports Humanitarian Team of the Year Award. Their newest auction is part of a continued display of solidarity with social justice organizations.

Earlier this month, many of the white players on the Dodgers delivered a powerful video with a strong message speaking out against racial injustice in America, and showing their support for the Black Lives Matter movement, as well as their black teammates. As part of the video, the players wore specialty "In This Together" t-shirts, and matched all funds raised from the sale of those t-shirts.

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Dodgers to Auction Off Opening Day Black Lives Matter Jerseys - NBC Southern California

Fact Checking Kennedy And Markey On Their Black Lives Matter Claims – WBUR

Massachusetts voters were the first to elect a Black person to the U.S. Senate, in 1966. But in 2020, amid a national reckoning on racism, they almost certainly will reelect Sen. Ed Markey, a white man who has spent more than four decades in Congress, or replace him with Rep. Joe Kennedy, a white man who would be the fourth member of his family to become a senator.

The incongruity of the current moment and this Democratic primary matchup crystallized during a debate this week.

"Let's just get real for a moment," moderator Latoya Edwards of NBC Boston said. "There are Black and brown people watching right now, Black mothers like me who are looking and saying, 'In this time of social justice, representation optics matter.' ... They see two white men vying for the U.S. Senate seat to represent Massachusetts."

Edwards pressed the candidates to "give us specifics on what you've done, and what you will do, to show that Black lives matter."

Markey and Kennedy took similar approaches to what may be a key question in their contest, each beginning with an anecdote meant to demonstrate early allyship that was principled, not popular. But closer examinations of the episodes Markey and Kennedy recounted suggest they may not have been quite as bold as they would have voters believe.

'One Of The First Democrats To Declare That Black Lives Matter'

In Kennedy's telling, he used one of the biggest opportunities of his political career to take a stand that others in his party shied away from.

"When I was asked to give the Democratic response to Donald Trump's first State of the Union with that national platform I was one of the first Democrats to declare that Black lives matter," Kennedy claimed.

In reality, Kennedy didn't make his own declaration that Black lives matter on that night in January 2018; rather, he quoted demonstrators who use "Black lives matter" as a rallying cry.

Kennedy included the demonstrators, along with police officers, in a section of his speech that lauded various people for actions he considered admirable. Here's an excerpt, with emphasis added:

You swarmed Washington last year to ensure no parent has to worry if they can afford to save their child's life.

You proudly marched together last weekend thousands deep in the streets of Las Vegas and Philadelphia and Nashville.

You sat high atop your mom's shoulders and held a sign that read: "Build a wall, and my generation will tear it down."

You bravely say, "Me too." You steadfastly say, "Black lives matter."

You wade through flood waters, battle hurricanes, and brave wildfires and mudslides to save a stranger.

You fight your own, quiet battles every single day.

You drag your weary bodies to that extra shift so your families won't feel the sting of scarcity.

You leave loved ones at home to defend our country overseas, or patrol our neighborhoods overnight.

Kennedy's remarks signaled support for the Black Lives Matter movement, but there is a meaningful difference between actually "declar[ing] that Black lives matter" and merely attributing the phrase to others even approvingly said Daunasia Yancey, the founder of Black Lives Matter Boston.

"We need more," Yancey said. White allies such as Kennedy and Markey may have done "more than what everyone else did" in the past, she added, but in her view that is "because mostly what everyone else did was nothing."

"The back-and-forth trying to get a medal for caring is silly, and it's not useful," Yancey said.

In a statement, Kennedy spokesman Brian Phillips Jr. said, "Joe was proud to use one of the Democratic Party's highest platforms to recognize the BLM movement and the activists driving change in every corner of the country."

As for timing, Kennedy's claim to have been "one of the first Democrats" is hard to evaluate because it is imprecise. It is certainly true that many politicians were slow to adopt the phrase "Black lives matter" until it was mainstream enough to be emblazoned inside and outside Fenway Park.

