Gigabit broadband gives me tomorrow’s internet today – CNET

At one point there were five AT&T trucks and technicians at my house installing fiber-optic broadband. It's been smooth sailing since then.

I just upgraded to gigabit broadband at home. But being able to download a 2GB episode of "Game of Thrones" in 16 seconds isn't what gets me excited.

It's the ability to upload data at 1 gigabit per second -- not just download it -- that helped me decide to cancel Comcast and sign up for AT&T Fiber. Downstream data rates are important, but fast upstream speed is what's going to power the next transformation of home broadband.

If you're shopping for broadband, the odds are good that internet service providers will rank their speed tiers by download speed. To make abstractions like 100 Mbps per second real, they'll tell you how long it'll take to download a movie in full HD resolution (hence my above example). What they won't tell you is how long it'll take to upload your video to YouTube or how good your Skype call with grandma will look.

It's no surprise they don't highlight these upload speeds, because they're not very flattering. Network operators have a finite amount of bits they can shuttle around every second, and downloading generally is more important and data-intensive than uploading. So they allocate more of their capacity to downstream data transfer to your home, not upstream data transfer from your home to the internet.

But upload speeds matter. Being able to send data fast is important to videoconferencing, uploading photos, online gaming, collaborating with coworkers and more. Eventually, it could transform the internet again, perhaps the same way it changed when high-speed download speeds helped YouTube trigger the video streaming revolution.

For an example of how fast upload speeds change broadband, look at online backup service Backblaze, which charges $5 per month to keep a copy of your PC's data. On Thursday, it announced a new version of its backup software that should triple or quadruple most customer's backup speeds. If you have a fast upstream connection, that means you can send files up to its servers at 100 Mbps. Backblaze's own chief technology officer has maxed out at 200 Mbps, though he's an exceptional case.

AT&T promises 940 megabits per second with its gigabit fiber-optic service. For the most part it delivers -- though Wi-Fi is slower than a cable connection.

I've been a Backblaze customer for years, and this kind of performance changes the game. For $60 a year they offer unlimited storage, but when I got started, with a slow upstream connection, it took months for all of my data to trickle its way to Backblaze. No way was I going to ditch the backup hard drive in my office.

But at 100 Mbps, you can pump 50 gigabytes per hour into the cloud. That means my current 2-terabyte backup would be finished in less than a day. It's much faster to update an existing backup, of course, because only new or changed data must be sent, but it's common for me to come back from a day trip with 10GB or 20GB of photos and video.

No, I'm not going to dump my physical backup drive, because I like to protect my data with multiple methods. But fast upstream data rates make online backup more feasible for people who otherwise wouldn't bother. Online backup is a lifesaver if you're the victim of flood, fire or burglary, plus the ability to access files if you're away from your home computer.

With AT&T Fiber, Backblaze backup speeds increased dramatically to 101 Mbps -- and that was before release of a new version of the software tuned better for high-speed links.

Lots of other services today benefit from good upstream speeds:

None of these are impossible with today's broadband, but all of them work better with gigabit speeds. Before moving to AT&T Fiber, I paid for a premium tier on Comcast's Xfinity service not because I needed the 200 Mbps download rates, but because I wanted the commensurate 20 Mbps upload rate.

I ponied up for AT&T's top-tier gigabit rate (actually 940 Mbps when you read the fine print), which costs $70 a month and goes to $80 after the first year. For 100 Mbps, it's $50, increasing to $70, but I wanted to see what the top-of-the-line speed would get me.

In my speed testing, AT&T delivers the goods. But it's not magic. Lots of things go faster, like YouTube uploads that take only a few seconds. The internet has abundant bottlenecks, though, so I still wait for data more often than I'd like. On top of that, Wi-Fi cuts down the maximum speed by two thirds, and websites require more and more time to execute complex programming instructions. Overall, though, I'm satisfied, and I expect things will improve as more online services adapt to ultra-high-speed connections.

I'm lucky to have gigabit speeds at home, but it's becoming more common. AT&T can reach 5.5 million homes and businesses today with its fiber-optic service, but plans to expand to at least 12.5 million by mid-2019.

The bigger question is what changes will come in the long run as upload speeds improve. There is an unpredictable "build it and they will come" factor.

Google had the presence of mind to acquire YouTube in 2006 and stands to profit likewise from tomorrow's services. So it makes sense that the company would try to kick things into gear with its Google Fiber service, which promises gigabit upload and download speeds.

But the company is pretty vague about what it thinks will emerge when our upload speeds surge.

AT&T Fiber can boast of high upload speeds, but in this promotional mailing, it only mentions download speeds.

"We believe technology paves the way for innovation," Google said of its Google Fiber project, which arguably kicked off this gigabit broadband push. "We've seen businesses in many industries -- from architecture to medicine to film and music -- take advantage of faster upload speeds to work collaboratively and expand their reach. And of course, it's also great for less serious endeavors like gaming or keeping your YouTube channel up to date."

For me, it was the supposedly slow-moving incumbent, not the Silicon Valley disruptor, that delivered my gigabit speeds.

AT&T expects changes with better upstream speeds. "We are seeing people producing more content than ever and pushing that content to the cloud, over social networks, engaging in video conferencing, online gaming, and more," the company said in a statement.

It's possible more radical changes will come. Faster upload speeds make telecommuting more feasible. It's easier to access company data and chat with teleconferencing technology, so maybe more people will skip rush-hour commutes or cross-country flights.

The bigger difference will be that our digital selves will move to the cloud. Take a photo of your dog, and nearly instantly it'll be stored on Facebook, Google, Dropbox, iCloud or some other online service. Your phone becomes an extension of the internet.

Security and privacy concerns mean it's not always wise to send data over networks and store it in central servers. But the benefits of cloud computing are immense when it comes to protecting against theft, granting fast access to a massive video and music library, and synchronizing our phones, TVs, laptops, smart speakers, smartwatches and tablets.

It's the future, so you better get used to it.

Tech Culture: From film and television to social media and games, here's your place for the lighter side of tech.

Batteries Not Included: The CNET team shares experiences that remind us why tech stuff is cool.

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Gigabit broadband gives me tomorrow's internet today - CNET

‘Hellblade: Senua’s Sacrifice’: A game with remarkable emotional intensity – Washington Post

By Christopher Byrd By Christopher Byrd August 9 at 2:01 PM

Hellblade: Senuas Sacrifice Developed by: Ninja Theory Published by: Ninja Theory Available on: PS4 and PC

Were all prisoners of our minds to some extent, though some of us more so than others. Hellblade: Senuas Sacrifice opens with a warning: This game contains representations of psychosis. People with experience of psychosis as well as professionals in psychiatry have assisted in these depictions. It tells the story of Senua a young, mentally-tormented woman who goes on an orphic quest to retrieve her lover from the underworld. Although the game is centered around a character who suffers from auditory hallucinations and delusional thoughts, I think it will resonate with many who have dealt with chronic depression, paranoia and other mental health issues.

From its opening scene, which calls to mind the journey up a foreboding river in Joseph Conrads Heart of Darkness, I was struck by the games production values. As Senua paddles her way through a fog-laden landscape in a dugout tree trunk, the narrator, voiced by Chipo Chung, introduces us to the Celtic warrior and the other voices Senua hears. Chungs mellifluous narration is as mesmerizing as any Ive heard in a video game fully on par with the voice work of Linda Hunt in the God of War series and Logan Cunningham in Bastion and Transistor. When Chung says, This is a journey deep into darkness. There will be no more stories after this one, she imbues the lines with a pathos that would come across as silly if voiced by a less-skilled actor.

And then there is Senua herself, played Ninja Theorys video editor Melina Juergens. Juergenss performance feels proportionally unbridled. When Senua can no longer bear the voices swirling around her, mocking and hectoring her, she looks unflatteringly discombobulated. When she falters in a fight and struggles to regain her footing she appears as though she is summoning every last iota of strength to defend herself. Her displays of anguish, of which there are plenty, are operatic without being cloying.

Although the Cambridge-based, U.K. studio Ninja Theory is a relatively small in comparison to many of the blockbuster specialists in the industry, with Hellblade, they and their technology partners are paving the way for lower-cost motion capture technology. This technology allows actors to have their digital likenesses integrated into a games graphics engine in real-time. (An actor can have a different face and body altogether in-game, while retaining the expressive nuances that they bring to the table.) Because the developers dont have to wait for long periods to see how an actors performance meshes with their game world, as has been the case for most of the industry since the advent of motion-capture technology, the cutscenes feel more organic than in most games that leverage the physical traits of human actors. (Here, I cant help but think of the Call of Duty games.)

In terms of gameplay, Hellblade sticks to the old combat and puzzle-solving formula. Yet, what saves these elements from being wholly conventional is how they affect and illuminate Senuas mental state. Fail in battle or in overcoming environmental challenges too many times and a flesh-rotting disease will gradually spread up her arm to her head resulting in permadeath whereby the players save file is deleted. (If youre unwary of courting such risks, you could always upload your save file to the cloud if youre playing on PS4, or download it to a USB stick if youre running the game on PC. Though obviously youd miss that frisson that comes from negotiating higher stakes.) As for the puzzles, they serve not only as palate cleansers between action sequences, but also to underscore Senuas determination to find secret correspondences in her surroundings via her own unique way of looking at things.

Speaking of visuals, on the whole the game looks stunning. However, there are cracks that appear intermittently that can somewhat mar the illusion. Aside from the occasional pop-in graphics that I noticed on the standard PS4, I noticed that when you swivel the camera in front of Senua while she is standing still, she swivels her head back and forth like a marionette. Moreover, close to the end of the game, I believe I committed a game-breaking error. There is a part where you need a torch to solve a certain puzzle, which I foolishly left behind after Senua dropped it in battle. After making my way to the puzzle and having the game autosave behind me, I could not return to where I dropped it. Im not sure if the developers meant to illustrate another cruel trick that Senuas mind played on her, but with nothing in her hand she held her arm aloft while a faint trail of smoke flickered in the air. Even if this was a fluke, I like to imagine the game found an exquisite way to troll me that was consistent with its overall evocation of heartbreak.

In any case, few mainstream video games have tried, let alone achieved, anything close to the emotional intensity that courses through this game.

Christopher Byrd is a Brooklyn-based writer who has been playing video games since the days of the Atari 2600. His writing has appeared in the New York Times Book Review, the Barnes & Noble Review, Al Jazeera America, the Guardian and elsewhere. Follow him on Twitter@Chris_Byrd.

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'Hellblade: Senua's Sacrifice': A game with remarkable emotional intensity - Washington Post

MAPS to Accept Altcoins for Research on MDMA Psychedelic Medicine – Bitcoin News (press release)

The Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies (MAPS) recently expanded their ability to accept donations in cryptocurrency. In addition to bitcoin, the nonprofit will now accept Litecoin and Ethereum. To celebrate their partnership with the cryptocurrency community, DecentraNet and HSW are hosting a cocktail cruise and art auction on August 13 to raise funds for MAPS.

Also read:Breadwallets Bitcoin Cash Tool Arrives Next Week Full Client Coming Soon

The cryptocurrency funds will be used by MAPS to initiate phase 3 clinical trials for MDMA-assisted psychotherapy. The goal of this therapy is to help sufferers of PTSD (Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder) using the quasi-psychedelic substance MDMA. MAPS has been working closely with the FDA in order to complete the studies. If they raise $12.5 million they should be able to make MDMA a legal medicine by 2021.

Their press release elaborated, This year, working closely with the U.S. Food and DrugAdministration (FDA), MAPS is initiating Phase 3 clinical trials of MDMA-assisted psychotherapy for PTSD. These trials will build on the results of MAPS completed Phase 2 trials, in which two-thirds of participants with chronic, treatment-resistant PTSD no longer had PTSD after just two sessions of MDMA-assisted psychotherapy. MAPS anticipates FDA approval for the prescription use of MDMA-assisted psychotherapy for PTSD by 2021provided the research receives the necessary funding.

For anyone unfamiliar, MDMA is a chemical compound that is usually referred to as ecstasy or molly on the streets. MDMA stands formethylenedioxymethamphetamine. It is a psychoactive drug that causes people enter into an altered state of consciousness. They become introspective, less defensive, courageous, and highly empathetic. The compound also heightens the sense of touch, causing the person to touch themselves and others often and with enthusiasm.

MDMA also helps dissolve barriers to personal exploration. It allows people to resolve latent trauma without as much fear and apprehension. This is what makes it an exemplary drug within the context of a therapeutic setting. In this environment, clients who take MDMA and work with a trained professional can tackle their latent traumas with courage and love.

Luckily, the rise of cryptocurrency has provided a new form of fundraising for MAPS, which may lead to the eventual legalization of this helpful drug.

