EOS, Ethereum and Ripple’s XRP – Daily and Hourly Tech Analysis July 12th, 2020 – FX Empire

Looking at the Technical Indicators

Major Support Level: $237.21

Pivot Level: $239.39

Major Resistance Level: $241.36

23.6% FIB Retracement Level: $257

38.2% FIB Retracement Level: $367

62% FIB Retracement Level: $543

Ripples XRP rose by 0.86% on Saturday. Partially reversing a 1.69% fall from Friday, Ripples XRP ended the day at $0.20124.

A bullish start to the day saw Ripples XRP break through R1 @ $0.2041 to strike an intraday high $0.20504.

Bearish through the afternoon, Ripples XRP fell to a late intraday low $0.19811.

While falling into the red, Ripples XRP avoided S1 @ $0.1936. Finding late support, Ripples XRP moved back through to $0.20 levels and into the green.

Looking at the MACD, weve seen a narrowing of the bullish histograms early on, supportive of a pullback in the day ahead.

The spreads between the 50-day EMA and 100 and 200 EMAs have also narrowed marginally also supporting a reversal.

Avoiding a fall through the days pivot level at $0.2015 will be key to support the upward momentum.

Barring an extended crypto rally, R1 @ 0.2048 and Saturdays high $0.20504 would likely cap any upside.

A fall through the days pivot level at $0.2015 would bring the S1 @ $0.1979 into play before any recovery.

Barring an extended sell-off, Ripples XRP should avoid sub-$0.19 levels. S2 @ 0.1945 should limit any downside.

At the time of writing, Ripples XRP was up by 0.11% to $0.20147. A bullish start to the day saw Ripples XRP rise from an early morning low $0.20122 to a high $0.20340. Ripples XRP left the major support and resistance levels untested early on.

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EOS, Ethereum and Ripple's XRP - Daily and Hourly Tech Analysis July 12th, 2020 - FX Empire

Ethereum Showing Early Signs of Strong Decline, But $230 Is The Key – newsBTC

Ethereum is retreating lower from the $245 resistance against the US Dollar. ETH is now showing bearish signs below $235, but the $230 support holds the key in the near term.

In the past few sessions, Ethereum followed a bearish path from the $245 resistance against the US Dollar. ETH price broke the main $235 support level and the 100 hourly simple moving average to move into a bearish zone.

The decline was such that the price tested the $230 support level. Ether is currently correcting higher and trading above the $232 level. It surpassed the 23.6% Fib retracement level of the recent decline from the $239 swing high to $230 low.

On the upside, the price is facing a strong resistance near the $235 level. There is also a crucial bearish trend line forming with resistance near $235 on the hourly chart of ETH/USD.

The trend line is close to the 50% % Fib retracement level of the recent decline from the $239 swing high to $230 low. The next key resistance is near the $236 level and the 100 hourly SMA (the recent breakdown zone).

If ether climbs above the $235 and $236 resistance levels, it could start a decent recovery wave. The next hurdle could be $240, but the main barrier for the bulls is still near the $245 level.

On the downside, the $230 support holds the key in the coming sessions. If there is a successful break and close below the $230 support, it might confirm a bearish break.

In the stated case, the bears are likely to take control and they might aim a test of the $220 pivot level.

Technical Indicators

Hourly MACD The MACD for ETH/USD is slowly moving in the bullish zone.

Hourly RSI The RSI for ETH/USD is currently rising towards the 50 level.

Major Support Level $230

Major Resistance Level $236

Take advantage of the trading opportunities with Plus500

Risk disclaimer: 76.4% of retail CFD accounts lose money.

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Ethereum Showing Early Signs of Strong Decline, But $230 Is The Key - newsBTC

The Fascist Messaging of the Trump Campaign Eagle – Hyperallergic

2nd German Empire (Reichsadler), 1871-1918, (image via Wikimedia Commons)

Whats in an eagle? This is a question many have been asking since the Donald Trump campaign began selling an America First T-shirt emblazoned with an eagle icon that very closely resembles the one used by Nazi Germany. While intent for the choice of this image may be unclear, in the context of recent rhetoric by the administration and its supporters, there is reason for concern. The circumstantial evidence piling up strongly suggests that individuals within the administration and the Trump 2020 campaign are amplifying white supremacist and fascist messaging. Consider that:

This brings us back to the campaigns use of this particular eagle. The eagle rousant (eagle rising) is, of course, not unique to the Nazis or to the United States for that matter. The Romans used the eagles (Aguila) as the figurehead for their military standards. Almost every empire and country has used one in its heraldry at some time or another. In heraldic custom, the eagle faces to its own right (viewers left). What makes this use by the Trump campaign problematic is the specific choice of depicting an eagle facing to the viewers right.

The origin of the eagle symbol lies in the Holy Roman Empire, during the 10th century, whose rule was represented by the Reichsadler (Imperial Eagle). It evolved into a double-headed eagle, and then a single-headed form became the symbol of the German empire (Second Reich) in 1871. After Germanys defeat in World War I, the fledgling Weimar Republic democracy sought a new symbol that compromised with both the conservative past and the hopeful liberal present, in an attempt to unify a deeply divided country.

On November 11, 1919, exactly one year after the end of the war, the first President of the Republic, Friedrich Ebert, issued a proclamation declaring the Reichsadler to be the official symbol, combined with the new Weimar colors. This marked the beginning of a very real flag dispute. Marketing consultant Hans Domizlaff claimed the right design was critical to moving past the disastrous spiritual disunity of the German people. Ebert placed responsibility for design of the emblem itself with the governments official artistic office, the Reichskunstwart, under Edwin Redslob. Redslob sought designs, including a promising one by Expressionist artist Karl Schmidt-Rottluff. Though this design was unanimously approved, Redslob opted for a more traditional version. The new emblem received instant criticism from conservative corners who disliked its modernist appearance. In 1920, right-wing magazine Rote Hand mocked the new symbol in a cartoon. An upstart politician named Adolf Hitler called the new eagle a Jewish bankruptcy vulture and symbolic of the what an abomination the new nation was.

Thus, it comes as no surprise that Hitler ensured the eagle would be changed at the birth of the Third Reich. The new symbol of Nazi Germany was a brutalist, stylized emblem clutching a wreath with a swastika in it. Importantly, when used as the official emblem of the Nazi Party, known as the Parteiadler (Party Eagle), the eagles head was turned to its left, ostensibly facing to the East, the geographic target of the movement. The same emblem with the head facing right was used throughout the Reich. The German army adopted the Parteiadler shortly after, and both versions figured prominently on all manner of Nazi flags, awards, and other paraphernalia. This symbol, which during Weimar was intended to unify, watched over the Holocaust and crimes against humanity across Europe.

None other than President Harry S. Truman found the details of this eagle critically important and ordered a change to the seal of the president of the United States. He followed the advice of Army chief of Heraldry Arthur E. Dubois to depict the eagle facing to its right (our left). This was more than return to heraldic orthodoxy. President Truman told reporters in 1945 that This new flag faces the eagle toward the staff, which is looking to the front all the time when you are on the march, and also has him looking at the olive branch for peace, instead of the arrows for war. This long discussion of the iconography of the eagle provides an important context to the deeper (and explicit) meanings behind the images which brings us back to the Trump campaign eagle.

The Trump campaign had plenty of images to choose from a search on Shutterstock for American Eagle yields almost 70,000 results, whereas US eagle yields 7,200 and Patriotic Eagle 26,500. However, the campaign chose the only emblem facing to its left, like the Nazi version. This form of the eagle is used by neo-Nazis and a modified version is used by the Nazi Lowriders, a gang associated with the neo-Nazi Aryan Brotherhood.