It is also true that, as Chicago Tribune columnist Dahleen Glanton wrote in 2016, "The second day of Hillary Clinton's Democratic National Convention could have been subtitled 'Black Lives Matter.' "

Glanton continued:

[Clinton] made it clear where she stands on the controversial issue when she invited nine mothers who have lost children at the hands of police or by street violence to speak on her behalf.

The mothers of Trayvon Martin, Sandra Bland, Eric Garner and others collectively made perhaps the most impassioned plea yet on Tuesday for rallying around Clinton's presidential bid: She isn't afraid to say that black lives matter ...

Their remarks brought many of the delegates to tears. Chants of "Black Lives Matter" swelled from the convention floor.

Clinton's top competitors in the 2016 Democratic presidential primary, Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont and former Maryland Gov. Martin O'Malley, also said"Black lives matter" during the campaign. Then-President Barack Obama repeatedly defended the phrase against critics who said it diminished other lives.

And Markey used it at a Martin Luther King Jr. Day event that year.

So, while Kennedy was ahead of some in 2018, he also was in the company of some of his party's most prominent members.

'It Hurt My Career'

Asked during Sunday's debate what he has done "to show that Black lives matter," Markey started byciting his support for creating a majority-Black state Senate district in 1973. He was a freshman in the state House of Representatives, at the time.

"I had to make a decision to take on the Democratic state leadership to make sure there was a Black Senate seat, and I did," Markey said. "And it hurt my career."

Any price Markey may have paid for his stance would appear to be modest, however. He won reelection the following year and styled himself as a political maverick when he ran successfully for Congress in 1976.

"In the end, it didn't hurt his career," Markey Campaign Manager John Walsh allowed, "because he didn't last there very long. He moved" on to Washington.

Though things worked out, Markey did assume some political risk. Redrawing the 40-seat state Senate map to create a majority-Black district meant that an existing member of the chamber would likely lose his place and jeopardizing a fellow lawmaker's reelection chances is no way to make friends.

In an interview, Markey said he acquired a "pariah-like status," though he acknowledged that was not because of his support for a majority-Black district alone. Bucking party leaders became "the pathway that I walked, and the first vote on that pathway was the Black Senate seat."

The most significant vote was not related to racial justice but rather to judicial reform, Markey said. In that standoff, he so aggravated some fellow Democrats that they stuck his desk in a State House hallway, in a show of protest.

Markey spun the incident into a campaign slogan: "The bosses may tell Ed Markey where to sit. No one tells Ed Markey where to stand."

Bill Owens, who became the first Black state senator in Massachusetts, has endorsed Markey for reelection to the U.S. Senate this year. In a campaign video, Owens vouches for the notion that Markey stuck out his neck during the debate over a majority-Black district 47 years ago.

According to Owens, senior Democrats in the state Legislature "began to threaten [Markey] that he would lose his seat and that he would not be able to be elected ever again in Massachusetts."

Those threats proved hollow and, though Markey could not have been certain of their emptiness at the time, his "decision to take on the Democratic state leadership" may have been eased by powerful allies.

Then-Gov. Francis Sargent was a vocal supporter of creating amajority-Black state Senate district. He vetoed a redistricting proposal because it failed to create one, saying, "I will not approve a plan that, in effect, disenfranchises a large number of the commonwealth's citizens."

The push for a majority-Black district also had the influential backing of Massachusetts' senior U.S. senator at the time:Ted Kennedy.

And while Owens credits Markey for supporting a majority-Black district, he said in an interview that "the guy who was the leading member of the white community that we relied on was Barney Frank," a state representative at the time, before his 32-year tenure in Congress.

Frankaccused the state Senate president of squashing bills in retaliation against lawmakers who advocated for a majority-Black district. But Owens said he "could not imagine" that Markey was targeted.

So, although Markey strained relations with some important colleagues in the state Legislature, he also had political heavyweights on his side and ultimately parlayed his "troublemaker" reputation, as Walsh described it, into higher office.

'I Will Always Give People Credit Who Stand For The Right Thing'

Whether Markey and Kennedy merit profiles in courage,"I will always give people credit who stand for the right thing, regardless of what the description is," saidSetti Warren, executive director of Harvard'sShorenstein Center on Media, Politics and Public Policy.