The founder of MAPS, Rick Doblin, explained that cryptocurrency has brought much needed innovation to the financial market. It has thus allowed MAPS the opportunity to grow as a result. For example, MAPS first began accepting bitcoin donations in 2013. Since then, the crypto-ecosystem has donated about 115 bitcoins to the organization. The press release elaborated:

MAPS was an early supporter of cryptocurrency donations, first accepting Bitcoin donations in December 2013. The cryptocurrency community has been eager to contribute to MAPS work, donating more than 115BTC to date, valued over $64,800. These gifts have helped fund MAPSinternational psychedelic research, public education, psychedelic harm reduction, and advocacy projects.

MAPS is now continuing their tradition of partnering with the cryptocurrency community to further their agenda of helping to heal the world. They may even add more cryptocurrencies to their list of accepted donation funds in the near future.

MAPS was originally founded in 1986 and isa 501(c)(3) non-profit research and educational organization that develops medical, legal, and cultural contexts for people to benefit from the careful uses of psychedelics and marijuana.

What do you think about cryptocurrency communities being involved with psychedelic medicinal research? Let us know in the comments section below.

Images courtesy of Shutterstock, bluelight.org, and MAPS

At Bitcoin.com theres a bunch of free helpful services. For instance, have you seen our Tools page? You can even lookup the exchange rate for a transaction in the past. Or calculate the value of your current holdings. Or create a paper wallet. And much more.

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MAPS to Accept Altcoins for Research on MDMA Psychedelic Medicine - Bitcoin News (press release)

Using alternative medicine only for cancer linked to lower survival rate – Yale News


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Using alternative medicine only for cancer linked to lower survival rate
Yale News
There is increasing interest by patients and families in pursuing alternative medicine as opposed to conventional cancer treatment. This trend has created a difficult situation for patients and providers. Although it is widely believed that ...

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Using alternative medicine only for cancer linked to lower survival rate - Yale News

Bill would name Billings VA clinics after Ben Steele, Joe Medicine Crow – Billings Gazette

A U.S. Senate bill that would name two Billings veterans clinics after local war heroes passed the United States Senate last week.

Cosponsored by Sens. Steve Daines, a Republican, and Jon Tester, a Democrat, S. 1282 would name two U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs Clinics on the West End after Joe Medicine Crow and Ben Steele.

If passed, Medicine Crow's name would adorn the VA's outpatient clinic. The specialty clinic would be named after Steele.

The bill would also name a Missoula VA clinic after World War II vet David J. Thatcher, who participated in the Doolittle Raid in response to the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.

It passed the Senate on Aug. 2.

David Thatcher, Joe Medicine Crow, and Ben Steele are Montanas heroes and Americas heroes, Tester said in a press release. These three represent the greatest generation and what is best about Montana, and today we are one step closer to ensuring future generations will forever remember their brave service."

Steele and Medicine Crow, both of whom died in 2016, are celebrated area veterans.

Known as the last Crow war chief, Medicine Crow joined the Army in 1943. During his service he fulfilled the requirements needed to be a war chief, which are leading a war party, touching the first fallen enemy and stealing his weapon, and entering an enemy camp and stealing horses.

Medicine Crow was a lifelong ambassador for the Crow tribe. Among his honors is the Presidential Medal of Freedom, which he received from President Barack Obama in 2009.

Steele joined the Army Air Corps in 1940 and is well-known as a survivor of the Bataan Death March, a perilous journey for prisoners of war at the hands of the Japanese.

Steele later captured that experience in his artwork. After the war, he honed that craft as an art teacher at Eastern Montana College, now Montana State University Billings.

Both men have already been honored by the Billings school district. Medicine Crow Middle School opened its doors for the 2016 school year last fall. Ben Steele Middle School is scheduled to open this coming fall.

S. 1282 will go to the U.S. House of Representatives for consideration.

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4 steps to clear, radiant skin, according to Traditional Chinese Medicine – Well+Good

Photo: Stocksy/Bonninstudio

1/5

Sometimes kicking it old school is the best way to solve a problem. Gulping down water works just as well (or better) than popping an Advil when you have a headache, and a dip in the oceancan replace ointment if you need a soothing cure for skin inflammation. So when it comes to acne,its no surprise that takingan ancient approach can work wonders.

One of the oldest healing methods in the book? Traditional Chinese Medicine.

Chinese Medicine is a foundational-based medicine that looks at the root of the body, says Mona Dan, a Beverly Hills-based acupuncturist and owner of Vie Healing, a holistic medicine center and supplements line. We believe the environment and the proper flow of blood and energy throughout the body have a strong impacton us.

The most important approach to fighting acne is looking at the internal aspect.

And breakout-prone skin, Dansays, is no different. The most important approach to fighting acne is looking at the internal aspect,she says. Your body holds onto toxins because youre [nutrient] deficient. This builds up heat, which shows up on the skin as different kinds of pimples.

The fix, Dan says, isnt any single serum, but rather a360-degree approach. You dont want to have to work for your body, but insteadfind a way to make your body work for you, Dan explains. This means attacking the problem at its rootno trial-and-error testing of spot creams necessary (phew).

2/5

One things for sure: TCM will neveraskyou to applyharsh acne treatments(so you can say goodbye to your benzoyl peroxide). Instead, its all about using organic, totally natural ingredients that have cooling propertiesmany of whichyou may already have in your kitchen.Applying things likehoneysuckle flower powder, pearl powder, turmeric, and fresh cucumber juice reverses the heat in the body that causes acne, Danexplains.

Honey is my secret weapon for everything, Dan adds. Its a great antibacterial and antifungal. (Plus, its effective as a face washIve tried it.) Dan advises mixing it with some coconut oil for a synergistic, skin-boosting blend. Another acne solution you can find in your cupboardis oatmeal, which Dan says is best for treating dry, cystic acne.

3/5

Steering clear of inflammatory foods is a classic staple of fighting acne from the inside out, but TCM is particularly adamant about turning down theheat (in temperature as well as taste). Avoid greasy, spicy, damp foods, says Dan. Try to eat dishes that arent too hot or too coldotherwise, they can trap heat in your blood vessels, and thatcan show up as acne.

She notes that room-temperature meals are best because digestingcold and raw food can also trap heat insideyour body. You need your body to be relaxed to function properly, Dan says, not working overtime to break down the things you eat. (Need recipe inspo? This one-pan Japanese omelette checks all the boxes.)

4/5

Theres not much that exercise doesnt help withacne woes included. Its important to get your blood flowing, but in a moderate, non-taxing way, says Dan. Be gentle with your body, but break a sweat.

So when fighting a flare-up, it could be better to opt for Pilates rather than, say, the hardest HIIT class in your neighborhood. Causing too much stress on the body puts you into fight or flight mode, Danadds. This stops your proper processing modes, and could wreak havoc on your skin. (Plus, who doesnt mind having a reason to takea break from boot camp?)

5/5

If you think of herbs when you think of TCM, youretotally correctthey play a big role in stabilizingthe body.Adaptogens help regulate the hormones and nervous system, which saves your skin, says Dan. Theyre very balancing and allow you to more properly digest, which soothes irritated breakouts. But depending on your skin type, some herbs may be better than others, so be sure to talk to a professional before stocking up on supplements.

The last major thing you can do to stave off acne has nothing to do with your diet: Dan says reducing stressand regulating hormones will always help clear your face (hence why her supplements line includes restorative, immune-boostingherbs likeashwagandha, licorice root, schizandra berry, ginseng, and astragalus). The lower the cortisol, the clearer your skin.

If you feel its time to call in thebreakout-fightingreinforcements, here are the yoga poses that could help clear up your skin. And when all else fails, this is how to deal with acne scars the natural way.

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4 steps to clear, radiant skin, according to Traditional Chinese Medicine - Well+Good

Research continues on Medicine Lake turtles | KARE11.com – KARE

Turtle study progress on Medicine Lake

Jeff Edmondson, KARE 5:35 PM. CDT August 09, 2017

Turtle on Medicine Lake. (Photo: Three Rivers Park District)

MEDICINE LAKE, Minn. - The joint project between Three Rivers Park District and The University of St Thomas is entering its second year of research and has been following three types of turtles: spiny softshells, painted, and snappers.

So far, they have found that the spiny softshell turtles have been the most active, sometimes moving across the entire lake.

"Whereas the painted and snappers, individuals are found throughout the lake, but a individual turtle might only use an area the size of an average house," said John Moriarty, Three Rivers Park District'sSenior Manager for Wildlife.

Knowing this is important, because it may or may not determine where they nest in the early summer and lay their eggs.

RELATED:Turtles on the move in Medicine Lake

"There isn't as much sand as there used to be, so that's one reason we have a concentration of turtles nesting up at this end of the park, because we have a good protected sand beach," said Moriarty.

Each turtle is equipped with a radio transmitter so they can be tracked. These turtles, including this nearly 40-year-old snapper went back in the lake this afternoon.

Funding for the research comes from the Minnesota Environment and the Natural Resources Trust Fund. What they learn will then be used to teach the public.

"We can work with homeowners on how to protect nests or how they can work on their shoreline to make it helpful to the wildlife in the area," said Kirsten Hunt, wildlife technician.

Any improvements to their habitat will help ensure healthy populations in the future.

2017 KARE-TV

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Research continues on Medicine Lake turtles | KARE11.com - KARE

Talks continue on medical school payback | News … – Martinsville Bulletin

MARTINSVILLEAs of now, theres no payment plan in place, to repay the $800,000 grant given to fund the College of Henricopolis School of Medicine. While discussions have taken place, Martinsville officials said on Tuesday they would like an official written statement from the Virginia Tobacco Region Revitalization Commission, making it clear the group expects the city to repay the money.

The city and (its) staff are in close communications with, and closely following deliberations by, the tobacco commission regarding the TROF grant, Martinsville Mayor Gene Teague said during Tuesday nights council meeting.

But as of this time, there has been no official communication from the tobacco commission regarding the citys obligation to repayment, nor has a repayment schedule been worked out or communicated, he said.

In late 2014, the city and Dr. Noel Boaz signed a performance agreement to receive the commissions grant. Listed as the grantee, the city accepted responsibility for the money, which it then turned over to Boaz to help establish the College of Henricopolis School of Medicine.

That school still has not opened for students. In addition, the facility did not meet certain benchmarks by the halfway point of the 36-month grant, as was required. In January, school officials received an extension from the commission, but that decision was reversed in May, after the school changed from a for-profit concept to a nonprofit institution.

Commission officials have said that TROF grants are intended for projects designed to increase the tax base in communities, and the commission would not have awarded the medical school the $800,000 grant if the school had stated in its original application that it is a nonprofit entity.

We will be communicating with Dr. Boaz in the coming weeks regarding the project, his ability to repay any or all of the grant and then, of course, the citys next course of action, Teague said.

Both verbally and in a written letter to the commission, Boaz has stated his organization, the Integrative Centers for Science and Medicine, cannot afford to repay the grant. Also, officials with the medical school have said they think the grant should not have to be repaid because the commission should consider the money as an investment in the school. Over the last two months, the city council made statements in open session that they wanted to speak with Boaz, however, he claims that no one has reached out to him to make it happen.

Teagues remarks were brief. He said they were essentially what we (the council) said back in May after the commission decided to require that the grant be returned.

He commented in response to recent media reports about the issue, he said.

We want to make sure everybody understands were still working on it, Teague said, referring to handling the matter. We have not stopped working on it, even though we dont talk about it publicly as often as I think some folks would like.

Where it stands

When the commission asks for a grant to be returned, the standard practice in a case like this is to turn first toward the company involved. The commission did that, writing to Boaz and asking him to return the funds. He responded in July, stating that he didnt have the money and didnt feel his organization, which has struggled to raise more than $180,000 in the last two years, would be able to collect it.

Again, as per state policy, once the commission received that letter, the company automatically gets a 30-day extension. The last response from the commission to Boaz went out on July 31, meaning it will be at least Aug. 31 before any official notification is sent to the city.

If Boazs time runs out and he has not responded, we will assume that he is unable to pay and will send an official request to the City, said Jordan Butler, the commissions public relations coordinator. It is fair to say that we have not officially made a request of the city just yet, but we are in touch with them.

Speaking from the floor during the council meeting, city resident Ural Harris called for the council to ask the Virginia State Police, or the state itself, to investigate how money put toward the medical school project and especially the TROF grant has been spent.

Theres no telling how many people have given money to this school, or signed for money for it, said Harris, a former council candidate who is on the Martinsville Planning Commission. I think they deserve an answer to where its (the money) been.

A lot of people did put money in this (project) and was fleeced, I think, he continued.

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Carey’s salary based on F1’s financial results, says Liberty – Motorsport.com, Edition: Global

The news comes as Libertys overall results showed that in April to June F1 earned revenues of $616m, up 3 percent on the equivalent period last year, when Bernie Ecclestone was still in charge.

However, operating income fell from $90m to $45m, a drop of 50 percent, as operating expenses and others costs rose.