Walter Benjamin wrote amidst the turmoil of the Third Reich, that the logical result of Fascism is the introduction of aesthetics into political life. Trump and his surrogates have repeatedly and blatantly integrated fascist aesthetics and messaging into the administration and the campaign. This T-shirt design is only the latest example. Any of the instances mentioned here by themselves could have been written off as a gaffe or a coincidence. However, given the accumulation of coincidences, alternative explanations become far more plausible: Trump and his backers are either aping a fascist aesthetic out of admiration or as a not-so-subtle nod to the most extreme elements of the right (or both).

Steven Heller is a scholar of graphic design; he is also the author of The Swastika and Symbols of Hate: Extremist Iconography Today and Iron Fists: Branding the 20th-Century Totalitarian State. When I asked him what he made of the choice of the eagle for Trumps T-shirt design, he told me, I find it hard to believe that the direction of the eagles head (mandated by Harry Truman) was flaunted by Trumps designers without knowing the symbolism But his gang know what theyre doing. They understand the force of well-staged performance, props and all. So, my belief is that this eagle is indeed a nod (a secret handshake, so to speak) between Trump and racist America. As others have observed, Trump keeps showing us who he is. When will we start taking him at his word?

Correction:A previous version of this article attributed a Walter Benjamin quote to the incorrect date of 1955. We apologize for the error which has been amended.

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The Fascist Messaging of the Trump Campaign Eagle - Hyperallergic

Lincoln the Emancipator: The Civil War & the Continuous Battle against Northern Negrophobia (Part 1 of a two-part series) – Milwaukee Courier…

By LaKeshia Myers

A few weeks ago, the Black Student Union at the University of Wisconsin demanded the removal of the Abraham Lincoln statue. The students outlined many hard truths about Lincoln such as his policies pertaining to Native American tribes as well as his candor regarding emancipation of the formerly enslaved. However, manyincluding UW-Madison Chancellor, Rebecca Blankwere unwilling to part with the statue, an iconic bastion of the UW campus landscape. Chancellor Blank, in her remarks regarding the statue, offered a measured response to her the campus community stating, the former presidents history should not be erased, but, examined. Thank you, Madam Chancellor, as a former history teacher, I will help begin the examination process.

If you were to take a straw poll and ask any American high school student what the cause of the Civil War was, they all would probably say, North versus South or the north was antislavery and the south wanted slaveryor some variation thereof. This is true of most Americans; we automatically assume that every northerner was antislavery and that every southerner was proslavery. However, when you delve deep into the historical context of the Civil War and Reconstruction eras, it is quite interesting the narrative that one uncovers. The idea that northerners could be vehemently pro-union, but anti-emancipation was mind-boggling.

According to James McPherson, the military, diplomatic, and political maneuvers during the first two years of the war took place in the sometimes-unacknowledged context of the slavery issue (McPherson, 1981). While slavery was the fundamental cause of the sectional conflict that led to war, the North suffered more disunity over the wars aims. The South fought for independence. So long as the North fought for restoration of the union, Northern unity was impressivebut the more difficult question was, what type of union were we to become? Was it to be a union without the institution of slavery as abolitionists had hoped or was the union to return to the status quo?

In reading the article Emancipation, Negrophobia and Civil War Politics in Ohio, author W. Sherman Jackson, assuages that while northern Republicans were vehemently intent on keeping the union together, they were divided as to whether or not emancipation of slaves was part of the new union (Jackson, 1980). In giving readers a brief profile of Abraham Lincoln, Harry Blackiston, author of Lincolns Emancipation Plan, we learn that slavery existed in the Northwest Territory during the time a young Abe Lincoln moved there with his family.

Blackiston writes, after separating from the Indiana Territory, Illinois legalized slavery by indenture, provided for the hiring of slaves from Southern states to supply labor in its various industries, and at the same time passed a stringent law to prohibit the immigration of free Negroes into that state (Blackiston, 1922). Blackiston also notes, Such slavery as existed in Illinois, however, differed widely from that in the south where it had become economic rather than patriarchal as it then existed in certain parts of the North (Blackiston, 1922).

When the Civil War was underway, northern Border States like Ohio (which bordered the slave states of Kentucky and Virginia) were concerned that the war was being fought to end slavery; this produced mass hysteria among some residents. According to Jackson, Because they feared an exodus of former slaves into the state, white Ohioans visualized an Africanization of their race (Jackson, 1980). This widespread Negrophobiathe fear of Africans and their descendantsgave rise to a sharply divided north. Politically, the Negrophobes aligned themselves with the growing Copperhead movement. The Copperhead Democrats were a growing faction within the Democratic Party that were made up of Northern democrats who were opposed to the Civil War. They wanted an immediate peace settlement with the Confederates. Republicans started calling anti-war Democrats Copperheads, likening them to the venomous snake.

The Copperhead movement continued to grow in the North as the war continued. Skillful politicians used the issues of Negrophobia and miscegenation (interracial marriage) to enhance the political fortunes of Copperhead candidates and supporters. This, coupled with President Lincolns preliminary Emancipation Proclamation in 1862 had a dramatic impact on Ohio politics. Copperheads campaigned hard against Lincolns military edict which proposed to free all slaves whose masters were still rebelling against the Union on January 1, 1863 (Jackson, 1980). The Copperheads used as their campaign slogan, The Constitution as it is, the Union as it was, and the Negroes where they are (Voegeli, 1968).I would be remised if I did not take a moment to acknowledge that this divisive rhetoric was astounding to me. It is reminiscent of the tone used by many in the alt-right movement today. While the Copperheads were effectively supportive of slavery, the alt-right is supportive of closing the borders and building a wall to keep Mexican immigrants out of the country. Near identical messages used 150 years later; one can only wonder, what weve learned in the interim.

While many historians have speculated as to whether or not emancipation was always apart of Lincolns agenda [his July 4, 1861, speech to Congress where he stated he would not, directly or indirectly interfere with slavery, in the states where it exists] what is undisputable is that Lincoln exercised extreme caution and was methodical in his approach to the subject. Lincolns use of executive orders was also fascinating during this period. McPherson assuages that, Lincolns actions during the first 80 days of the war established the tone for his use of executive power (McPherson, 1981). For example, Lincolns proclamation of blockade, was in effect a declaration of war. He also removed money from the treasury, expanded both the army and navy, and issued a call for military volunteersall of these measures traditionally required approval of Congress.

This level of activism was necessary; had it not been for these earlier instances of executive action, the confiscation law would not have been implemented. The belligerent right of confiscation was incorporated into a law signed by Lincoln in August of 1861. The law authorized the seizure of all property, including slaves, used in military aid of the rebellion.

The confiscation act applied only to a few slaves, but, as McPherson states, it was the thin edge of the wedge of emancipation (McPherson, 1981). With the enactment of the confiscation act, Northern Democrats went into frenzy; fueled by salacious headlines from the media, many of them feared that tens of thousands of confiscated blacks would move into their towns and threaten the local economy. The Cincinnati Enquirer even reported, and will either be competitors with our white mechanics and laborers, degrading them by the competition, or they will have to be supported as paupers and criminals at the public expense (McPherson, 1981). With the threat of emancipation looming, Republicans had to acknowledge that racism infected even the northern states. Our people hate the Negro with a perfect if not supreme hatred said Congressman George Julian of Indiana. These thoughts would also translate to the union soldiers who would now be tasked with fighting not only to preserve the union, but to free slaves.

Negrophobia during this period laid the groundwork for northern segregation and Jim Crow that was to follow. It was the precursor to redlining, restrictive housing covenants, hyper-segregation of schools, race-based policing policies etc. All things that were prevalent in northern cities such as Milwaukee and Chicago; and all of which are at the crux of the Black Lives Matter movement today.

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Lincoln the Emancipator: The Civil War & the Continuous Battle against Northern Negrophobia (Part 1 of a two-part series) - Milwaukee Courier...

Best of Philly: Heres to the People Who Protested – Philadelphia magazine

City

Theyve marched in Center City and South Philly, on 52nd Street and in Fishtown. And theyre changing the world.