"I don't doubt either Congressman Kennedy's or Senator Markey's commitment to seeing progress being made for Black people in our state and our country," he added.

Markey has cosponsored a reparations bill filed by Sen. Cory Booker of New Jersey and is partnering with Rep. Ayanna Pressley of Boston on legislation that would end qualified immunityfor police,the legal doctrine that shields public officials from personal liability for acts committed in the line of duty.

Kennedy is a founding member of the Black Maternal Health Caucus and is partnering with Rep. Hakeem Jeffries of New York on a bill that would facilitate prosecutions of police officers for civil rights violations.

Still, Warren echoed Yancey's call for figures such as Markey and Kennedy to do more, saying "the policies and the efforts that have been promoted by many politicians have not worked."

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Fact Checking Kennedy And Markey On Their Black Lives Matter Claims - WBUR

From the renegade to Black Lives Matter: How Black creators are changing TikTok culture – NBC News

In early June, Erynn Chambers stepped onto her porch, just outside the front door of her North Carolina home, opened TikTok on her phone, and began to film herself.

"Black neighborhoods are overpoliced, so of course they have higher rates of crime," she sang to her own tune. "And white perpetrators are undercharged, so of course they have lower rates of crime."

Chambers, 27, who started using the short-form video app during quarantine, had just watched a TikTok by drag queen Online Kyne discussing the manipulation of statistics to make Black Americans appear more violent. Chambers, an elementary school music teacher, set her frustration to music.

"It went viral pretty much overnight," Chambers said. "It was incredible."

Chambers refers to her content, made under the user name @Rynnstar, as "edu-tainment" education and entertainment and she uses it, in part, to raise awareness of the American Black experience. She's one of a number of Black creators on TikTok who have used the app as a platform for advocacy against racism. Chambers' post has nearly 2 million views and was reposted countless times.

But TikTok sits uneasily at the intersection of viral social media, celebrity and activism. The platform has long been accused of elevating white voices over Black voices. While Black creators have been integral to the rise of TikTok some of the most popular dances, challenges and trends were born in the imaginations of Black TikTokers their work hasn't always gotten the same level of attention as that of their white peers.

Black creators said that their content wasn't highlighted on the "For You" page at the same rate as that of their white peers and that their videos have been taken down and audio-disabled without explanation, and experts say they often don't get credit for trends and challenges they start.

Over the last few months, however, in the wake of the deaths of George Floyd in police custody in May and Breonna Taylor in March, TikTok has made some forays into elevating Black creators on the app. Yet some worry that there's a flip side to the elevation of activism: burnout.

In early June, just days before Chambers' viral video was posted, TikTok posted an apology to its Black creators, saying it was sorry to those "who have felt unsafe, unsupported, or suppressed." TikTok promised long-term action to make the platform more diverse and to elevate Black creators. The apology came after a TikTok Blackout in May, an on-app protest against the suppression of Black voices, as protests against police brutality and racism took place worldwide.

Since then, some users of TikTok, including many Black creators, have reported seeing a more diverse and inclusive "For You" page, TikTok's infinite scroll homepage, which feeds users a constant stream of videos. In the past, the "For You" page has been accused of what might be called infinite whiteness.

But grading the app's move toward inclusiveness and how successfully it's amplifying Black voices differs across content creators. Some say they are optimistic that a more inclusive TikTok is in the works; others describe the battle for representation as simply exhausting. Each of the half-dozen Black TikTok creators who spoke to NBC News said they've experienced burnout but some, who say they are tired of arguing with followers and fighting for representation, are considering leaving the app altogether.

One frustration that can lead to burnout is the lack of credit given to Black creators who originate trends on the app, said University of Southern California assistant journalism professor Allissa Richardson, author of "Bearing Witness While Black: African Americans, Smartphones and the New Protest #Journalism."

"I saw a ton of Black youth creators complaining that even though they made up these dance challenges, they were increasingly being pushed to the bottom of the search results on TikTok," Richardson said.