Expanding on Careys arrangements Liberty boss Greg Maffei noted: We dont plan to publish his contract, but I did want to share with you the fact that the substantial majority of Chases compensation is performance-related, and tied into the operational performance at F1 directly, or the stock of the F1 Group.

Meanwhile, Carey confirmed that the F1 Groups costs will rise as it continues to recruit senior staff. In addition, it has made other investments in areas such as the London event, and its pursuit of new digital technology.

The corporate head count has been sort of 70-75, and it has probably about doubled, said Carey. Were still building it out. Weve hired most of the senior executives, but we havent built the team out fully.

Weve talked roughly about $50m a year, and as we go through the planning and budgeting process this fall will probably get refined, because it is more than just head count.

"We had events like F1 Live in London that we think are the type of events that are important for us to engage with fans much more actively and broadly.

Were engaged with digital partners. We dont really have an appropriate digital platform today, so there are investments that weve made to support a digital platform for us going forward. In the next few months for the first time were refining our plans around that.

Carey stressed that spending plans are still fluid: I think weve had broad directions of where were going, but I think as I said a lot of our planning and budgeting as weve brought people on board is still a work in progress.

"Realistically three or four months ago there were three of us in a temporary office. Certainly those plans will be refined between now and year end.

Carey also made some interesting revelations about F1s UK tax arrangements, in respect of the use of interest payments to reduce its liability something that was previously standard practice.

Weve successfully eliminated an expensive $1bn tier of debt, repriced our remaining debt, and have also received upgrades from the ratings agencies," he noted. "The combined effects of which will be to reduce annual interest expense by up to $90m going forward.

Under impending expected changes to UK tax law, which are expected to be introduced shortly, and which will cap interest deductibility at a percentage of EBITDA, at our current level of pre-tax profitability the interest that has been saved would no longer be deductible in tax computations.

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Liberty score hard fought win in Garden return – Amsterdam News

Its been a jam-packed six weeks for the New York Liberty. Since a stretch of home games in June, the team has largely been on the road, most recently completing a five-game, two-week road trip that took them around the country. Tuesday, the Liberty returned to Madison Square Garden and prevailed 81-76 in a close, aggressive game against the Indiana Fever.

We came with the energy tonightwe didnt play great, but we played with enough energy to win the game, said coach Bill Laimbeer. I played a lot of people. I took Tina [Charles] out early. She was getting a little tired. The bench got some quality minutes.

Four Liberty players scored in double digits: Shavonte Zellous with 16, Tina Charles with 26, Bria Hartley with 13 and Kiah Stokes with 12. Long Island native Hartley, who had a baby earlier this year, seems to be hitting her stride.

I thought we got off to a really good start, said Hartley. They played a great game. They went on their runs, but we were able to withstand their runs. At the end of the game we hit some free throws that kept them from getting within reach of the game.

She added, Im a lot more confident and comfortable out there. Were feeling good. To come home, we want to make sure we give our crowd a really good game. We want to give them some wins. Were happy to be here.

The crowd of 10,068 was loud and on their feet in the fourth quarter. It was Garden of Dreams night, and three of the programs participants performed at halftime. There were also quite a few celebrities in the crowd, including cast members from Orange Is the New Black and Underground, as well as Chelsea Clinton, who enthusiastically greeted the Timeless Torches.

The game was a thriller, said Nayo Raincock-Ekunwe. Happy we pulled it out in the end. The team came together and everyone contributed in their own way. Thats what we have to do to get our wins.

The win put the Liberty at 13-12 as WNBA regular season moves into its final few weeks. It was a really great win for us, one that was really important, said Rebecca Allen. These home games are pretty vital in terms of our standings when it comes to playoffs.

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Liberty score hard fought win in Garden return - Amsterdam News

Liberty Interactive (QVCA) Q2 Earnings In Line, Revenues Lag – Nasdaq

Liberty Interactive Corp. QVCA reported mixed financial results in the second quarter of 2017. While the top line missed the Zacks Consensus Estimate, the bottom line met the same.

Quarterly GAAP net income came in at $111 million or 41 cents per share compared with $376 million or 26 cents per share in the prior-year quarter. Quarterly earnings per share of 41 cents were in line with the Zacks Consensus Estimate.

Quarterly total revenue of $2,346 million reflected a year-over-year decrease of 3.2% missing the Zacks Consensus Estimate of $2,408 million.

Quarterly total operating income came in at $265 million compared with $254 million in the year-ago quarter. In the reported quarter, consolidated adjusted operating income before depreciation and amortization (OIBDA) was $488 million compared with $487 million in the year-ago quarter.

In second quarter of 2017, Liberty Interactive generated $357 million of cash from operations compared with $377 million in the prior-year quarter. Free cash flow in the reported quarter was $313 million compared with $303 million in the year-ago quarter.

At the end of second-quarter 2017, Liberty Interactive had total cash and marketable securities of $905 million compared with $825 million at the end of 2016. The company exited second-quarter 2017 with $7,896 million of outstanding debt compared with $8,042 million at the end of 2016. The debt-to-capitalization ratio at the end of the reported quarter was 0.48 compared with 0.51 at the end of 2016.

QVC Segment

Quarterly revenues at the QVC division were down 4% year over year to $1,979 million. Revenues from the QVC U.S. segment were $1,367 million, down 4% year over year. Revenues from the QVC International segment were $612 million, down 4% year over year. QVC U.S. adjusted OIBDA was $361 million, down 1% year over year while QVC International adjusted OIBDA was $107 million, up 7% year over year.

zulily Segment

Quarterly revenues at the zulily segment totaled $367 million, flat year over year. Quarterly adjusted OIBDA was $26 million, down 16%. Meanwhile, operating loss was $29 million in the reported quarter compared with an operating loss of $43 million in the prior-year quarter.

Liberty Interactive Corporation Price, Consensus and EPS Surprise

Liberty Interactive Corporation Price, Consensus and EPS Surprise | Liberty Interactive Corporation Quote

Recent Development

In Jul 2017, Liberty Interactive announced that its QVC division plans to acquire the remaining 68% of the fellow home-shopping platform HSN Inc. HSNI in an all-stock deal valued at $2.1 billion. QVC already owns 38% of HSN Inc. The newly combined company will have $14 billion in revenue and 23 million customers around the world. The merged entity will also result in the third-largest online site, behind only Amazon.com Inc. AMZN and Wal-Mart Stores Inc.'s WMT e-commerce business. Liberty Interactive currently carries a Zacks Rank #3 (Hold). You can see the complete list of today's Zacks #1 (Strong Buy) Rank stocks here .

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The views and opinions expressed herein are the views and opinions of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Nasdaq, Inc.

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Liberty Interactive (QVCA) Q2 Earnings In Line, Revenues Lag - Nasdaq

Braves’ revenue jumps 34% in new stadium, Liberty Media says – Atlanta Journal Constitution

The Braves revenue increased by 34 percent in their first three months in their new stadium, team owner Liberty Media disclosed Wednesday.

The Braves had revenue of $176 million in the April-through-June quarter, an increase of $45 million from $131 million in the same period last year.

The increase in Braves revenue in the quarter was primarily attributable to an increase in ballpark operations revenue driven by the Braves move to their new ballpark, SunTrust Park, and improved on-field performance, Liberty Media said in reporting its second-quarter financial results.

Ticket sales, concessions, corporate sales, suites and premium seat fees all increased during the second quarter.

In another key measure of the Braves financial performance, Liberty said operating profit before depreciation and amortization was $27 million for the quarter, up from $12 million in the same period a year ago. Liberty said that increase was primarily due to the increase in ballpark operations revenue partially offset by increased costs associated with baseball and ballpark operations.

After depreciation and amortization, the Braves showed an operating loss of $3 million. Liberty cited increased depreciation and amortization expense due to an increase in property and equipment to support the development of the Braves mixed-use facility that surrounds SunTrust Park.

Please check back later today for more details on this story.

Braves fans headed to SunTrust Park early to experience the new ballpark on opening day. (Erica A. Hernandez/AJC)

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Braves' revenue jumps 34% in new stadium, Liberty Media says - Atlanta Journal Constitution

Public Choice Theory and the Politics of Good and Evil – Niskanen Center (press release) (blog)

August 9, 2017 by Jeffrey Friedman Print

So now we finally know. Libertarians arent the ditzy bumblers exemplified by 2016 presidential candidate Gary (What is a leppo?) Johnson. Nor are they ideological extremists, like the proprietor of the Ayn Rand School for Tots. In reality, the libertarian movement is a cabal of racist plutocrats engaged in a fifth-column assault on American democratic governance at the behest of their billionaire paymasters, the Koch brothers.

Or so Nancy MacLean, the William H. Chafe Professor of History and Public Policy at Duke University, tells us in her widely discussed book,Democracy in Chains: The Deep History of the Radical Rights Stealth Plan for America. As a long-time critic of both libertarianism and the branch of economics, public-choice theory,[1] on which MacLean focuses most of her attention, I was open to being persuaded by her dark musings. Yet, as a small army of aggrieved libertarian bloggers has pointed out, MacLean presents no evidence for her sensationalistic accusations. Instead what she presents are quotations taken out of context or so mangled by ellipses that they suggest the opposite of the quoted libertarians intentions (some examples can be found here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here, and here). As a work of history, this book is a fiasco.

Nevertheless, it is worth reading. Libertarians can benefit from it if they put aside the authors conspiracy theorizing and think about how their movement is perceived by those outside it. Non-libertarians can take the occasion to wonder if MacLeans Manichean view of politics is not uncomfortably similar to their own. Theorists of democracy can think about how close public-choice theory is to one of the most common forms of political criticism in mass democracies: the very form of criticism MacLean directs at libertarians. In short, everyone can profit from the chance to reflect on why MacLean, who in previous work showed herself to be a fine historian, was able to call forth no interpretive charity in attempting to understand libertarians in general and, in particular, her bte noir, James Buchanan, the 1986 Nobel laureate in economics and founder of the public-choice school.

Libertarianism as a Conspiracy of Evil

Consider MacLeans most explosive claim: that public-choice theory was motivated by Buchanans desire to preserve the way of life of white Southerners who in the 1950s, early in his career, were being threatened by desegregation (p. xiv). MacLean doesnt provide a shred of evidence to back up this claim. Seeking to channel Buchanan, who was born in Tennessee but was teaching in Virginia when Brown v. Board of Education was issued, MacLean writes: Northern liberals were now going to tell his people how to run their society. And to add insult to injury, he and people like him with property were no doubt going to be taxed more to pay for all the improvements that were now deemed necessary and proper for the state to make. What about his rights? . . . . I can fight this, he concluded. I want to fight this. (p. xiv, italics in original.) One of MacLeans libertarian critics makes much of the fact that the words she italicizes are not actually quotations from Buchanan: unwary readers might assume otherwise. But MacLean doesnt even provide evidence that Buchanan held the un-italicized thoughtsshe puts into his head. She allows back-handedly that Buchanan was not a member of the Virginia elite. Nor is there any explicit evidence to suggest that for a white southerner of his day, he was uniquely racist or insensitive to the concept of equal treatment. Yet she doesnt provide any indirect evidence that he was at all racist or insensitive to the concept of equal treatment.

The source of MacLeansanti-empirical historiography can be found in the next sentence: And yet, somehow, all he saw in the Brown decision was coercion (emphasis added). The somehow implies that Buchanan did not really believe what he said he believed (despite the absence of evidence for this). But MacLean fails to recognize that libertarians are positively obsessed by coercion, blinding them to just about everything else. It is wrong to accuse them of anything more than the narrowness that marks the thinking of any ideologue.

Breaking: Ideologues Can Be Obtuse

Yet, to be charitable to MacLean, she clearly finds it incredible that libertarianism could make sense to any intelligent person. Therefore, she has little choice but to think that libertarianism must be a mask for something deeper and darker. The tacit premise of the book is that nobody can honestly believe that the opposite of coercion, freedom, overrides claims of need and welfare. But having been a libertarian myself, I can testify that thats exactly what libertarians honestly believe. Orto be charitable to themwhat they honestly think they believe.

Libertarians take the sanctity of liberty (or freedom) for granted. And they fail to question the legitimacy of private property ownership, so they include property rights among our sacrosanct freedoms. Thus, government incursions on property rights are as impermissible as coercion by private actorsalso known, they are eager to point out, as criminals. To libertarians, then, taxation is theft. Conscription is slavery. And government, whose every action is backed by men with guns (the police), is inherently suspect. All of these beliefs are, to libertarians, simply logical consequences of their commonsensical commitment to liberty.[2]

Political theorists argue that libertarians use of terms such as coercion, liberty, and freedom is moralized. In other words, libertarians definitions of these terms beg the question against those who think that, for example, private property diminishes the freedom of the poor or of workers.[3] In response, libertarians will ferociously argue about the correct definition of these terms.[4] Such arguments serve to emphasize how far removed libertarians are from the concerns that have persuaded so many peoplethe vast, vast majority, across the entire planetto embrace government intervention, even if it violates freedom. These concerns revolve around the concrete social and economic problems suffered by people in modern societies. MacLean makes it abundantly clear that she, too, is absorbed by these concerns. So (apparently) she refuses to accept that libertarians obtuse preoccupation with liberty, correctly defined, explains their (apparently) cold indifference to the victims of social and economic problems. Thus, she searches for racist, plutocratic explanations of their indifference.