Philadelphia protesters on May 30th. Photograph by NurPhoto

Published as part of our annual Best of Philly tribute. See all the winners here.

It was 1:40 a.m. on June 3rd, 2020, but it felt like Christmas.

My phone rang in the middle of the night; a media colleague said four words I wasnt expecting to hear so soon.

They took him down, he told me ecstatically.

Who? I asked, now alarmed.

Rizzo! Theyre taking the Frank Rizzo statue down right now!

Id eventually see a few pictures of this once-in-a-lifetime moment tall cranes lifting away the bronze monstrosity that had sparked controversy and racial tension in Philadelphia for more than 20 years. Erected in honor of the infamous mayor with a history of racist and homophobic police brutality, the Rizzo statue was almost as contentious as the man it represented.

Only a few days prior to the statues abrupt removal, diverse activists from all over the region had tried to set it on fire, defaced it, and attempted to bring it down with a rope tied around its neck. The message was loud and clear: Philadelphians couldnt wait another moment. It was finally time for this oppressive monument to go.

We owe its removal to the protesters who stood their ground that day and activist groups such as Philly for R.E.A.L. Justice, which led the first major calls for the Rizzo statue to come down, in 2016.

As the world wrestles with a devastating pandemic and signs of a racial uprising following the extrajudicial police killing of George Floyd, its important to remember that protesters have kept the pulse of the moment in more ways than one. Whether standing up against police brutality or reminding the world that #BlackTransLivesMatter, protesters have made sacrifices to remind us of the importance of speaking out even when social distancing.

In the midst of this pandemic, I would really enjoy spending all my time hanging with friends and family, watching movies or playing video games, says Anthony Smith, a social studies teacher in Philadelphia. But in a country that destroys Black life so indiscriminately and viciously, I am called to action. Smith, 28, a steering member of Philly for R.E.A.L. Justice, has been an activist for the last half-dozen years all in the name of wanting to get out of this endless cycle of useless reform and Black suffering.

In recent years, it almost felt like we had protest fatigue. Though there was a huge wave of demonstrations following the election of President Donald Trump, such protests seemed to lose their momentum as the electoral dust settled. Bye-bye to the ambitious Handmaids Tale-inspired costumes people wore as they marched down Broad Street calling for the end of a fascist White House regime. Sure, we still had the Womens March and an occasional spat with alt-right out-of-towners, but things seemed to wind down a bit before this summer arrived and oh, was Philly ready.

It was hard to ignore the thousands of people who took over the streets of Philadelphia from all over, demanding justice not just in Center City, but in Fishtown, on 52nd Street, in South Philly and beyond. Not every gathering was the same some protesters were met with tear gas or violent vigilantes but their solidarity remained intact.

I chose to protest because it was the right thing to do, says Shakira King, an activist from West Philadelphia. Philadelphia is a Black mecca. Its Black art and history are being erased; its people are suffering and being pushed out. This city needed to know that we are here and deserve to be cared for and invested in.

When you consider the progressive policies being proposed at City Council and in Harrisburg, its hard not to recognize the impact that protesters like King have made. Ending stop-and-frisk, defunding the police, and increasing law enforcement accountability are demands that local activists have been making for years. Organizations like Black Lives Matter Philly, the Black and Brown Workers Cooperative, Philly for R.E.A.L. Justice, Juntos, and ACT UP Philadelphia, as well as members of the MOVE family and many others, were calling for radical social justice long before it was the latest trend to catch the attention of safe, liberal nonprofits and companies.

It is the protesters we should be honoring for awakening people and motivating change once more. Lets hold them in the highest regard, instead of the Rizzo statue that finally fell like the Berlin Wall.

Published as The People Who Protested in our Best of Philly tribute in the August 2020 issue of Philadelphia magazine.

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Best of Philly: Heres to the People Who Protested - Philadelphia magazine

The Man in the Antifa Mask: Who he is and why he regrets showing up at a Coeur d’Alene protest with a crowbar – Pacific Northwest Inlander

The word was out: Antifa was coming for the Winco in Coeur dAlene.

At least, thats what Brett Surplus hunting TV show host, Idaho state Senate write-in candidateand a former police officer and sheriff's deputy was ready for on the evening of June 1.

And so Surplus stands in the Winco parking lot, dressed in a tactical vest and armed with his AR-15. It wasn't vigilantism, he believed. It was patriotism.

He pans his camera to show a crapton of Idaho boys he estimates about 150 armed with an arsenal of high powered weapons. And he says he's already had success.

Facebook video screenshot

Brett Surplus

"Just so you know, if you're planning on coming over here and trying to be a piece of trash over in my city, feel free. Because we will unleash the beast," Surplus boasts. "Freakin' slugs for thugs, all the day long. And Ill take your damn crowbar. Bring it. This aint Spokane."

Today, his Facebook live video thats racked up more than 28,000 views. There ain't nothin' that's going to happen," he continues. "Try to come over here. Ill take the A out of your tifa in a heartbeat.

And then he says he hears that five more vans are coming down the freeway.

"Sounds like we're going to have company," he says. "I'm going to see if we can ruin some people's days real quick... I think it may get hinky."

Sam Rowland, a progressive Army veteran who showed up supporting Black Lives Matter in the Coeur dAlene Winco, says that antifa had become an obsession in North Idaho.

And so that made it all the more interesting when someone shows up who looks a lot like witch: A protester with a crowbar on his belt loop, walked up to Surplus and Rowland, wearing wearing flannel, an Ice Cube T-shirt, and a skull mask. And on the mask, hes drawn three diagonally facing arrows, the "iron front" symbol often used by antifa activists.

"The minute I saw it, I knew in my gut this stupid shit was going to happen," Rowland says.

Antifa far-left mostly anonymous activists who take a militant approach to opposing who they see as racist or fascist groups have brawled repeatedly with far-right groups like the Proud Boys and Patriot Prayer in liberal havens like Portland and Berkeley.

And yet for years after Trump's election, the right-wing rumor mill churned out claims that antifa activists or even super soldiers were also plotting to hold riots in tiny towns, like North Idaho's Bonner's Ferry.

Year after year, the antifa riots never arrived. But this year, when some protests over the murder of George Floyd turned violent and destructive, it fell neatly into that ready-made narrative.

Surplus says he saw the rumors that antifa was driving Mercedes Benz vans with foreign plates. He claims that antifa communicates using PlayStation 4 gaming systems, because they know they're being watched. He claims antifa "scouts" showed up to check out the June 1 protest Winco event, though he doesn't show any evidence. He claims he has his sources inside law enforcement, but won't say who.

As the Intercept recently revealed, the FBI was internally sharing the claim that "antifa" protesters were supposedly traveling from Spokane to Coeur d'Alene to protest, and then supposedly planned to road trip to Minneapolis. So far, nothing has been released to substantiate this report.

In fact, Detective Mario Rios with the Coeur dAlene Police Department says his department never had any actionable intelligence that antifa or other radicals were traveling to Coeur dAlene

The ISP has NOT intercepted a semi loaded with people and weapons, the Idaho State police wrote in a tweet. This is a lie being spread on social media.

And yet, the day before the June 1 rally at the Winco Coeur d'Alene, Spokane's rally had been marred by violence, looting and vandalism and the Spokane County Sheriff blamed antifa with absolute certainty. Couer d'Alene noticed.

What had taken place over in Spokane, everybody was thinking the same thing was coming, Surplus tells the Inlander.

Except this time, as Surplus and dozens of other right-wingers stand outside Winco near a handful of Black Lives Matter protesters, it looks like antifa had shown up.

Link:

The Man in the Antifa Mask: Who he is and why he regrets showing up at a Coeur d'Alene protest with a crowbar - Pacific Northwest Inlander

A Dreyfusard from the Right – Twilight of Democracy – Visegrad Insight

A young supporter of the neoliberal-neoconservative turn in the West originally from Washington DC, Anne Applebaum was in her mid-twenties during the fall of Soviet regimes in Europe, that seemingly conclusive victory over totalitarianism.