Most famous is the renegade, a dance phenomenon that helped propel white creators like Charli D'Amelio to over 70 million followers. It was created by a Black 14-year-old named Jalaiah Harmon. Although the trend was, for a time, the most popular on the app, Jalaiah was recognized only toward the end of the trend's life cycle by mainstream media and TikTok alike, garnering profiles in the The New York Times and Teen Vogue. She now has over 1 million followers on TikTok.

TikTok isn't the only social media platform to have come under scrutiny over its handling of race. YouTube, Twitter and Reddit have been accused of allowing hate speech to thrive.

"TikTok is acknowledging the problem. They're not saying it's not real. They're saying we have work to do," said Bria Jones, 26, a fashion, beauty and lifestyle TikTok influencer based in Kansas. Jones, who goes by @HeyBriaJones on the app, has grown a base of more than 278,000 followers in just under a year.

Mutale Nkonde, a fellow at Stanford University's Digital Civil Society Lab who is a member of TikTok's independent advisory board, the Content Advisory Council (she doesn't work for TikTok), said she has been impressed with TikTok's proactiveness in addressing racism on the app.

"They're really leading in terms of seeking out people who will push back against the technology when the technology is not doing right by Black people," Nkonde said.

The Morning Rundown

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The issues of racial bias and content suppression of Black creators on TikTok reached a boiling point on May 19, when Black TikTok creators held a Blackout to uplift their content and raise awareness that their videos were underrepresented.

During the Blackout, users changed their profile pictures to the Black Lives Matter raised fist. Black creators used specific hashtags like "#ImBlackMovement" and posted videos about their content and experiences on TikTok. In solidarity, some white creators agreed not to post content to help amplify their Black counterparts.

June 1 brought the TikTok apology.

TikTok CEO Kevin Mayer, along with some of the app's engineers, also held a video conference last month with around a dozen Black creators, including Jones, to learn more about their experiences.

"I do feel like they are making changes," Jones said. Other Black creators said they're noticing more equality on the app, too.

High school activist Deonna Blocker, 17, who goes by @Deesymone on the app, estimates that she now sees 70 percent Black creators on her "For You" page and 30 percent white creators. However, because every user's "For You" page is different based on the content a user interacts with, it's unclear whether any other user is being shown the same breakdown of content.

"I think they're definitely doing a better job at presenting Black creators. Before ... my ['For You' page] was very white, and I would very rarely see a Black creator," Deonna said. "Once everything went down with George Floyd and even Juneteenth and the Blackouts ... it went up significantly." Deonna's videos calling out racism and highlighting Blackouts have gotten thousands of views.

Improvement can be creator-specific: TikTok's "For You" homepage feeds each user a unique stream of content. While some Black creators say they're seeing changes noticing more engagement and increases in followers others say they believe they're shadow banned on the app, or blocked from reaching the main TikTok feed without any kind of notification from TikTok.

TikTok told NBC News it unequivocally does not shadow ban users.

Nkonde, the advisory council member, said the app has also told her it doesn't engage in shadow banning. But she said that if shadow banning still occurs as a glitch in the system, it must be addressed.

"If your app is just going to have all of these glitches and all of these glitches impact Black people, your app is still racist," Nkonde said.

Emily Barbour, 25, who is @emuhhhleebee on the app, said she feels as though she's being gaslighted when she's told that the app is working to highlight Black creators. Some videos Barbour has posted that she felt would typically get high levels of engagement have hardly made a blip on the radar of other TikTokers.

"It's exhausting, because it's just following along this pattern that's been going on for decades, years, centuries, where Black people aren't being heard and everybody's pretending it's not happening," Barbour said.

Chambers, who created the viral song, had used her platform to convey a wealth of information, from linguistics to history to activism, long before this spring's Black Lives Matter protests. But Chambers said that after the May Blackout and the June apology, she noticed that her account was starting to pick up traction. Her account has more than 400,000 followers.

Other TikTokers, like Jones, moved toward activism after Floyd's death.

"I started speaking on Black lives, and I started speaking on my experiences, and I started this series where I talked about my experiences with microaggressions, and that went very, very viral and brought in a lot of new followers for me, and those were just straight up stories I experienced," Jones said.