The Epic Libertarian Fail

Yet while it would have been more charitable, and more accurate, for MacLean to interpret libertarians as obtuse, it would not have been entirely fair. On the other side of the equation is the singular entanglement of libertarianism with economicsparticularly Austrian and Chicago-school economics.

No other political movement has as one of its bibles a tract entitled Economics in One Lesson.[5] No other movements first institution of any significance was called the Foundation for Economic Education. Yet if libertarians really believed, deep down, what they tell themselves they believe about the sanctity of liberty-cum-private property, the teachings of economics would be irrelevant to them: the freedom of property owners would be inviolate regardless of its economic effects. Yet libertarians are even more obsessed with these effects than they are with the linguistics of liberty. While they do honestly believe that government is inherently suspect because it is inherently coercive, they also honestly believe that government action to solve social and economic problems is inherently counterproductive. At the heart of libertarianism is not a deliberate, sinister defense of privilege, but a confused acceptance of two potentially contradictory ideas: a philosophical critique of government as inherently coercive and an economic critique of government as inherently counterproductive.

In my experience, libertarians tend to be drawn into their worldview by the economic critique of government, adding the philosophical critique only when they plunge in and read the works of the key libertarian ideologists, Ayn Rand and the lesser known but equally influential Murray N. Rothbard (or the works of their many epigones). Rand and Rothbard were themselves deeply influenced by Austrian economics, and MacLean acknowledges that Buchanan was converted to libertarianism in 1946, while he was a student of Frank Knight in the graduate program in economics at the University of Chicago. (However, she maintains, again on the basis of no evidence, that it is unclear whether his conversionwas the result of the cogency of Knights teaching or the upheaval on Chicagos South Side as steel and meatpacking workers downed tools in the most massive strike wave in Americas labor history [p. 36]. Here she footnotes three different pages of Buchanans autobiography, where he repeatedly proclaims Knights influence on him butsays nothing at all about the strike.)

MacLeans lack of charity proves especially unfortunate in this connection, for libertarians economic preoccupations lead directly to the need, in their ideological system, for public-choice theory. The key doctrine conveyed by free-market economics, in both its Austrian and Chicago variants, is that unintended consequences may frustrate attempts to solve social and economic problemsand that these attempts frequently cause more harm than good. That is, the governments problem-solving attempts backfire so badly that they hurt the very people they attempt to help. Classic examples are the housing shortages that economists often attribute to rent control, and the unemployment they often attribute to minimum-wage laws.

However, while libertarians have been profoundly affected by the Austrian and Chicago idea that unintended consequences are ubiquitous, neither Austrian nor Chicago economists ever proposed a theory to explain why this should be the case; or why unintended consequences, when they do occur, are more likely to be harmful than beneficial. Such a theory would be about politics as much as economics: it would explain why political decision makers are likelier to do harm than good. Instead of such a theory, libertarians adopted a different theory of politics: Buchanans theory of public choice.

Public Choice: Uncharitability as a Political Theory

I well remember the buzz in elite libertarian circles when, in 1983, public choice began to be discovered by them. (MacLean does not recognize that public choice was a relatively late addition to the libertarian creed.) Public choice, libertarians exclaimed at the time, was the theory of politics that libertarianism had always lacked. But instead of explaining why the unintended consequences of public policies are (supposedly) rife, and (supposedly) negative, public-choice theory goes in the opposite direction. Buchanan asserted that people are just as self-interested in politics as in other areas of life.[6] So we should expect self-dealing from political actors, not benevolence. If they are in it for themselves, then it is logical to expect them to do more harm than goodnot unintentionally, but deliberately. Public choice took a very old and often-legitimate worrythe worry about corruptionand turned it into a universal law.[7]

MacLean is rightly outraged at this. Buchanan and his followers, as she puts it, projected unseemly motives onto strangers about whom they knew nothing (p. 98). In particular, she is offended that public choice deglorif[ies] the social movements that have transformed America since the nineteenth century, and recast[s] the motivations of the government officials who rewrote the laws (p. 76). Buchanans reductionist analysis turned young Americans with a passion to live up to their nations stated ideals into menaces who misrepresented their purposes for personal gain (p. 107). This reductionism, however, brings Buchanan much closer to MacLean than she recognizes. Public-choice theory rules out interpretive charity in advance. All that is left is the imputation of bad motives to ones political opponents. Public choice is MacLeans own method, systematized.

By the same token, however, it is rich to read public-choice libertarians begging MacLean for interpretive charity. Their entire careers have been dedicated to denying interpretive charity to the political actors with whom they disagree. Indeed, one defender of public choiceconfessing that he has not read MacLeans booknotes that MacLean benefited from public funding in writing it. Gotcha, Professor MacLean!

MacLean and public-choice theorists, of course, are not unique in ascribing the worst to their political opponents. Everybody does it. This is an immense problem in modern politics, one we see playing out right now. If ones political opponents are not just mistaken but evil, one may well feel that anything is justified in combating them. MacLeans practice, and Buchanans theory, can lead to a war of all against all.

The Politics of Good and Evil, and an Alternative

Manicheaism is not only politically dangerous but a barrier to sound scholarship. Evil is an accusation, not an explanation. Actions may be objectively evil, but subjectively, everyone is doing what they think is somehow justified. Attributions of (subjectively) evil motives end the process of scholarship before it can begin. In studying politics, we want to know (among other things) why evil results may flow even from good motivesas an unintended consequence.

The Niskanen Centers Institute for the Study of Politics will ask that question insistently. (Watch this space on Wednesday mornings.) Even in considering the objective evils of our time, such as rampant nationalism, we shall try to understand their proponents as they understand themselves. This means starting with their own explanations of their actions and questioning their motives only if this is warranted by charitably interpreted evidence.

Interpretive charity is not merely good ethics, or a salve for raw political divisions. It is essential to the scholarly task: the task of understanding each othera task to which all of us, not just academics but political actors, must attend.

[1] E.g., Jeffrey Friedman, Whats Wrong with Libertarianism, Critical Review 11(3): 407-67 (on public choice, see p. 442).

[2] E.g., David Boaz, Libertarianism: A Primer (1997), pp. 87, 110, 149, 171, 225, 276, 300.

[3] E.g., G. A. Cohen, Capitalism, Freedom, and the Proletariat; Justin Weinberg, Freedom, Self-Ownership, and Libertarian Philosophical Diaspora, Critical Review 11(3) (1997): 323-44.

[4] E.g., Tom G. Palmer, G. A. Cohen on Self-Ownership, Property, and Equality, Critical Review 12(3) (1998); and Whats Not Wrong with Libertarianism: Reply to Friedman, ibid.

[5] Hazlitts Economics in One Lesson is not merely a primer for libertarians who want to brush up on economics for purposes of policy debate. It has been the embarkation point for many a journey into libertarian ideology.

[6] James M. Buchanan and Gordon Tullock, The Calculus of Consent, pp. 19-20.

[7] It turns out that it is not even a good generalization. For a summary of empirical evidence against it, see Leif Lewin, Self-Interest and Public Interest in Western Democracies (1991). In a twentieth-anniversary symposium on this book, two of the leading proponents of public-choice theory, Dennis Mueller and Michael Munger, essentially conceded that they were unaware of this evidence and had no answer to it. See Dennis C. Mueller, The Importance of Self-Interest and Public Interest in Politics, Critical Review 23(3) (2011); and Michael C. Munger, Self-Interest and Public Interest: The Motivations of Political Actors, ibid. This is not to say, however, that laws are everywhere and always designed to serve the public interest. See, e.g., Terry Moes Vested Interests and Political Institutions; or The Captured Economy, by the Niskanen Centers Brink Lindsey and Steven Teles. On the tendency of public-choice theory to be removed from reality, consider the words of the Niskanen Centers namesake: Much of the [public choice] literature is a collection of intellectual games. Our specialty has developed clear models of first and second derivatives but cannot answer such simple questions as Why do people vote? (William A. Niskanen, The Reflections of a Grump, p. 151).

Jeffrey Friedman, the Director of the Niskanen Centers Institute for the Study of Politics and the editor ofCritical Review,is a Visiting Scholar in the Charles and Louise Travers Department of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley.

Originally posted here:

Public Choice Theory and the Politics of Good and Evil - Niskanen Center (press release) (blog)

Libertarian candidates jump into races to unseat King, Poliquin – Bangor Daily News

The list of candidates for Congress on Maines 2018 ballot continues to grow, including some from a new political party in Maine: The Libertarian Party.

Chris Lyons of Brunswick has announced he has launched a campaign to oust fellow Brunswickian Angus King, an independent, from the U.S. Senate. Farther north, Brian Kresge of Winterport has launched his own bid as a Libertarian against 2nd Congressional District Rep. Bruce Poliquin, a Republican.

Both are leaving the starting gates with similar messages: that Republicans and Democrats in Washington and at the state level have failed to lead and govern. And both are starting a considerably steep uphill slog as fourth-party candidates taking on established incumbents.

Call the prospect of a Libertarian candidate being elected a long shot, but thats also what was said about the party gaining official status in Maine in 2015 and 2016 as supporters sought to register the 5,000 voters they needed take the first step.

The Secretary of States office rejected some of the signatures in January 2016, spurring the Libertarian Party of Maine Inc. to sue. That lawsuit went on for months, resulting in a federal judge first ruling against the partys bid to be a party and then reversing his decision on appeal a month later. That allowed the libertarians to collect the additional registrants they needed and propelled their contention that Maines process for creating a new political party is unconstitutionally rigid.

Being an official political party in Maine affords candidates from that party a much easier path to the ballot, setting up a simple registration system in place of a more formidable petition-based system. The partys efforts are not over. It has to sent at least 10,000 registered Libertarians to the polls in November 2018, according to new legislation enacted this year.

Lyons, who is a contractor by trade, ran a write-in campaign against U.S. Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, in 2014. He has yet to file for his 2018 candidacy against King with the Federal Election Commission but has already launched a series of campaign events. He said he is in the race to win it and that converting independents or voters enrolled in major parties is easy.

One thing Ive learned in the past couple of years is that it isnt so much that people become a Libertarian, he said during an interview on Wednesday. They simply realize they are one. Ive heard this time and time again.

Kresge, a senior software developer for RKL eSolutions LLD of Pennsylvania and Army veteran, said his priority as a candidate and congressman is to advocate for smaller, more effective government, which is at the core of the Libertarian ideology. Kresge also has not filed yet with the Federal Election Commission.

The Libertarian Party is here and is serious about representing your interests, Kresge said in a written statement on Wednesday.

The candidate lineups against Collins and Poliquin are still developing. So far, only Republican state Sen. Eric Brakey has jumped into the race against King.

This item was originally published in Daily Brief, a free political newsletter distributed Monday through Friday by the Bangor Daily News to inform dialogue about Maine politics and government. To read more of todays Daily Brief, click here. To have the Daily Brief delivered daily to your inbox, click here.

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Libertarian candidates jump into races to unseat King, Poliquin - Bangor Daily News

The Google Memo Exposes a Libertarian Blindspot When It Comes To Power – Reason (blog)

HotAir.comThe "Google Memo" (read it here) raises at least two big questions from a specifically libertarian perspective: When does an employer have a right to fire an employee and how do social pressures work to shut down speech that makes powerful people uncomfortable?

The answer to the first question is pretty clear-cut, at least when talking about an at-will employee: Google (and other employers) should and do have extremely broad rights to fire any worker at any time. Exceptions rightly exist (and depending on the state one lives in, there may be fewer or more legal exceptions recognized by the courts) but they are narrow. Critics fear that at-will employment will result in chronic job instability, but no firm thrives over time by firing its workers on a regular basis and without good reasons (at-will employment also gives workers the not-insignificant ability to leave a situation without having to explain themselves or negotiate out of contractual obligations). The vast majority of Americans have never signed an employment contract (in nearly three decades of adult work, I know I never have) and are not the worse off for it.

Shortly before the memo's author was fired, Google's vice president of diversity, integrity, and governance wrote

Diversity and inclusion are a fundamental part of our values and the culture we continue to cultivate. We are unequivocal in our belief that diversity and inclusion are critical to our success as a company, and we'll continue to stand for that and be committed to it for the long haul. As Ari Balogh said in his internal G+ post, "Building an open, inclusive environment is core to who we are, and the right thing to do. 'Nuff said."