She was part of a large and diverse group at the time whose members believed that the democratic revolution would now continue, that more good things would follow the collapse of the Soviet Union (160).

Based in London during the early 1990s, Applebaum soon moved to Poland to emerge as a journalist, political commentator and historian of Soviet regimes much discussed on both sides of the Atlantic.

On the pages of Twilight of Democracy, Applebaum sounds pensive about how the optimism surrounding the spread of democracy, political freedoms and human rights, and the subsequent rebuilding and integration of countries into Western structures an optimism she vividly experienced in Poland during the late 1990s gave way to angry, paranoid and openly authoritarian politics across the former East-West divide.

What makes such a transformation all the more puzzling and worthy of examination to Applebaum is that it has also unfolded in her immediate environment: much like Mihail Sebastians justly celebrated Journal 19351944, Applebaums new book chronicles the disturbing radicalisation of its authors intimate friends and close colleagues.

She shows through captivating and disconcerting anecdotes how the sudden intrusion of history and politics in the early decades of the twenty-first century came to divide groups of friends and even nuclear families.

Drawing on Julian Bendas classic discussion of La Traison des Clercs from 1927 in particular, Applebaums explorations in six chapters are focused on how a new generation of clercs beginning with a few whom I know in Eastern Europe and then moving to the different but parallel story of Britain, another country where I have deep ties, and finishing with the United States, where I was born, with a few stops elsewhere (20) has come to betray the central task of intellectuals, i.e. the search for truth, in favour of particular political causes.

Applebaum asserts that the decline and fall of liberal democracies in our age, similarly to the interwar years, haslargely been the product of the rightist intellectual organisation of political hatred. Rightist clercs have been responsible for launching fierce attacks on the rest of the intellectual and educated elites of their countries.

Convinced that their political systems had been corrupted and the future of their civilisation was at risk, they have manipulated discontent and have channelled fear and anger to attain power and then try to permanently hold it.

As a liberal-conservative, Applebaum is highly critical but can be empathic towards the varied persons intellectuals, writers of high-minded political essays, pamphleteers, bloggers, spin doctors, producers of television programs, creators of memes, propagators of conspiracy theories she portrays.

She has known many of the key protagonists in her book for longer Rafael Bardaj from Spain, Ania Bielecka from Poland, Simon Heffer from the UK, Laura Ingraham from the US, Mria Schmidt from Hungary, among others and often rather closely. She understands their frame of reference even while she disagrees with their current political agendas.

When Applebaum discusses the conviction of conservative Brexiteers that something essential about England was dead and gone, it is palpable that she shares some of their sensibility, although without herself having succumbed to their profound cultural despair.

Her portrait of English nostalgics is also clear on how insufficiently they have come to grasp the character and dynamics of European politics, and how they utterly failed to recognise that Britain had already found a meaningful new role after empire as one of the most powerful and effective leaders of Europe, an important link between Europe and America, and a champion of democracy and the rule of law.

Applebaum sounds positively generous when she lauds the House of Terror in Budapest as one of the most innovative new museums in the eastern half of Europe (46), even when she depicts Mria Schmidt the long-standing director of the said institution as a cynical alt-right nationalist who spends much of her time denigrating Western democracy without suggesting any improvement worthy of serious consideration.

Twilight of Democracy amounts to a surprisingly calm and self-assured chronicle of Applebaums personal-political dramas. It could even be said to be the product of a double detachment: neither a work of self-examination (Applebaum assures her readers that she is primarily interested in how others have shifted their values in disagreeable directions) nor an open display of negative personal emotions and judgements about others.

The former is a key lacuna in her reflections. The limited role the latter play in these pages is all the more laudable, however, especially knowing that some of the conspiracy theories recently propagated in rightist media have revolved around Applebaums alleged influence.

What insights does such a combination of intimate familiarity and double detachment yield?

Unhappy with structural explanations, Applebaum insists that the current authoritarian-nationalist wave is the result of actions by groups of individuals who disliked their existing democracies. She is clear that illiberal rightists are eager to overthrow, bypass, or undermine existing institutions and destroy what exists that they are, on the whole, more revolutionary than conservative, closer to the Bolsheviks than to Edmund Burke.

In their disdain of a neutral state, an apolitical civil service and any notion of an objective media, they seek to redefine their nations, rewrite social contracts, and alter the rules of democracy so they would never lose power. Their ultimate goal is to establish an illiberal state, a de facto one-party state that controls state institutions and limits freedom of association and speech while allowing a token opposition to exist, as long as that opposition does not threaten the regime.

Even though Applebaum repeatedly asserts that these trends now belong as much to the West as to the East, her dissection of contemporary Poland and Hungary was bound to play a large role in the volume.

As she correctly notes, only in these two Western countries have illiberal parties actually established monopolies on power (27). The book indeed offers numerous insights into the political strategies of Law and Justice as well as Fidesz. While not all of the insights offered in these pages qualify as truly original, they unfailingly illuminate key aspects.

Liberal democracy is based on meritocratic ideas, Applebaum explains, such as the ideas that the most appealing and competent politicians should rule, the institutions of the state should be occupied by qualified people, and the contests between them should take place on an even playing field. However, open competition may breed resentment and envy and may generate a belief that the system is unfair, not just to the country, but to specific individuals.

To those who believe that the rules of competition are inherently flawed, an uncompetitive and anti-meritocratic system based on prior notions of deservingness and on ritualistic acts of loyalty may come to possess great appeal. In Applebaums interpretation, the crassness of some of the newly prominent political entrepreneurs in Poland and Hungary has its origins precisely in their acute sense of having been unjustly denied and unfairly excluded from power.

Furthermore, Applebaum emphasises that parties with monopolistic ambitions began to identify existential enemies and threats in order to justify their breaking or arbitrary rewriting of the law. This, in turn, has enabled them to determine who gets to be part of the new national elite without engaging in any open political debate or at least providing rational arguments in favour.

Parties like PiS or Fidesz may not have developed a full-blown ideology. At the same time, they have encouraged their followers to believe in alternative realities through propagating what Timothy Snyder has imaginatively called Medium-Size Lies.

More often than not, such alternative realities have been carefully designed, with the help of modern marketing tools, audience segmentation, and social-media campaigns cutting-edge techniques in the service of hollowing out open and argumentative polities.

Both PiS and Fidesz would strategically deploy conspiracy theories too. The simplistic views at the heart of such conspiracy theories must have appealed most to those already converted but the decision to place such fantasies at the heart of political imaginaries has played a larger and more sinister role: it has helped lay a new moral groundwork. Raising highly emotive issues while presenting themselves as valiant defenders of Western civilisation has proven a surprisingly effective tactic too.

As Applebaum critically notes, such a tactic has succeeded at refocusing much of the outside worlds attention on sheer rhetoric away from authoritarian governmental action and multiplying cases of profound corruption.

Viktor Orbns cynical anti-elitism and peripheral anti-colonialism may seem worlds apart from the style and substance of British conservatism. Applebaum nonetheless succeeds at showing that a broadly convergent development could be observed in England where nostalgic conservatives whether restorative or reflective in their nostalgia, whether angry or elegiac in their tone have persuaded themselves that it was their last chance to try and salvage their country, whatever it took, whatever price had to be paid.

Painting disaster fantasies of their own, established conservatives in a seemingly stable liberal society thus helped prepare the groundwork for Britains unprecedented and disruptive exit from the EU.

These convergent forces might all be called nationalistic. According to Applebaum, what truly unites them on a deeper level though is their shared dislike of the societies they inhabit as well as a genuine fear that some of their own values would soon be lost in them.

Remarkably, these rightist forces in what used to be the East and the West in Cold War days have also converged on an agenda that promotes socially conservative, religious worldviews, opposes immigration, especially Muslim immigration, both real and imagined and rejects EU interference and international institutions more generally.