Jones said she shifted her TikTok's focus to include education when she interacted with followers who told her they had changed their behavior after learning from her.

But a large following can be excessively demanding.

"When you've got 400,000 people who want to hear you and are expecting to hear from you, it can be exhausting," Chambers said.

All of the creators who spoke to NBC News said they have experienced burnout at one point or another especially those whose pages have been elevated and whose follower counts have skyrocketed.

"People assume because you're willing to speak up about something, you're now an ambassador to everybody else in your demographic, and it's not true. ... It does contribute a lot to the burnout, because I don't know everything. Not one of us knows everything," Barbour said.

Barbour said that for Black creators, sharing their trauma in the name of education can feel draining and that having to argue with followers about their experiences can lead them to want to quit altogether.

"It's so unrealistic to assume because you like this Black creator and because they speak up about these things that they're going to speak up about everything and give their opinions about everything," she said. "It can't work, especially considering this is an app and it's something we're not getting paid for."

Frustration and burnout aren't the only side effects Black creators experience when their content isn't elevated and they're not given credit for their work, said Richardson, the journalism professor.

"For some of these kids, they do want to have that level of clout that will enable them to do other things that they love," she said. "And without that necessary audience, those eyeballs, without that metric in place to prove that they are an influencer, they're denied the lucrative endorsements that maybe their white peers receive more regularly."

Jones said she believes a more equitable TikTok is coming, particularly after the meeting with other Black creators and TikTok executives last month.

"It's a difficult issue, because it's so much deeper than an algorithm," Jones said. "It's a society thing. It's going to take a lot of work."

TikTok executives told Jones that they planned to check in with the creators who were invited to the meeting after 90 days to discuss whether they've seen improvements in the app's equity.

Jones said she's optimistic that the future of TikTok is one in which Black creators are on a level playing field with their white counterparts.

"It will come in time. I don't know what that timeline's going to look like, but I'm very hopeful TikTok has the resources and brainpower on their team to make this happen," she said.

Originally posted here:

From the renegade to Black Lives Matter: How Black creators are changing TikTok culture - NBC News

Police reveal identity of man killed at Black Lives Matter protest in Austin, Texas – Insider – INSIDER

The police have identified the protester killed Saturday night during a Black Lives Matter protest in Austin, Texas, as Garrett Foster, 28.

Chief Brian Manley of the Austin Police Department confirmed Foster's identity Sunday evening, the Associated Press reported.

Witnesses said Foster, who was armed, was shot by the driver of a car that had sped toward the gathering of protesters.

According to the police, the driver of the vehicle and other witnesses said Foster was shot only after he pointed his rifle at its driver.

Another witness disputed that, however.

"He was not aiming the gun or doing anything aggressive with the gun," Michael Capochiano, a 53-year-old accountant, told The New York Times. "I'm not sure if there was much of an exchange of words. It wasn't like there was any sort of verbal altercations. He wasn't charging at the car."

The driver who killed Foster is said to have driven off after the shooting amid a spray of return fire from at least one other protester. The police took the driver, whose identity has not been revealed, into custody before releasing the person.

Foster was transported to the local Dell Seton Medical Center, where he was pronounced dead, a police representative said at a press briefing earlier Sunday.

Capochiano told the Austin-American Statesman that a person driving a vehicle honked their horn and sped down Austin's Congress Avenue, hitting an orange barrel and driving through the crowd.

"There were people around the car, yelling, and people sounding like they were frightened," he told the paper.

As the Austin-American Statesman reported, a car horn could be heard in the background of a video livestreamed to Facebook just before eight gunshots. The video shows protesters running away from the vehicle, screaming.

A vigil for Foster was held Sunday in Austin, drawing hundreds.

"I'm here to show solidarity for the movement that he died for and also to remember him and to continue the fight," one attendee, Mark Bell, told the local television station KXAN.

Black Lives Matter protests against racism and police violence have erupted across the US since the May 25 police killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis. While most protests have been peaceful, they've sometimes turned chaotic and even deadly.

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Police reveal identity of man killed at Black Lives Matter protest in Austin, Texas - Insider - INSIDER