You might think that such values would have meant that James Damore, who penned the memo, might have been lauded for raising the issues he did, if not necessarily the way he did. Just earlier this year, at a shareholder meeting of Google's parent corporation Alphabet, chairman Eric Schmidt told an audience, "The company was founded under the principles of freedom of expression, diversity, inclusiveness and science-based thinking."

But whether you agree with Google's specific decision in this case, there should be no question that it has the right to fire people. If a company does that consistently for arbitrary and unconvincing reasons (ranging from enforcing ideological consistency in non-ideological organizations to erratic management to whatever), it will have huge trouble attracting and keeping talent. But in a free society, every company should have the right to put itself out fo business through bad management practices.

James Damore, the author of the memo, says that his most-recent performance review at Google rated him as "superb, which is the top few percentile" at the company. Supporters of the firing say that nobody at the company would want to work with a person who publicly questioned the announced demographic diversity goals at Google, a fact belied by reports that "over half" of Google employees don't think he should have been let go. If his firing causes more morale problems than it solves, that's Google's problem and it shouldn't erode confidence in the system of at-will employment.

The second question raised by the Google Memodubbed "an anti-diversity screed" by Gizmodo, the site that posted it in its entirety apparently without reading itis a more-complicated and interesting topic from a libertarian point of view.

Damore titled his memo "Google's Ideological Echo Chamber," and management's quick response to it underscores his titular implication, which is that political correctness has in many ways stymied any sort of good-faith conversation about issues touching on race, class, gender, and other highly charged topics. If libertarians instinctively only think about state power as worthy of critique, such a myopic perspective misses all the ways in which power asserts itself in society. As linguist Steven Pinker tweeted in response to Damore's firing, Google's hair-trigger response actually gives the supporters of President Donald Trump a juicy talking point in their war against the tyrannical ideological orthodoxy that Trump specifically said he was running against. From Pinker:

The situation is compounded by the fact that Damore's text is not in any sense the screed or rant that detractors call it. In fact, it starts with the statement, "I value diversity and inclusion, am not denying that sexism exists, and don't endorse using stereotypes" and continues

People generally have good intentions, but we all have biases which are invisible to us. Thankfully, open and honest discussion with those who disagree can highlight our blind spots and help us grow, which is why I wrote this document.

The result is a discussion of possible causes, including genetic and cultural influences, for why Google's attempt to hire more women and minorities is going so badly despite massive and ongoing efforts to change that. I suspect that the real problem with the essay's logic (as opposed to, say, Damore's personality and reputation within Google, of which I know nothing) is calling attention to the costs and effectiveness of diversity programs along with their benefits, which are simply taken for granted. Additionally, he makes a plea for ideological diversity, which never turns out well in most places that say they value "diversity":

I hope it's clear that I'm not saying that diversity is bad, that Google or society is 100% fair, that we shouldn't try to correct for existing biases, or that minorities have the same experience of those in the majority. My larger point is that we have an intolerance for ideas and evidence that don't fit a certain ideology. I'm also not saying that we should restrict people to certain gender roles; I'm advocating for quite the opposite: treat people as individuals, not as just another member of their group (tribalism).

At Quillette, a website whose editor says suffered a denial-of-service attack after publishing stories critical of Google's actions, Rutgers psychologist Lee Jussim writes:

The author of the Google essay on issues related to diversity gets nearly all of the science and its implications exactly right. Its main points are that: 1. Neither the left nor the right gets diversity completely right; 2. The social science evidence on implicit and explicit bias has been wildly oversold and is far weaker than most people seem to realize; 3. Google has, perhaps unintentionally, created an authoritarian atmosphere that has stifled discussion of these issues by stigmatizing anyone who disagrees as a bigot and instituted authoritarian policies of reverse discrimination; 4. The policies and atmosphere systematically ignore biological, cognitive, educational, and social science research on the nature and sources of individual and group differences....

This essay may not get everything 100% right, but it is certainly not a rant. And it stands in sharp contrast to most of the comments, which are little more than snarky modern slurs.

That last point is indisputable, as the more charitable negative assessments of Damore include only calling him a "shitball" and the like. And of course, the near-immediate firing of Damore, thus at least superficially proving his large point that Google's commitment to "freedom of expression, diversity, inclusiveness and science-based thinking" is a joke.

Even self-described Marxists such as Princeton philosopher Peter Singer have criticized Google for its actions:

On an issue that matters, Damore put forward a view that has reasonable scientific support, and on which it is important to know what the facts are. Why then was he fired?

Again, from a libertarian point of view, one traditional response to Singer's question would be: Who cares, it's none of our business what a private entity does because libertarianism is ultimately about relations between individuals and the state, not individuals and voluntary associations they make, including employment.

The Google Memo controversy reveals the limitations of such narrow or "thin" libertarianism. Political correctnesswhich is both the enforcement of an orthodox set of beliefs and the delegitimation of any criticism of those beliefsis an attitude that is hardly limited only to state capitols, state agencies, and state universities. It exists everywhere in our lives and should be battled wherever we encounter it since it undermines free-thinking and free expression, the very hallmarks of a libertarian society. We have not just a right to criticize the actions of private actors but arguably a responsibility to do so, even if there is no public policy change being called for (Google should be allowed to fire whomever it wants, though its grounds for doing so are fair game for public discussion). Libertarianism is ultimately grounded not in anything like knowable objective, scientific truths, but in epistemological humility built on (per Hayek and other unacknowledged postmodernists) a tremendous amount of epistemological humility. That is, because we don't know objective truths, we need to have an open exchange of ideas and innovation that allows us to gain more knowledge and understanding even if we never get to truth with a capital T. Political correctness is not simply an attack a given set of current beliefs, it is an attack on the process by which we become smarter and more humane. That's exactly why it's so pernicious and destructive.

With that in mind, here's Penn Jillette in 2011 talking about why he's a libertarian. It's a provocative and persuasive argument, I think:

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The Google Memo Exposes a Libertarian Blindspot When It Comes To Power - Reason (blog)

Sphere of Influence: How American Libertarians Are Remaking Latin American Politics – The Intercept

For Alejandro Chafuen, the gathering this spring at the Brick Hotel in Buenos Aires was as much a homecoming as it was a victory lap. Chafuen, a lanky Argentine-American, had spent his adult life working to undermine left-wing social movements and governments in South and Central America, and boost a business-friendly version of libertarianism instead.

It was a lonely battle for decades, but not lately. Chafuen was among friends at the 2017 Latin America Liberty Forum. The international meeting of libertarian activists was sponsored by the Atlas Economic Research Foundation, a leadership-training nonprofit now known simply as the Atlas Network, which Chafuen has led since 1991. At the Brick Hotel, Chafuen was reveling in recent victories; his years of work werestarting to pay off, thanks to political and economic circumstances but also because ofthe network of activists Chafuen has been working for so long to cultivate.

Over the past 10years, leftist governments have used money to buy votes, to redistribute, said Chafuen, seated comfortably in the lobby. But the recent drop in commodity prices, coupled with corruption scandals, hasgiven an opportunity for Atlas Network groups to spring into action. When there is an opening, you have a crisis, and there is some demand for change, you have people who are trained to push for certain policies, Chafuen noted, paraphrasing the late Milton Friedman. And in our case, we tend to favor to private solutions to public problems.

Chafuen pointed to numerous Atlas-affiliated leaders now in the spotlight: ministers in the new conservative government in Argentina, senators in Bolivia, and the leaders of the Free Brazil Movement that took down Dilma Rousseffs presidency, where Chafuens network sprang to life before his very eyes.

In Brazil, I have been in the street demonstrations, and Im like, Hey, this guy I met when he was 17, 18 he is up there on the bus leading this. This is crazy! Chafuen said, excitedly. Those in Atlass orbit were no less excited to run into Chafuen in Buenos Aires. Activists from various countries stopped Chafuen intermittently to sing his praises as he walked through the hotel. For many, Chafuen, from his perch at Atlas, has served as a mentor, fiscal sponsor, and guiding beacon for a new political paradigm in their country.

Ousted Honduran President Manuel Zelaya, left, looks down inside a car on the outskirts of San Jose on his way to the airport toboard a flight to Nicaragua, June 28, 2009.

Photo: Kent Gilbert/AP

A rightward shiftis afoot in Latin American politics. Triumphant socialist governments had once swept the region for much of the 21st century from Argentinas Cristina Fernndez de Kirchner to land reform populist Manuel Zelaya in Honduras championing new programs for the poor, nationalizing businesses, and challenging U.S. dominance in hemispheric affairs.

This shift might appear as part of a larger regional rebalancing, merely economic circumstances taking hold. And yet the Atlas Network seems ever-present, a common thread nudging political developments along.

The story of the Atlas Network and its profound impact on ideology and political power has never been fully told. But business filings and records from three continents, along with interviews with libertarian leaders across the hemisphere, reveal the scope of its influential history. The libertarian network, which has reshaped political power in country after country, has also operated as a quiet extension of U.S. foreign policy, with Atlas-associated think tanks receiving quiet funding from the State Department and the National Endowment for Democracy, a critical arm of American soft power.

The network is expansive, currently boasting loose partnerships with 450 think tanks around the world. Atlas says it dispensed over $5 million to its partners in 2016 alone.

Over the years, Atlas and its affiliated charitable foundations have provided hundreds of grants to conservative and free-market think tanks in Latin America, including the libertarian network that supported the Free Brazil Movement and organizations behind a libertarian push in Argentina,including Fundacin Pensar, the Atlas think tank that merged with the political party formed by Mauricio Macri, a businessman who now leads the country. The leaders of the Free Brazil Movement and the founder of Fundacin Elutera in Honduras, an influential post-coup neoliberal think tank, have received financial support from Atlas, and are among the next generation of political operatives that have gonethrough Atlass training seminars.

The Atlas Network spans dozens of other think tanks across the region, including prominent groups supporting right-wing forces behind the unfolding anti-government movement in Venezuela and the campaign of Sebastin Piera, the right-of-center candidate leading the polls for this years presidential election in Chile.

People demonstrate in favor of impeaching Brazils President Dilma Rousseff in front of the National Congress in Brasilia, Brazil, Dec. 2, 2015.

Photo: Eraldo Peres/AP

Nowhere has theAtlas method been better encapsulated than in a newly formed network of Brazilian free-market think tanks. Recently formed institutes worked together to foment anger at socialist policies, with some cultivating academic centers, while others work to train activists and maintain a constant war in the Brazilian media against leftist ideas.

The effort to focus anger solely at the left paid dividends last year for the Brazilian right. The millennial activists of the Free Brazil Movement, many of them trained in political organizing in the U.S., led a mass movement to channel public anger over a vast corruption scandal against Dilma, the left-of-center president popularly known by her first name. The scandal, nicknamed Operao Lava Jato, or Operation Car Wash, is a still-unfolding tale of bribery involving leading politicians from all of Brazils major political parties, including the right-wing and center-right parties. But the social media-savvy Free Brazil Movement, known by its Portuguese initials, MBL, managed to direct the bulk of outrage squarely at Dilma, demanding her ousting and an end to the welfare-centric policies of her Workers Party.

The uprising, which has drawn comparisons to the tea party movement, especially considering the quiet support from local industrial conglomerates and a new conspiracy-minded network of far-right media voices, ended 13 years of rule by the Workers Party by removing Dilma from office through impeachment in 2016.

The landscape that MBL sprang from is a new development in Brazil. There were perhaps three active libertarian think tanks 10 years ago, said Helio Beltro, a former hedge fund executive who now leads Instituto Mises, a nonprofit named after the libertarian philosopher, Ludwig von Mises. Now, he said, with the support of Atlas, there are close to 30 such institutes active in Brazil, all working collaboratively, along with groups, such as Students for Liberty and MBL.

Its like a soccer team. Defense is the academia. The forward guys are the politicians. Weve scored a few goals, he said, referring to Dilmas impeachment. The midfield, he said, are the cultural guys that shape public opinion.

Beltro explained that the think tank network is hoping to privatize the national post office in Brazil, calling it low-hanging fruit that could lead to a larger wave of free-market reforms. Many of the conservative parties in Brazil embraced libertarian campaigners when they showed they could mobilize hundreds of thousands of people to protest against Dilma, but havent yet adopted the fundamentals of supply-side theory.

Brazil has 17,000 unions paid by public money, one day of salary per year goes to unions, completely controlled by the left, said Schler. The only way to reverse the socialist trend has been to out-maneuver them. With technology, people could by themselves participate, organize at low cost WhatsApp, Facebook, YouTube, using networks, a kind of public manifestation, he continued, explaining the way libertarian organizers mobilized a protest movement against left-leaning politicians.

Organizers against Dilma had created a daily barrage of YouTube videos mocking the Workers Party government, along with an interactive scoreboard to encourage citizens to lobby their legislators to support impeachment.