A key difficulty in grasping the present political moment lies in the fact that grand changes are caused by new kinds of disruptions. According to Applebaum, the global spread of political anger is not primarily the product of lived experiences as traditionally understood: while there are genuine sources of anger, distress and discomfort, references to the economy or inequality cannot explain the simultaneous rise of angry politics in varied places across the globe, she maintains (108).

As political sentiments may change abruptly and in unpredictable ways, the potential impact of political entrepreneurship has grown exponentially.

Twilight of Democracy does not claim to offer a grand theory, let alone a universal solution to the growth of authoritarianism. Instead of such ambitions, Applebaum elaborates on a key theme: given the consciously subversive role of a minority under specific conditions, any society can be turned against democracy.

In her interpretation, this unceasing danger to liberal democracy is due less to the appeal of specific sets of political ideas and more to a given frame of mind: the authoritarian predispositions characterising substantial numbers of people in practically all modern societies (16).

In a self-critical fashion, Applebaum asserts that elites of more open societies have long been rather smug about their tolerance for conflicting points of view. As a matter of fact, for much of recent history, the actual range of mainstream political views remained limited for better or worse, there was a single national conversation within the parameters set by the centre-right and the centre-left.

However, the communication revolution of the early twenty-first century resulted in a novel information sphere without clear authorities and few trusted sources. The rise of partisanship and the absence of a centre ground that resulted bother especially those who have difficulty dealing with complexity.

In such an environment, the new right can consciously worsen the cacophony, knowing full well that people with authoritarian predispositions will be frightened by the experience and will acutely desire the forcible silencing of the rest of their societies. The new rights polarising messages have thus not only shrunk the spaces for meaningful public exchange but also helped them impose their exclusivist visions.

The personal anger and cynicism of new nationalistic entrepreneurs who intend to undermine existing institutions; their opposition to a meritocracy based on prior notions of deservingness; their conspiracy theories to foster an alternative moral framework; their emotionalisation of public discussion to shift attention away from actual political practices; their raucous polarisation to impose exclusivist visions: these are key points in Applebaums illuminating analysis of political forces that have come to reshape much of Western politics in recent years.

Applebaum is equally persuasive when she admits that there is no detailed road map to a better society, no didactic ideology and no rulebook. What liberal democracies demand is continuous participation, effort and argument from their citizens their greatest enemies remain nihilism and apathy.

As she perceptively adds, such regimes require some tolerance for cacophony and chaos as well as some willingness to push back at the people who create cacophony and chaos (189).

What is missing from Anne Applebaums engaging account of the parting of ways between her and several intimate friends and close colleagues is an exploration of how her neoliberally inspired conservatism might have planted the seeds of its own weakening.

The volume curiously fails to address in what ways the political successes and policy failures of Applebaums own Thatcherite camp might have enabled the rise of the new rightist political forces she otherwise insightfully examines and critiques.

In the books interpretation, Applebaums friends and colleagues have shifted to the authoritarian right essentially due to rather constant features of modern politics and due to their personal proclivities and choices.

However, there is a middle level between such long-term factors and the recent impact of individual personalities: the neoliberal political revolution from the right that Applebaum herself enthusiastically endorsed with all its momentous consequences.

For a book reflecting on the most significant and worrisome political reversal in its authors lifetime, Twilight of Democracy remains surprisingly weak on this crucial context.

Ultimately, Anne Applebaums unwillingness to examine the contemporary historical connection between the neoliberalising trends of the past nearly half a century and the more recent rise of right-wing authoritarianism is another reason why this urgent book can be viewed as an essential read on the generationally specific beliefs and experiences of a prominent Western liberal-conservative intellectual devoted to the democratisation of Central and Eastern Europe.

She is an erudite and mature analyst who saw major political improvements in her youth and who now earnestly grapples with the disturbing successes of the new right but who does not appear ready yet to scrutinise the consequences of the rightist projects she has endorsed throughout her adult years.

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A Dreyfusard from the Right - Twilight of Democracy - Visegrad Insight

A decade of emoji: How aubergines and crying faces connected us all online – The Independent

Between 1998 and 1999, while the rest of the tech world was preoccupied with the Millennium bug, a 27-year-old engineer at Japanese phone company, NTT Docomo, was working on a project that would define the next era of digital communication. Although he didnt know it yet.

From his office in the Gifu prefecture, Shigetaka Kurita, was trying to create a way for customers to communicate through icons. For years his employer had been successful at selling pagers to Japans teenagers, and its decision to add a heart symbol to one device had proved popular. But as competitors quickly created similar features Kurita knew Docomo required more.

The result was a set of 176 icons in 12x12 pixels, which Kurita named emoji, a combination of two Japanese words: e for picture and moji for character. Drawing from manga and Chinese characters, as well as international bathroom signs, he covered everything from weather, to traffic, and modes of transport. Today Kuritas symbols are such an integral part of popular culture they are exhibited in New Yorks Museum of Modern Art.

Sharing the full story, not just the headlines

Symbols in writing existed long before Kuritas brainwave: the first Europeans were known for writing on cave walls in the Paleolithic Age, like the Chauvet horse in France or the Altamira bison in Spain. In an 1881 issue of Puck magazine, journalists drew four basic faces calling it typographical art. And in the 1980s, a professor at Carnegie Mellon University in Pennsylvania, Scott E. Fahlman, suggested that users of the schools message board use 🙂 symbols to denote if they were joking or not (although he did have to teach them to read it sideways first).

Fahlmans emoticons will be familiar to anyone who used email, SMS or chatrooms pre-2009 when a universal emoji alphabet was still unheard of. Behind the scenes, since 2007, Google had been leading the charge in attempting to get the Unicode Consortium (a nonprofit that maintains text standards across computers) to recognise emoji. In 2009, Apple also submitted a proposal. But it wasnt until 2010 that Unicode finally realised they could no longer say no.

Until that time when emojis went global, all our abbreviated digital messaging was missing some functions of communication, Vyv Evans, a former professor of linguistics at Bangor University, tells The Independent. Estimates of how widely emoji are used vary: research from TalkTalk in 2015 estimated 80 per cent of Brits use them regularly, a figure which presumably has risen in the last five years. The word emoji was chosen as the Oxford Dictionary word of the year in 2015, showing how quickly it had become a household concept.

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Despite widespread usage, contemporary commentary often pitted emoji as adolescent, a sub-par form of conversation. A 2018 study, conducted by YouTube, concluded emojis were ruining the English language because young people rely on them in lieu of actual words. But has a decade of emoji changed our communication for the worse?

Professor Evans believes far from widespread emoji usage being to the detriment of our language, it is advantageous. He explains that human communication is multi-modal, which means that when we talk face-to-face we rely on three main channels to convey our message: these are language (the words we use), paralinguistic cues (tone of voice) and kinesics (facial expression, body language and body gesture).

If you want to say I love you to someone you can change the meaning of those words just by the tone of your voice [your paralinguistic cue] it can be a sincere declaration or an ironic blast to put them down, he says. Likewise we use kinesics if you were ordering a pastry and just said Id like a croissant but pointed at a specific one, that is a non-verbal cue.

Professor Evans says these modes provide nuance to our words and are particularly important for conveying empathy this is the basis of effective communication and for establishing emotional resonance, which is how we make friends, enemies, or any type of relationship. But when we communicate digitally two of these avenues are taken away.

Professor Evans says emoji brings back the lost functions. Emoji fill in what we would do in person, imagine having a conversation and never making eye contact or being monotone. Emoji fulfill five basic functions: they replace words, reinforce words, contradict, compliment (explain) or empathise (eg. a love heart), he says. So this trope that emojis are the equivalent of an adolescent grunt its a misnomer and misunderstands communication.