Schler noted that the Free Brazil Movement and his own think tank receive financial support from local industrial trade groups, but the movement had succeeded in part because it is not identified with the incumbent political parties, most of which the general public views with suspicion. He argued that the only way to radically reshape society and reverse popular sentiment in support of the welfare state was to wage a permanent cultural war to confront left intellectuals and the media.

Fernando Schler.

Photo: Screen shot from YouTube

One of thefounders of Schlers Instituto Millenium think tank, Brazilian blogger Rodrigo Constantino, has polarized Brazilian politics with hyperpartisan rhetoric. Constantino, who has been called the Breitbart of Brazil for his conspiratorial views and acidic right-wing commentary, chairs yet another Atlas think tank, Instituto Liberal. He sees the Brazilian lefts every move as a veiled attempt at subverting democracy, from the use of the color red in the countrys World Cup logo to the Bolsa Famlia cash assistance program to poor families.

The Breitbartization of public discourse is but one of the many ways the Atlas network has subtly influenced political debate.

Its a very paternalistic state. Its crazy. Its a lot of state control, and thats the long-term challenge, said Schler, adding that despite recent victories, libertarians had a long way to go in Brazil. He hoped to copy the model of Margaret Thatcher, who relied on a network of libertarian think tanks to push unpopular reforms. This pension system is absurd. I would privatize all education, Schler, rattling off a litany of changes he would make to society, from defunding labor unions to repealing the law that makes voting compulsory.

Yet the only way to make all that possible, he added, would be to build a network of politically active nonprofits all waging separate battles to push the same libertarian goals. The existing model the constellation of right-wing think tanks in Washington, D.C., supported by powerful endowments is the only path forward for Brazil, Schler said.

Atlas, for its part, is busy doing just that. It gives grants for new think tanks, provides courses on political management and public relations, sponsors networking events around the world, and, in recent years, has devoted special resources to prodding libertarians to influence public opinion through social media and online videos.

An annual competition encourages Atlass network to produce viral YouTube videos promoting laissez-faire ideas and ridiculing proponents of the welfare state. James OKeefe, the provocateur famous for needling Democrats with his undercover videos, has appeared before Atlas to explain his methods. Producers from a Wisconsin group that worked to create online videos to discredit teacher protests against Gov. Scott Walkers law busting public sector unions have also provided instructions for Atlass training sessions.

Crowd members burn apuppet of Venezuelan President Hugo Chvez at Plaza Altamira in protest against the government.

Photo: Lonely Planet Images/Getty Images

As early as 1998, Cedice Libertad, Atlass flagship think tank in Caracas, Venezuelas capital, received regular financial support from the Center for International Private Enterprise. In one grant letter, NED funds marked for Cedice are listed to help advocate a change in government. The director of Cedice was among the signatories of the controversy Carmona Decree supporting the short-lived military coup against Chvez in 2002.

A2006 cable laid out a strategy from U.S. Ambassador William Brownfield for funding politically active nonprofits in Venezuela: 1) Strengthening democratic institutions, 2) penetrating Chvezs political base, 3) dividing Chavismo, 4) protecting vital U.S. business, and 5) isolating Chvez internationally.

In Venezulas current crisis, Cedice has promoted the recent spate of protests against President Nichols Maduro, Chvezs embattled successor. Cedice is closely affiliated with opposition figure Mara Corina Machado, one of the leaders of the massive anti-government street demonstrations in recent months. Machado has publicly recognized Atlas for its work. In a videotape message delivered to the groupin 2014, shesaid, Thank you to the Atlas Network, to all freedom fighters.

At the AtlasNetworks Latin American Liberty Forum in Buenos Aires, young leaders buzzed back and forth, sharing ideas on how to defeat socialism at every level, from pitched battles on college campuses to mobilizing an entire country to embrace impeachment.

Think tank entrepreneurs from Peru, the Dominican Republic, and Honduras competed in a format along the lines of Shark Tank, an America reality show where start-up businesses pitch to a panel of wealthy, ruthless investors. Instead of seeking investments from a panel of venture capitalists, however, the think tank leaders pitched policy marketing ideas for a contest that awarded $5,000. In another session, strategies were debated for attracting industry support to back economic reforms. In another room, political operatives debated arguments lovers of liberty can use to respond to the global rise of populism to redirect the sense of injustice many feel toward free-market goals.

One young leader from CADAL, a think tank in Buenos Aires, presented on an idea to rank each Argentine province using what he called an economic liberty index, which would use the level of taxation and regulation as the main criteria to generate buzz for free-market reforms. The idea is consciously modeled on similar strategies from the U.S., including the Heritage Foundations Index of Economic Freedom, which measures countries based on criteria that includes tax policies and regulatory barriers to business formation.

Think tanks are traditionally associated with independent institutes formed to develop unconventional solutions. But the Atlas model focuses less on developing genuinely new policy proposals, and more on establishing political organizations that carry the credibility of academic institutions, making them an effective organ for winning hearts and minds.

Free-market ideas such as slashing taxes on the wealthy; whittling down the public sector and placing it under the control of private operators; and liberalized trade rules and restrictions on labor unions have always struggled with a perception problem. Proponents of this vision have found that voters tend to view such ideas as a vehicle for serving societys upper crust. Rebranding economic libertarianism as a public interest ideology has required elaborate strategies for mass persuasion.

But the Atlas model now spreading rapidly through Latin America is based on a method perfected by decades of struggle in the U.S. and the U.K., as libertarians worked to stem the tide of the surging post-war welfare state.

Map of Atlas group locations in South America.

Map: The Intercept

Antony Fisher, a British entrepreneur and the founder of the Atlas Network, pioneered the sale of libertarian economics to the broader public. The tack was simple: Fisher made it his mission to, in the words of an associate, litter the world with free-market think tanks.

The basis for Fishers ideals came from Friedrich Hayek, a forbearer of modern thought on limited government. In 1946, after reading the Readers Digest version of Hayeks seminal book, The Road to Serfdom, Fisher sought a meeting with the Austrian economist in London. As recounted by his close colleague John Blundell, Fisher suggested Hayek enter politics. But Hayek demurred, replying that a bottom-up focus on shifting the public discourse could better shape society.

Meanwhile, in the U.S., another free-market ideologue, Leonard Read, was entertaining similar notions after leading the U.S. Chamber of Commerces Los Angeles branch into bruising battles with organized labor. To counter the growth of the welfare state, a more elaborate response would be necessary to share popular debates around the direction of society, without the visible link to corporate interests.

Fisher was propelled forward by a fateful visit to Reads newly formed nonprofit, the Foundation for Economic Education, in New York, which was founded to help sponsor and promote the ideas of free-market intellectuals. There, libertarian economist F.A. Harper, at the time working at FEE, advised Fisher on methods for creating his own nonprofit in the U.K.

During the trip, Fisher also traveled with Harper to Cornell University to observe the latest animal industry breakthrough of battery cages, marveling at the sight of 15,000 chickens housed in a single building. Fisher was inspired to bring the innovation home with him. His factory, Buxted Chickens, grew rapidly and made Fisher a substantial fortune in the process. Some of those profits went into the other goal fostered during his New York trip: In 1955, Fisher founded the Institute of Economic Affairs.

IEA helped popularize the once-obscure set of economists loosely affiliated with Hayeks ideas. The institute was a place to showcase opposition to British societys growing welfare state, connecting journalists to free-market academics and disseminating critiques on a regular basis through opinion columns, radio interviews, and conferences.

Businesses provided the bulk of funding to IEA, as leading British industrial and banking giants from Barclays to BP pitched in with annual contributions. According to Making Thatchers Britain, by historians Ben Jackson and Robert Saunders, one shipping magnate remarked that, since universities were providing ammunition for the unions, the IEA was an important source of bullets for business.

As the economic slowdown and rising inflation of the 1970s shook the foundations of British society, Tory politicians gravitated more and more to the IEA to provide an alternative vision and IEA obliged with accessible issue briefs and talking points politicians could use to bring free-market concepts to the public. The Atlas Network proudly proclaims that the IEA laid the intellectual groundwork for what later became the Thatcher Revolution of the 1980s. IEA staff provided speechwriting for Margaret Thatcher; supplemented her campaign with policy papers on topics as varied as labor unions and price controls; and provided a response to her critics in the mass media. In a letter to Fisher after her 1979 victory, Thatcher wrote that the IEA created the climate of opinion which made our victory possible.

Theres no doubt theres been enormous progress in Britain, the Institute of Economic Affairs, which Antony Fisher set up, made an enormous difference, Milton Friedman once said. It made possible Margaret Thatcher. It made possible not her election as prime minister but the policies that she was able to follow. And the same thing in this country, the developing thought along these lines made possible Ronald Reagan and the policies he was able to follow.

IEA had come full circle. Hayek set up an invitation-only group of free-market economists called the Mont Pelerin Society. One of its members, Ed Feulner, helped found the conservative Washington think tank the Heritage Foundation, drawing on IEAs work for inspiration. Another Mont Pelerin member, Ed Crane, founded the Cato Institute, the most prominent libertarian think tank in the U.S.

Austrian-British economist and political philosopher Friedrich Hayek with a class of students at the London School of Economics, 1948.

Photo: Paul Popper/Popperfoto/Getty Images

In 1981, Fisher,who had settled in San Francisco, set out to develop the Atlas Economic Research Foundation at the urging of Hayek. Fisher had used his success with IEA to court corporate donors to help establish a string of smaller, sometimes regional think tanks in New York, Canada, California, and Texas, among other places. With Atlas, though, the scale for Fishers free-market think tank project would now be global: a nonprofit dedicated to continuing his work of establishing libertarian beachheads in every country of the world. The more institutes established throughout the world, Fisher declared, the more opportunity to tackle diverse problems begging for resolution.

Fisher began to fundraise, pitching corporate donors with the help of letters from Hayek, Thatcher, and Friedman, including an urgent call for donors to help reproduce the success of IEA through Atlas. Hayek wrote that the IEA model ought to be used to create similar institutes all over the world. He added, It would be money well spent if large sums could be made available for such a concerted effort.

The proposal was sent to a list of high-level executives and soon, money began pouring in from corporate coffers and Republican mega-donors, including Richard Mellon Scaife. Companies, such as Pfizer, Procter & Gamble, and Shell, all gave to Atlas. But their influence would need to remain cloaked for the project to work, Fisher contended. To influence public opinion, it is necessary to avoid any suggestion of vested interest or intent to indoctrinate, Fisher noted in a proposal outlining the purpose of Atlas. Fisher added that IEAs success hinged on the perception that it was academic and impartial.

Atlas grew rapidly. By 1985, the network featured 27 institutions in 17 countries, including nonprofits in Italy, Mexico, Australia, and Peru.

And the timing could not have been better: Atlass international expansion came just as the Reagan administration was doubling down on an aggressive foreign policy, hoping to beat back leftist governments abroad.

While in public, Atlas declared that it received no government funding (Fisher belittled foreign aid as just another bribe used to distort market forces), records show the network quietly worked to channel government money to its growing list of international partners.

In one 1982 letter from the International Communication Agency, a small federal agency devoted to promote U.S. interests overseas, a bureaucrat at the Office of Private Sector Programs wrote to Fisher, in response to an inquiry about acquiring federal grants. The bureaucrat said he was barred from giving directly to foreign organizations, but could cosponsor conferences or exchanges with organizations hosted by groups like Atlas. He encouraged Fisher to send over a proposal. The letter, sent one year after Atlass founding, was the first indication that the network would become a covert partner to U.S. foreign policy interests.

Memos and other records from Fisher show that, by 1986, Atlas had helped schedule meetings with business executives to direct U.S. funds to its network of think tanks. In one instance, an official from the U.S. Agency for International Development, the principal foreign aid arm of the federal government, recommended that the head of Coca-Colas subsidiary in Panama work with Atlas to set up an IEA-style affiliate think tank there. Atlas partners also drew funding from the coffers of the National Endowment for Democracy, a government-charted nonprofit, founded in 1983, that is funded largely by the State Department and USAID to build U.S.-friendly political institutions in the developing world.

Alejandro Chafuen, of the Atlas Economic Research Foundation, back right, shakes hands with Rafael Alonzo, of Venezuelas Freedom Center for Economic Studies, CEDICE, left, as Peruvian writer Mario Vargas Llosa applauds during the opening of the Freedom and Democracy international forum in Caracas, May 28, 2009.

Photo: Ariana Cubillos/AP

With corporate andU.S. government funding pouring in, Atlas took another fortuitous turn in 1985 with the arrival of Alejandro Chafuen. Linda Whetstone, Fishers daughter, remembered in a tribute that, in 1985, a young Chafuen, then living in Oakland, showed up to Atlass San Francisco office and was willing to work for nothing.

The Buenos Aires-born Chafuen hailed from what he described as an anti-Peronist family. They were wealthy and, though raised in an era of incredible turmoil in Argentina, Chafuen lived a life of relative privilege. He spent his teenage years playing tennis, dreaming of becoming a professional athlete.

Chafuen credits his youthful ideological path to his appetite for devouring libertarian texts, from Ayn Rand to booklets published by FEE, the Leonard Read group that had originally inspired Fisher. After studying at Grove City College, a deeply conservative Christian liberal arts school in Pennsylvania, where he served as the president of the student libertarian club, Chafuen returned to his home country. The military had stepped in, claiming a threat from communist revolutionaries. Thousands of students and activists would be tortured and killed in the crackdown on left-wing dissent following the coup detat.

Chafuen remembers the time in a mostly positive light, later writing that the military had acted out of necessity to prevent a communist takeover of the country. While pursuing a teaching career, Chafuen encountered totalitarians of every style within academic life. After the military coup, he wrote that he noticed that his professors became gentler, despite their differences with him.

In other Latin American countries, too, libertarianism was finding a receptive audience among military governments. In Chile, after the military swept out the democratically elected government of Salvador Allende, Mont Pelerin Society economists quickly flocked to the country, setting the stage for widespread libertarian reforms, including the privatization of industry and the countrys pension system. Throughout the region, under the watch of right-wing military leaders that had seized power, libertarian economic policies began to take root.

For his part, Chafuens ideological zeal was on display as early as 1979, when he published an essay for FEE titled War Without End. He described the horrors of leftist terror, like the Charles Manson family, or in regimental strength, like the guerilla troops in the Middle East, Africa, and South America. There was a need, he wrote, for the forces of individual freedom and private property to fight back.

His enthusiasm garnered attention. In 1980, at age 26, Chafuen was invited to become the youngest member of the Mont Pelerin Society. He traveled to Stanford, an opportunity that put him in direct contact with Read, Hayek, and other leading libertarians. Within five years, Chafuen had married an American and was living in Oakland. He began reaching out to Mont Pelerin members in the Bay Area, including Fisher.

According to Atlass board meeting notes, Fisher told his colleagues he had made a $500 ex gratia Christmas payment that year to Chafuen, and hoped to hire the young economist full-time to develop Atlas think tanks in Latin America. The following year, Chafuen organized the first Atlas summit of Latin American think tanks in Jamaica.

Chafuen understood theAtlas model well and worked diligently to expand the network, helping to launch think tanks in Africa and Europe, though focusing his efforts in Latin America. Describing how to attract donors, Chafuen once noted in a lecture that donors cannot appear to pay for public surveys because the polls would lose credibility. Pfizer Inc. would not sponsor surveys on health issues nor would Exxon pay for surveys on environmental issues, Chafuen noted. Libertarian think tanks, such as the ones in Atlass network, however, could not only present the same survey with more credibility, but do so in a way that garnered coverage in the local media.

Journalists are very much attracted by whatever is new and easy to report, Chafuen said. The press is less interested in quoting libertarian philosophers, he contended, but when a think tank produced a survey people would listen. And donors also see this, he added.

In 1991, three years after Fisher died, Chafuen took the helm of Atlas and would have the opportunity to speak to donors with authority about Atlass work. He quickly began to rack up corporate sponsors to push company-specific goals through the network. Philip Morris contributed regular grants to Atlas, including a $50,000 contribution to the group in 1994, which was disclosed years later through litigation. Records show that the tobacco giant viewed Atlas as an ally for working on international litigation issues.

Journalists in Chile, however, found out that Atlas-backed think tanks had worked to quietly lobby against smoking regulations without disclosing their funding from tobacco companies, a strategy similar think tanks repeated across the globe.

Chafuens fundraising prowess extended to the growing number of wealthy conservative foundations that were beginning to flourish. He was a founding member of Donors Trust, a secretive donor-advised fund that has doled out over $400 million to libertarian nonprofits, including members of the Atlas Network. He also serves as a trustee to the Chase Foundation of Virginia, which was founded by a Mont Pelerin Society member and similarly sends cash to Atlas think tanks.

Another wellspring of money came from the American government. Initially, the National Endowment for Democracy encountered difficulty setting up U.S.-friendly political nonprofits. Gerardo Bongiovanni, the president of Fundacin Libertad, an Atlas think tank in Rosario, Argentina, noted during a lecture with Chafuen that the early seed money from NEDs grant partner, the Center for International Private Enterprise, totaled $1 million between 1985 and 1987. The think tanks that received those initial grants quickly folded, Bongiovanni said, citing lack of management training.

Atlas, however, managed to turn U.S. taxpayer money coming through the NED and Center for International Private Enterprise into an important source of funding for its growing network. The funding vehicles provided money to help boost Atlas think tanks in Eastern Europe, following the fall of the Soviet Union, and, later, to promote U.S. interests in the Middle East. Among the recipients of the Center for International Private Enterprises cash is Cedice Libertad, the group thanked by Venezuelan opposition leader Mara Corina Machado.

Sebastian Gorka, White House deputy assistant to the president, participates in a television interview outside the West Wing on June 9, 2017, in Washington, D.C.

Photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

At the Brick Hotel in Buenos Aires, Chafuen reflected on the last three decades. Fisher would be overall pleased, and he would not believe how much our network grew, Chafuen said, noting that perhaps the Atlas founder would not have expected the level of direct political engagement the group is involved in.

Perhaps Chafuens most prized figure in the administration, however, is Judy Shelton, an economist and senior fellow at the Atlas Network. After Trumps victory, Shelton was made the chair of the NED. She previously served as an adviser to the Trump campaign and transition effort. Chafuen beamed when he talked about it. There you have the Atlas people being the chair of the National Endowment for Democracy, he said.

Before ending the interview, Chafuen intimated that there was more to come: more think tanks, more efforts to overturn leftist governments, and more Atlas devotees and alumni elevated to the highest levels of government the world over. The work is ongoing, he said.

Later, Chafuen appeared at the gala for the Latin America Liberty Forum. Along with a panel of Atlas experts, he discussed the need to ramp up libertarian opposition movements in Ecuador and Venezuela.

Listen to reporter Lee Fang discuss his investigation of the Atlas Network on our podcast Intercepted:

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Sphere of Influence: How American Libertarians Are Remaking Latin American Politics - The Intercept

Is There a Second Libertarian Running for Governor of Virginia? – Reason (blog)

If you thought Cliff Hyra was the only libertarian running for governor of Virginia this year, think again. There might be a second: Democratic Lt. Gov. Ralph Northam.

Up to now Northam has stuck about as close to the middle of the road as you can get without turning into a double stripe of yellow paint. Nominally a Democrat, he voted for George W. Bush twiceand at one point there was some talk that he might join the GOP (Northam says such rumors were false). Still, he holds the party line on issues such as Medicaid expansion, gun control, and abortionareas where he and his Republican opponent, Ed Gillespie, differ.

Gillespie has said he would like to see abortion banned in most cases, and recently admitted he would sign legislation defunding Planned Parenthood. Planned Parenthood promptly endorsed Northam, and its political action committee plans to spend $3 million supporting his campaign.

Northam has been milking the endorsement. "As I always say," he insisted on Friday, "there is no room for a bunch of legislators, most of whom are men, to tell women what they should and shouldn't do with their own bodies." He repeated the point in a tweet: "There's no excuse for legislators to tell women what they can do with their bodies."

A commendably bold and unequivocal position. The question is: Does Northam actually mean it? Because it leads to all sorts of conclusions that qualify as provocative, if not radical.

If there is no excuse for legislators to tell women what they can do with their bodies, then Virginia should pass right-to-try legislation that lets terminally ill patients experiment with new and untested treatments. The U.S. Senate approved such a measure the very day Planned Parenthood endorsed Northam.

Laws like that apply to both men and women, but it's safe to assume that Northam thinks men and women have equal rightsand therefore that lawmakers have no excuse to tell men what they can do with their bodies, either.

If there is no excuse to tell people what they can do with their bodies, then there also is no excuse to require that motorcycle riders wear helmets, if they would prefer not to. And no excuse to make drivers wear seat belts.

Similarly, there is no excuse to prevent a woman from using drugs such as heroin and cocaine. Or to stop her from selling her organs.

There is no excuse for outlawing prostitution. There is no excuse for prohibiting someone from working for less than an arbitrarily determined minimum wage.

And so on.

This is libertarianism in its purest crystalline form: Every person owns his or her self, and has the absolute right to control his or her own body and what is done with it. You might think society has very good reasons for making people wear seat belts and outlawing heroin and so on. But as good as those reasons might be, libertarians argue, they do not trump the individual's right to bodily self-determination.

Moreover, it is a deontological argument, not a consequentialist one. In other words, the point is not simply that, on balance, things generally go better when the government lets people decide for themselvesbut it may decide for them when the scales tip the other way. The point is that the government has no moral authority to order people around, period.

Candidates don't win general elections arguing for pure crystalline libertarianism like that, though. So when asked about some of the implications of his stance, a spokesman for Northam wisely dodged the question: "Theoretical discussions about political philosophy are stimulating, but the reality of governing is more complicated. Dr. Northam believes reproductive freedom leads to economic freedom. If the legislature were to limit it, they are controlling what women can and cannot do in the workforce."

A smart answer, but not a helpful one. Because either the government can tell a woman what to do with her body, or it can't.

For instance: If the government has the authority to force a woman to wear a helmet when riding a motorcyclebecause, say, her physical safety has implications for aggregate social spending on medical care, on workplace productivity, on her family's well-being, and so onthen it also has the authority to make her childbearing decisions for her. Because (some would argue) her pregnancy has implications for aggregate spending on public education, consumer demand, the solvency of old-age pension programs in future years, and so forth. Just look at China, with its one-child policy, or the alarm over falling birthrates in Europe.

In the end, the government might decide such impositions are unjustified on a cost/benefit basis, and forbear from telling a woman what to do. But such a decision would be contingent on how the scales tip. No bright-line principle would prevent it from making such impositions in the future, if circumstances change. Enshrining such a principle is the only guarantee that it won'tbut a bright-line principle opens Pandora's Box.

Northam's team is right: Questions about political philosophy are stimulating. Bet his answers would be even more so.

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Is There a Second Libertarian Running for Governor of Virginia? - Reason (blog)

17 of the world’s most overlooked islands – CNN

(CNN) Let's be honest: Islands are rarely a hard sell, but some of these pretty places for always-needed indulgence get a little more love than others.

But on the world's lesser-known islands, still-secret spots, aquamarine seas and a relative lack of selfie-snappers could add up to castaway vacations more noteworthy than those on islands always topping best-of lists.

From the Atlantic to the Indian Ocean, and a spot in the literal middle of nowhere, here are 17 less-boasted paradises worth adding to any travel lust list:

Out in the beautiful middle of almost nowhere is Cocos Keeling, a place most people don't even realize is probably the island of their dreams.

Belonging to Australia, these Indian Ocean isles lying roughly halfway between the Aussies and Sri Lanka have just 600 residents loving life on the two atolls and 27 coral islands that make up Cocos. Only two of these isles are inhabited, which means there's an embarrassment of empty islands and accompanying unoccupied beaches. Canoeing out to explore them is encouraged.

Those after more than just sun-basking and sea baths can do an atoll walk through the shallow lagoon Cocos encloses and wind up on Prison Island, where real prisoners were once stranded.

If the thought of people-littered beaches is too much to bear, there's Grenada. Beaches are bountiful on the Spice Island, so named because it supplies 20% of the world's nutmeg. Grand Anse may be the most recommended, but Paradise Beach has a beauty and seclusion all its own.

For another experience, take a day trip to Carriacou, or land of the reefs. The little isle off Grenada is known for snorkeling and a people extra steeped in the Spice Island's African cultural heritage.

Beyond water pursuits, Grenada is known for revelry during Spice Mas. Every August, Grenada gives itself over to the rhythmic sounds of Jab Jab and soca music for its Carnival celebration, which will see masqueraders parading through the streets from night into day.

Breezes in Nosy Be carry the scent of its abundant ylang ylang. (Photo courtesy Viaggio Routard)

Nosy Be, the gem of Madagascar, is still a haven for the island escapist.

In addition to its glassy, gin-blue waters, Nosy Be is known as the perfumed island because the breeze carries the scent of its abundant ylang ylang. Eleven volcanic crater lakes sprinkle Nosy Be and small islets and rock formations lining the coastline mean personal, private beaches abound.

Beyond these beaches, there's Nosy Tanikely, a small island off this already small island that's home to a marine reserve with unspoiled snorkeling. Beach picnics complete with fresh catch are the eating experience of choice.

Any island where the modus operandi is "mora mora," which literally means "slowly, slowly" in Malagasy, is surely one where taking it easy is celebrated.

Not to be confused with the Dominican Republic, Dominica is the Caribbean island with the Champagne Reef.