Philip Seargeant, a senior lecturer of applied linguistics at The Open University agrees. The most important role that emoji play is adding a layer of emotional framing to casual online written conversation. With the increasing use of social media in our lives, we spend a lot of time chatting via writing, and so emojis are a way of adding this back into the conversation. In that way theyre a digital solution to the way that modern communication has evolved.

This depth of emotion is clear when you consider the most popular emojis in the UK, according to Apple the cry laughing emoji, the red heart, and the crying face. It is also how Andy Murray tweeting a stream of emoji to represent his wedding day in April 2015 didnt seem childish or flippant, but heartfelt and thoughtful. And its why dating website Match.com reports people who use emojis more in messages go on more dates and have better romantic relationships.

(Getty Images/iStockphoto)

As well as conveying emotion, the rise of emoji has also allowed the expression of sometimes complex ideas. In 2016, The Times reported that a judge had used a smiley emoji to explain evidence to two children in court, a research paper suggested teachers should use them in the classroom, and in 2014, the White House issued an economic report illustrated with emoji. In fact, theres even a version of Moby Dick entirely in emoji, appropriately named Emoji Dick.

Seargeant says: I think the media perception of emoji is still as quite frivolous, where in actual fact theyre increasingly being used in serious contexts. People use them to express solidarity in times of national tragedy [the bumble bee was used widely on Twitter following the Manchester arena bombings]; politicians use them in official communication [Penny Mordaunt marketed an anti-bullying campaign with emoji called #GoodMannersEmoji]; people are more likely to use them in work emails than they once were.

In this way, Seargeant says, emojis can also align themselves as identity markers online. This has meant there is increasing importance to diversifying emoji; new emoji are released once a year (anyone can submit a proposal to add a new one) and since 2015 have been increasingly focused on diversifying the offering. There are now five skin tones, same-sex families, a Pride flag, a woman lifting weights and a buffet of global cuisine. This process has been described as the Great Emoji Politicisation.

An example of identity markers was when Lady Hale wore a spider broach when ruling on the governments proroguing of parliament, and lots of people sympathetic to the ruling began using a spider emoji in their Twitter handles, says Seargeant. Or emojis used by the Alt-right. There are examples of terrorists using them as a code, he says. On the other side of the political spectrum was Lizzos use of the peach emoji to call for Donald Trumps impeachment.

As well as allowing us to express complex or emotional ideas, emojis can also cross language barriers words are localised but emoji are international. The power of this was demonstrated in 2017 when researchers from the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation proposed an emoji mosquito as a way to better describe mosquito-borne illnesses like malaria and Zika (it was approved in early 2018).

Seargeant says that emoji are part of a general trend towards more visual communication, created by social media and the internet: These changes include an upsurge in the use of visual communication online (with emojis joining gifs, selfies, memes etc in this respect); and a trend for informal, and often fragmented, conversation.

Despite many still seeing emoji as a youthful pursuit, experts believe they are here to stay. My guess would be that, at least for the next few years, emojis as we know them now will still continue to be used, not least because theyve become so embedded in the culture, so replacing them with something altogether different would involve a big cultural shift, says Seargeant.

The ability of emoji to adapt with the times (Spanish-language speakers have already got an emoji for coronavirus the combination of a crown corona and the microbe emoji); the inclusion of it on university syllabus at Kings College London, Edinburgh and Cardiff as worthy of academic study; and the enhanced emotional connection it gives us online are all indisputable. Not least because with a global pandemic, lockdown and boom in remote working the time we all spend communicating online is more crucial than ever.

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A decade of emoji: How aubergines and crying faces connected us all online - The Independent

How to add alt text to images on Twitter so that they can be read with screen readers – Business Insider – Business Insider

If you build web pages or publish content online, you may be familiar with alt text.

Alt texts are short captions you can add to images, describing what's in the image. These are helpful to visually impaired users, who rely on screen readers to use the internet.

When a screen reader encounters a picture with alt text, the alt text will be read aloud, allowing those users to understand what you've posted.

Twitter makes it easy to write alt text for images when you use the Twitter website on your Mac or PC, as well as the Twitter mobile app for iPhone and Android devices.

1. Using the Twitter app on your iPhone or Android, create a Tweet in the usual way. Tap the Image button to add an image to your Tweet and select a photo.

2. In the lower right corner of the image, tap "+ALT." This is the button that lets you add alt text to the tweet.

Use the +ALT button in the image to add alt text. Dave Johnson/Business Insider

3. The first time you use alt text, the "Add descriptions" pop-up window appears, which explains the purpose of alt text. Tap "Sure" to dismiss it.

4. Type your description. You have up to 1000 characters, though you probably shouldn't use all that space good alt text is usually under about 100 characters, no longer than an actual tweet.

5. When you're finished, tap "Done." You won't be able to see the alt text you just created, but you can verify it's there by tapping the "Alt" button again.

6. When you're ready, publish the tweet.

Type your alt text and tap "Done" to complete your tweet. Dave Johnson/Business Insider

1. Open Twitter in a browser on your Mac or PC and create a tweet in the usual way. Click the Image button to add your photo to the tweet.

2. Below the image and to the right of "Tag people," click "Add description."

Alt text is added to a tweet in a browser using the "Add description" link. Dave Johnson/Business Insider

3. The first time you use alt text, the "Add descriptions" pop-up window appears, which explains the purpose of alt text. Tap "Sure" to agree to dismiss it.

4. Type your alt text in the "Description field." You can use up to 1000 characters, though you probably shouldn't use all that space good alt text is usually under about 100 characters, no longer than an actual tweet.

5. When you're finished, click "Save." To return to your alt text, you can now click "ALT" in the lower left corner of the image.

6. When you're ready, publish the tweet.

Add your alt text in the Description field and click "Save" when you're done. Dave Johnson/Business Insider

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When it comes to modern slavery, many of us turn a blind eye – iNews

Lewis Hamilton has emerged in recent weeks as a figurehead in the Black Lives Matter movement. In an eloquent, thoughtful essay for The Sunday Times last month, the Formula 1 driver wrote about his lifelong experience of racism in Britain; about the heart-breaking warnings that black fathers like his know that they need to give their sons; about his recognition that the murder of George Floyd, despite seeming a faraway occurrence in a foreign land, was in fact a moment that demanded a global awakening to the systemic racism, witnessed and experienced by every person of colour across the world.

He arrived at the Paddock for F1s resumption wearing a BLACK LIVES MATTER T-shirt. He also wore a chain locked in a padlock around his neck, a clear reference to the collars worn by generations of African slaves.

Heres the problem for Hamilton. Slavery is still with us. In fact, more people are thought to live enslaved today than at any point in recorded history. Most of them are still people of colour. And many are held in nations which happily host Grand Prix tournaments to celebrate their wealth. In 2016, one Lewis Hamilton notoriously voiced his appreciation for his hosts at the Bahrain Grand Prix, arriving in a thobe, the traditional dress of the Bahraini royal family, and tweeting: Nothing but love and respect for this culture, and Bahrain!! Feeling royal. In Bahrain, 1.9 people in every thousand is thought to be a slave. The royal family has been repeatedly accused of abusingslaves.

In Bahrain, as in Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and most of the other Arab states in which Lewis Hamilton has happily raced, the overwhelming majority of these slaves are South Asian or South East Asian. The denial of their human rights is enabled by entrenched racism and colourism which preaches the natural servitude of inferior races. Bahrain, to its credit, nominally abolished the Kafala System (which effectively legalised slavery under the guise of bonded labour) in 2009, ahead of many of its Arab peers. Baby steps, eh?

How much does this matter? There are some commentators who would love nothing more than to suggest this negates every word of Lewis Hamiltons activism. Thats grotesquely unfair. Listen to Hamilton talk about his deep, lived experience of racism and its trauma, and you will know that there is no justification for dismissing his pain. While he may now have the advantage of talent and success something for which he has worked hard he is brave to make racism a story in the money-grubbing world of Formula 1, in which white men still own the corporate capital, and no sponsor or host is keen to draw attention to the sports blind spots on social justice. He will lose sponsors and money for taking this stand. He deserves our good faith.

One of the deepest, nastiest problems of todays polarised public conversation is the willingness of agitators on the alt-right or the hard-left, often masquerading as journalists, to try to catch out activists who have made the mistake of campaigning only against one issue instead of all of them, or campaigning now instead of years ago. Far too often, on this particular subject, the long history of slavery in the Arab world is used as a distraction from the Wests culpability for years of slavery.

To my particular horror, I frequently see bad actors trying to set up descendants of Holocaust survivors and of the transatlantic slave trade as competitors, as if to compete for the exceptionality of their trauma. (One could spot elements of this divisive trick when a columnist at a right-wing tabloid pointed out last week that Hamilton drives for Mercedes, a company which exploited Jewish slave labour during the Nazi regime.) That is not my intention here.

The better lesson is that we are all capable of being hypocrites. We have all, like Hamilton, espoused a social cause without necessarily checking that our historic actions and words have been consistent. I know I have. When it comes to modern slavery, its particularly easy to look away.

This week, were still seeing exposs about the slave-like conditions alleged in garment factories in Leicester factories which supply dirt-cheap clothes at prices many of us find far too convenient to question. There is a sensitive conversation to have here about race, which too easily risks being appropriated by the hate-mongers. (Most of the factories which have been the subject of these exposs are run by members of ethnic minority communities, but we should pause before we assume thats a complete picture.

Around the world, many victims of human trafficking are migrants who are most easily lured by those who share their home culture and language; on a global scale that doesnt make this crime the province of any particular race.)

Modern slavery is all around us but most of us dont look. Im too poor a driver failed my test twice to have Hamiltons chances of driving at the Bahrain GP. But Im sure, like him, Ive benefited from the labour of modern slaves without recognising it.

For many of us, that exploitation lies in the supply chains of favourite products. A few months ago, a report by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute made clear that Chinese concentration camps, in which genocide is being perpetrated against the Muslim Uighur population, have been supplying Western brands with components made by Uighur slave labour. Many of these enslaved people, like African American slaves before them, work in the production of cotton. Cotton produced in the Xinjiang region ends up in clothing made by some of the largest companies around. (Naturally, all of these companies deny using slave labour.)

The supply chain taints the cheapest products bought by the poorest among us, and luxury goods marketed at the super-rich.

This week, calls for a boycott of Chinese products are growing louder, due both to national security concerns about the surveillance capabilities of the tech company Huawei, and the atrocious wrecking of Hong Kongs former democratic freedoms. Boris Johnson has announced that Huawei components must be removed from British 5G networks by 2027.

But global supply chains are always hard to disentangle and theres always a cost: Philip Jansen, head of BT, warned before the announcement that this would be almost impossible without major outages and new security vulnerabilities. Cutting out Chinese-owned labour from the consumer market on items like fashion would be as complex.

What can we do? Like Hamilton in Bahrain, most of us could use some self-examination: Ive been unimpressed recently to see white friends who regularly holiday in Dubai posting social media statements about racism and the toxic legacy of the slave trade. If you want to shop ethically, one option is to check out TISCReport.org, which publishes registers of companies that have declared their supply chains under the Modern Slavery Act. But in an era of complex global supply chains, weve all been tainted at some point by unethical consumption. By acknowledging that mass hypocrisy, we can begin to do better together.

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When it comes to modern slavery, many of us turn a blind eye - iNews

Record Number Of Caribbean Americans Vying For Elected Office In South Florida – caribbeannationalweekly.com

Indicative of the growing political influence of Caribbean Americans in South Florida is the record number of Caribbean-American candidates actively vying for several political offices in the region.

In Floridas August 18 primary elections for U.S. Congressional, state, county, city, judicial, and school board seats, there are 33 Caribbean-American candidates. And for the November general elections, an additional 14 Caribbean Americans will be seeking seats on city commissions and city councils.

The record number of Caribbean Americans running for political office is a major advancement from 1996 when Jamaican American Hazelle Rogers created history as Floridas first elected political representative with her election to the City of Lauderdale Lakes Commission.

Rogers, who went on to be elected to the Florida House of Representative, and is currently Mayor of Lauderdale Lakes, paved the way for the election of other Caribbean Americans including Haitian American Yoli Roberson, to the Florida House, and Jamaican Americans George Pedlar, Fitzroy Salesman, Winston Barnes, Dale Holness, Barrington Russell, Astor Knight and Yvonne Garth.

Currently, the city commission of Miramar, home to one of the largest Caribbean-American communities in the U.S., is fully represented by Caribbean Americans: Mayor Wayne Messam, and Commissioners Barnes, Alexandra Davis, Yvette Colbourne and Maxwell Chambers.

Outside of Cuban Americans, Jamaican and Haitian Americans lead the slate of Caribbean-American candidates this political season.

In the August primary, 12 Jamaican Americans and 12 Haitian Americans are actively campaigning to be elected. Additionally, eight Jamaican Americans and five Haitian Americans will be seeking to be elected in November.

Among this crop of candidates are some prominent figures or those who are in high-profile races. For example, Jamaican American Andrew Smalling is in a high-profile race for Broward Sheriff.

He goes up against front runners, incumbent Sheriff Gregory Tony and former Broward Sheriff Scott Israel. Smalling, who as a part of BSO served as Lauderdale Lakes Police Chief and later as Lauderhill Police Chief, has an uphill climb in what is shaping up to be a two-man race between Tony and Israel.

Another high-profile race is for the position of Broward County Public Defender. Barbadian American Gordon Weekes is among five candidates seeking to represent District 17 in this capacity. The Public Defenders office, which serves mostly blacks and other minorities, could benefit from a candidate who understands them better, retiring Public Defender Howard Finklestein was quoted saying. Weekes was appointed as Chief Assistant Public Defender in charge of the Juvenile Division, in which he dramatically reduced the number of youth in the system, tackling abusive practices in juvenile jails.

Rep. Anika Omphroy is seeking reelection to the Florida House for a second term representing District 95 in Broward County.

Omphroy, a Democrat, was in April appointed to Gov. Ron DeSantis Reopen Florida Task Force to help with strategies for reopening amidst the COVID-19 pandemic.

Attorney Marlon Hill, a staple servant leader in the Caribbean community, is running for Miami-Dade County Commissioner, District 9. The Jamaican American, who is celebrated as a business and professional leader, said he wants to elevate what I have been doing for years on a different platform. My primary role in this campaign process will be to listen and learn from the residents of South Miami Dade County, and to help magnify their voices and needs to the hallways of county government.

Ann Marie Sorrell, a Jamaican American author, philanthropist and award-winning business leader, is seeking election to Group 2 of Palm Beach Countys Soil and Water Conservation Board. Sorrel has done great work across the Tri-County area, focusing on matters such as social justice, economic development as well as issues that impact women and minorities.

A staunch advocate and activist for women and girls, Lavern Deer is campaigning for mayor of Miami Gardens. The Jamaican American, who founded the Female Development World Organization Inc. (FDWO), has been focused on education, health, social development as well as ending the abuse of girls and young women, especially in socio-economically challenged communities. Deer is a Human Trafficking Expert who has worked with Florida legislators to propose language for the Human Trafficking Education in Schools Bill.

Former Senator Daphne Campbell, a Haitian American, is seeking a new Florida Senate seatDistrict 35. As a former Florida state representative and senator for District 38, Campbell earned a reputation for getting things done. While in office, she passed some 40 bills which include waiving college fees for post-secondary students and facilitating smooth reintegration of convicts back into society among others. A registered nurse by profession, Campbell is passionate about representing the voiceless, focusing on the disabled and the needs of working-class families and vulnerable communities.