Though it's not champagne exactly; it's an underwater geothermal spring with hot bubbles that make divers feel like they're bathing in champagne. Not surprisingly, Champagne Reef has been ranked one of the world's top -- and most unusual -- snorkeling sites.

Known as the Nature Island, Dominica is the destination to pick for those interested in a little more land life, like hiking. The island is lined with 300 miles of trails running through Morne Trois Pitons National Park, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, and along the Waitukubuli National Trail, past volcanoes, mud baths, waterfalls and wildlife.

There's more to the Indian Ocean than the Maldives. Though Reunion Island may be the Indian Ocean's most prosperous, it isn't the most popular, which makes it the perfect underrated isle to check out next.

A photographer's paradise, the French territory has panoramas graced with rugged, greenery-coated mountains and the still active volcano Piton de la Fournaise. These vistas often serve as backdrops for open-air dining on Creole cuisine that foodies will fill their Instagrams with on the spot and salivate over later.

When it's time for adventure, there's canyoning, rafting and paragliding over Reunion's pristine white and black sand beaches.

Indonesia has been thrust further into the spotlight of world's-best-island lists, but Bali tends to get all the love. Sumba, however, seems to have all the beauty without the "Eat, Pray, Love" fan club flood.

For nonsurfer types, beach hopping awaits. Start at Watu Mandorak Cove, then on to Puru Kambera Beach and Tanggedu Waterfall, with drives past valleys of rice paddies serving as a reminder that it's Indonesia.

Serene and relaxing, what more could you want? (Photo courtesy Oswin Browne)

One-half of the island duo that is Trinidad & Tobago, the much smaller of the two, Tobago, may be serenity incarnate. At just more than 6 miles wide, beaches on this petite paradise in the Caribbean are scarcely more than 10 minutes away from anywhere.

And without the throng of tourists to constantly cater to, Tobago has managed to remain true to itself. That authenticity appears in the cuisine, too, yielding mainstays like curry crab and dumpling and treats like homemade coconut ice cream served in restaurants that feel like a mother's kitchen.

From the popular Pigeon Point with its postcard-perfect jetty to the more secluded Pirates Bay, beaches in Tobago are often just as calm as they are striking. On many, visitors won't find two sets of people within earshot of each other.

The antidote to anything stress related, the 100 miles of beaches in Mauritius mean travelers will be spoilt for choice. With beaches that belong in a daydream or as desktop wallpaper, this island nation off Africa lures far fewer travelers than it should, but those who go are rewarded.

The only accessible-by-boat Ile aux Cerfs along the east coast is a perfect spot for snorkeling in a lagoon, beach barbecues and dancing to lively sega music sung in Creole.

Eaters will rejoice in Mauritius, too. The island's Indian, Creole, Chinese and French influences find their way to tables in the form of highly rated spicy curries and seafood galore. Heaven, according to Mark Twain, was modeled after Mauritius.

Antigua's other half, Barbuda rarely gets its own attention, though it's very much deserving of those vacation days.

The no-frills Eastern Caribbean destination that was a beloved hideaway for Princess Diana is exactly what an island escape should be: tranquil.

With a population of 1,600, a handful of hotels, a couple of paved roads and not many attractions to speak of, Barbuda is much more about zen than zeal. But it makes up for any lack of happenings with beaches well worth idling on for hours. Some have pink sand. There's also a slew of caves on the island that visitors can camp in, with petroglyphs carved into the walls by Barbuda's original Amerindian inhabitants.

Bonus for birders: The island's bird sanctuary boasts the world's biggest colony of the Magnificent Frigatebird.

Four marine parks surround the island, catering to divers and sunbathers alike. With its 17,000-plus isles, Indonesia has beaches upon beaches, and the likelihood of too many people landing on one is pretty slim.

Guadeloupe = food haven. (Photo courtesy Ellen van den Doel)

There's little that can't be done on the French Caribbean island of Guadeloupe.

Whether it's chasing waterfalls that drop into secluded swimming holes, or diving in underwater volcano Sec Pt, or taking selfies with a submerged bust of famed explorer Jacques-Yves Cousteau, it's all there on-isle. When it does come time for simple sun worshipping, though, don't miss the beach vendors selling beignets.

Food is definitely feted in Guadeloupe. Every year on the Saturday closest to August 10, the Fte des Cuisinires, a celebration of the patron saint of cooks, takes place in Pointe--Pitre. Women dressed in their finest traditional Creole garb cook and have their dishes blessed at Mass before parading the streets until it's time to feast and dance.

Africa may not be first to mind for beautiful beaches, but they're definitely there.

It's the "Blue Eye," however, that gets the most attention. When the sun hits the sapphire-blue waters at Buracona, an underwater cave, the result is a brilliantly turquoise spot locals lovingly call the eye. Intrepid divers can swim through the eye into the natural lava pool, finding hidden grottos to explore under the sea.

Countering the flashier island destinations, Roatan feels no need to boast its beauty -- those who should know will find it and those who find it will return.

The biggest of Honduras' Caribbean Bay Islands has been calling divers for decades because of its position at the foot of the 700-mile-long Mesoamerican Reef, the largest barrier reef in the Caribbean Sea and second biggest in the world after Australia's Great Barrier Reef.

Life is laid back on Roatan. Its seaside shacks serve up simple "baleadas," a Honduran take on a taco. Made with a flour tortilla and filled with refried beans, cheese and cream, then topped with meat and avocado, they're well-suited to be washed down with a Salva Vida, meaning "lifesaver," a local and loved cerveza.

The Greek paradise of Alonissos boasts isolated Aegean beaches. (Photo courtesy Andreas Menayas/Creative Commons/Flickr)

Santorini and Mykonos have long been the popular kids among the Greek Isles, but Alonissos is a treasure it'd be best not to miss.

With all the beauty of the Mediterranean without the pretense, Alonissos caters to those looking to slow down and soak up a local culture. The cobblestone streets of the island's old town, Chora, beg to be explored. Other don't miss experiences: An ouzo at an unassuming tavern, a stroll through olive groves and orchards and dolphin watching.

Of course, there are the Aegean beaches, which are best enjoyed by boating from one to the next. Milia, Marpounta and Glyfa are all worth a stop.

In Bequia, (pronounced bekway), life -- not surprisingly -- is centered on the sea.

The 5-mile long, half-mile wide island that's part of the Caribbean's St. Vincent and the Grenadines, is a magnet for the yachts often dotting Admiralty Bay, though its petite size keeps it from being overcrowded.

Because of its centuries-old dependence on trading, the island is accustomed to welcoming visitors and has been counted among the friendliest in the Caribbean. Beaches here, like Spring Bay on the eastern side of the island, are lined with palm trees and visitors will likely find themselves solo.

For a taste of other Grenadines, board the Bequia-built SS Friendship Rose, the last operational schooner in the Caribbean.

La Gomera has never much worried about what the rest of the world's doing.

One of Spain's Canary Islands off the coast of Africa, the quieter La Gomera has remained much the same as it always was, thanks at least in part to an abridged airport runway that can't accommodate international flights and the masses that come with them.

Playa de Santiago on the sunniest side of the island boasts volcanic black sand beaches. An ideal post-basking snack consists of "almogrote," a spicy cheese pat, and some locally made Gomera white wine, which has gained acclaim but remains exclusive to the island, because production is too small for much export.

Listen for "el silbo," a pre-Hispanic whistling language preserved as part of the island's cultural heritage.

Yes, England has island paradises too. (Photo courtesy Paul Walter/Creative Commons/Flickr)

Contrary to common knowledge, England has a set of tropical-looking islands all its own.

The Isles of Scilly, off England's southwest coast, are an archipelago made up of mostly uninhabited isles surrounded by turquoise waters ripe for all manner of water pursuits.

There are sea safaris, snorkeling with seals, stand-up paddle boarding and, for the really adventure-inclined, coasteering -- or exploring a rocky coastline without boats, opting instead for cliff jumping, climbing and swimming.

Frequent ferries run between Scilly's five main isles when it's time for a change of pace or a new coastline to coasteer.

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17 of the world's most overlooked islands - CNN

US destroyer sails near artificial Chinese island in South China Sea – Fox News

With all eyes on North Korea, and President Trump promising "fire and fury" for Pyongyang over its nuclear and missile programs, the U.S. Navy quietly dispatched a warship to sail by one of China's artificial islands in the South China Sea on Thursday, a Navy official confirmed to Fox News.

USS John S. McCain, a guided-missile destroyer, sailed within 12 nautical miles from Mischief Reef, one of three man-made islands that contain a runway and military fortifications constructed during the past few years.

It's the third time the Pentagon has conducted a "freedom of navigation" challenging China's claims in the region since President Trump took office. Fox News first reported the previous incident in July.

A US Navy P-8 reconnaissance plane flew nearby to monitor Thursday's operation, according to a separate defense official. It did not take part in the operation

USS Dewey, another guided-missile destroyer, sailed by Mischief Reef in May.

12 nautical miles from shore marks the territorial boundary for all nations. Since the U.S. and international community reject China's claim to the island and the surrounding sea, the passage of a U.S. destroyer close by the island amounts to a protest of sort, known as a "freedom of navigation" operation in Pentagon argot.

China has built seven artificial islands in the region in the past few years.

Reuters first reported the Thursday operation.

The warship is named after Sen. John McCain's father and grandfather, both U.S. Navy admirals. The senator visited the warship in Vietnam back in June.

The official said this latest freedom of navigation operation was planned in the past few weeks. They have been occurring roughly each month since May.

China has long protested these operations.

President Trump has been calling on China to do more to rein in North Korea's nuclear and ballistic missile programs, but with little success.

The Trump administration did manage to get China and Russia's support for a unanimous 15-0 UN Security Council resolution last weekend which aimed to take a billion dollars in exports away from the rogue communist regime.

Lucas Tomlinson is the Pentagon and State Department producer for Fox News Channel. You can follow him on Twitter: @LucasFoxNews

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US destroyer sails near artificial Chinese island in South China Sea - Fox News

Kitchen islands are getting bigger, better and more colorful than ever – Los Angeles Times

Kitchen islands are command central. Playing host to everything from homework to happy hour, islands are often the most popular spot in the house as well as a stunning showcase of style.

It used to be that islands played an important role in allowing homeowners to gain more countertop for cooking, but its really taken on a whole new life in todays kitchen, said Stephanie Pierce, director of design and trends for MasterBrand Cabinets, its more about creating a focal point within the space for social and family interaction, in addition to the food prep.

Designer Denise Bosley, owner of Denise Bosley Interiors in Sierra Madre said, If homeowners can fit an island, they will have an island.

In many cases, the bigger the better.

The popularity of open floor plans has resulted in larger islands that serve as a kitchen workhorse, Grand Central for socializing and a piece of custom furniture that connects spaces and creates flow.

If an oversized island is on the wish list, however, Bosley advises clients to think it through. You have to consider things like the type of stone you want to use, said Bosley, if you do want a really large island youre going to have seams and some people dont like that.

Bosley said one 11-foot island she installed required a seam down the center to merge two slabs. You dont see it in pictures, and it becomes an afterthought then you build this big island and think, oh, boy.

Paul LEsperance, co-owner of LEsperance Design in West Hollywood said when it comes to countertops, his clients are requesting Neolith, an ultra-compact surface material manufactured by combining raw materials found in glass, porcelain and quartz under extreme heat and intense pressure.

Everybody wants the beauty of Calcutta marble, said LEsperance, but they dont want the upkeep this is selling like crazy.

Bosley agreed. People want marble, but they know its not practical for most family kitchens, she said, weve been using a lot of quartz, and a lot of new [manufactured] materials coming out that look like marble.

Upgraded islands also boast bigger sinks. Its not just a small prep sink anymore, said Bosley. People are using them to wash dishes and share during prep.

Divided sinks are out too, LEsperance said: Everybody wants the big trough, farm sinks in stainless steel or enamel.

The biggest news in islands, however, is color.

The island is a great opportunity to provide some personality with color or warmth with wood tones, so we are seeing islands being utilized a lot as an accent element.

Everybody wants to paint their cabinets right now, said LEsperance. Theres a little bit of a revolt from white so the first project people jump on is an island because its not like redoing all the cabinets.

Well do white perimeter cabinets, said Bosley, and color on the island. Navy blues, beachy shades and bold greens and blues are trending.

Blue is definitely the number one pick for kitchen accent colors this year, said Pierce, and its all shades.

Hague Blue from Farrow and Ball is beautiful, said LEsperance, you know with [inspiration from the] islands, people can go a little more wild.

For your design inspiration, we pored over our photo archives for some of our favorite kitchen islands. Enjoy!

Bonnie McCarthy contributes to the Los Angeles Times as a home and lifestyle design writer. She enjoys scouting for directional trends and reporting on whats new and next. Follow her on Twitter @ThsAmericanHome.

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Kitchen islands are getting bigger, better and more colorful than ever - Los Angeles Times