Other Jamaican Americans running in the August 18 primary are:

Carla Spalding, a Republican candidate challenging incumbent Debbie Wasserman Schultz for her U.S. congressional seat in District 23; Dennis Hinds to the Florida House to represent District 102; Dale Holness, currently Broward Countys mayor, is seeking reelection to the Broward County Commission, District 9;

Judge Ian Richards is vying for a seat as a Broward County judge; Attorney Joan Anthony is running for Circuit Court Judge in Browards 7th Judicial Circuit; Elizabeth Burns is running for a seat on the City of Pembroke Pines Commission and Dr. Jeff Holness, who is seeking election to the Broward County School Board.

Leading the charge for the Haitian-American contingent of candidates is:

Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick who is challenging incumbent U.S. Congressman Alcee Hastings for his District 20 congressional seat, including parts of Palm Beach and Broward County.

Additionally, Dotie Joseph and Georges Boussous, Jr. are competing against each other to be elected to the Florida House representing District 108;

Marie Woodson and Jessica Laguerre Hylton, representing Florida House Districts 101 and 117, respectively; Phoebee Francois is seeking to retain her seat as a Broward County Judge in Group 27;

Gepsie Metellus is running for Miami-Dade Commission, District 3; Stephanie Thomas is seeking a seat on the City of Miami Commission, District 5; Linda Julien is a candidate for City of Miami Gardens Council, Seat 5;

Marie Flore Lindor-Latortue, Miami-Dade School Board; and Narniki Nikki Pierre-Grant is seeking election to the Broward School Board.

Attorney Melba Pearson, who has both Trinidadian and Jamaican heritage, is challenging Florida State Attorney Katherine Fernandez Rundle to take over that position in Circuit 11 in Miami-Dade County.

Two Kittitian (St. Kitts & Nevis) Americans, Attorney Christopher Benjamin and Elvis Austin Caines are seeking office to be elected to the Florida House, District 107 and Seat 1 on the Miami Gardens City Council, respectively.

In Miami-Dade County, three Trinidadian Americans are vying for political office: Ashira Mohammad to the Florida House in District 101; Tisa McGhee to the Miami-Dade Commission, District 3 and Francis Ragoo to the City of Miami Gardens Council, Seat 5.

Bahamian American Shevrin Jones is seeking election to the Florida Senate representing District 35; and rounding out the Caribbean American candidates in this election cycle is Puerto Rican Alexandria Ayala, who is seeking to be elected to the Palm Beach School Board representing District 2.

*Credit to Tanya Ragbeer, of Soca-de-Vote for information related to the compilation of this article.

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Record Number Of Caribbean Americans Vying For Elected Office In South Florida - caribbeannationalweekly.com

RIU Hotels Reopening Properties Across the Caribbean – TravelPulse

The RIU Hotels brand announced it has reopened several properties in key Caribbean destinations, including Aruba, the Dominican Republic, Jamaica and The Bahamas.

The hospitality company revealed its Riu Palace Bavaro in Punta Cana and the Riu Palace Paradise Island in The Bahamas reopened on July 1, while the Riu Palace Aruba opened its doors to the public on July 10.

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Earlier this month, RIU Hotels reopened the Riu Reggae in Jamaica for the first time since coronavirus-related closures began in March, days after welcoming its first guests at the Riu Ocho Rios.

With the latest openings, RIU Hotels is welcoming guests in all the countries and Caribbean destinations where the company operates. The facilities and their employees have been extensively trained in the latest health and safety protocols.

As for the RIU Hotels properties in the Mexican Caribbean, the company opened its four hotels in Cancun, but has yet to welcome guests at its four establishments in Playa del Carmen and one in Costa Mujeres.

RIU Hotels has now opened 12 of its 27 establishments in the Caribbean, with more expected in the coming weeks.

Airlines have also stepped up service to the region, with American Airlines recently announcing the relaunch of service to several key Caribbean destinations.

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RIU Hotels Reopening Properties Across the Caribbean - TravelPulse

Pirates of the Caribbean Game Still Has a Faithful Mod Community – GameRant

A Pirates of the Caribbean game released in 2003 still has an active community thanks to a huge overhaul mod named New Horizons,

Pirate games are often popular in the gaming industry simply due to the popularity of pirates in mainstream pop culture. But there are surprisingly few pirate games, despite that. Sea of Thieves and Assassin's Creed 4: Black Flag are two modern examples, as well as the now-rebooted Skull & Bones multiplayer game. But some gaming fans havebeen looking for, and have found, something more authentic in the 17-year-old action RPG Pirates of the Caribbean.

Pirates of the Caribbean is a 17-year old game developed by a now-defunct developer named Akella. Akella was, at the time, well known for its pirate games, including Sea Dogs and Age of Sail 2. A sequel for Sea Dogs was ultimately re-branded to be a licensed Pirates of the Caribbean game to coincide with the movie's release. Now, 17 years later, a mod named New Horizons has resurrected the game and has led to a new thriving community.

RELATED:Ghost of Tsushima Devs Nearly Made a Pirate Game

PCGamer recently ran an in-depth piece exploring the surprisingly active community surroundingNew Horizons and Pirates of the Caribbean. It describes how a community of around 8,000 members has been built around the game mod, going all the way back to the game's launch in 2003.

The New Horizons mod is a massive complete overhaul of Pirates of the Caribbean filled with new content. It's difficult to even summarize. There are new features for International Relations, Time Periods, a Realism Game Mode,Careers, Abilities, and more. The graphics have been improved with new models and textures, new pirate ships and customizations have been added, and that's just scratching the surface. A lot can be done in 17 years.

But New Horizons' biggest addition is the release of several Storylines for players to experience. These are campaigns filled with a rich narrative experience including quests and goals. For game players looking for a proper pirate story to experience, many of New Horizons Storylines provide something special.

The development of New Horizonsmay have run its course, however. In 2017 the modding team announced the development of New Horizons Remastered, which was scuttled in 2018 as the developers moved in new directions. However, the lead modder joined a studio named Skyward Digital, which is currently working on a classic pirate game named Buccaneers!. Hopefully, it can live up to the legacy of the now 17-year-old Pirates of the Caribbean game and the community that still enjoys it.

Pirates of the Caribbean is no longer available from storefronts, but can be found on abandonware sites on PC. The New Horizons mod is available via ModDB.

MORE:Here's A List of Publishers/Developers Who've Gone Pirate Hunting

Source: PC Gamer

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How Afro-Caribbean chef Adrian Forte cooked himself up a role as one of Canada’s top TV food personalities – National Post

When the producers of Top Chef Canada reached out to Adrian Forte to invite him to compete on the latest season of the reality cooking show, he almost declined. The Jamaica-born, Toronto-based, 32-year-old chef and restaurateur had participated on a cooking competition show once before, on the second season of Chopped Canada, in which chefs are tasked with preparing restaurant-quality meals in half an hour using the random and often incongruous ingredients presented to them. Forte bombed. He panicked, was paralyzed. I literally blacked out for 30 minutes, he remembers. They really wanted to have me on Top Chef, but the last time I did TV, I sucked. So I figured Id better pass on this.

The producers managed to persuade him in the end. And on the eighth season of Top Chef Canada, which aired on the Food Network earlier this summer, Forte not only didnt suck he excelled. As a cook, he acquitted himself admirably, making it to the semi-finals, where he placed fifth overall. As a camera presence, he was a natural: he was charming, funny and full of easy confidence, always ready with a one-liner or amusing reaction, moving through the kitchen like a certified pro. He was an obvious audience-favourite, and though he didnt win the $100,000 prize, he emerged as the most memorable contestant of the season. The production company loved me, he says. I gave them everything they wanted to make it a really good season of TV.

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How Afro-Caribbean chef Adrian Forte cooked himself up a role as one of Canada's top TV food personalities - National Post

Corporate Executives Discuss the Impact of Covid-19 on the Caribbean – The Voice St. Lucia

Republic Bank Limited partnered with New Energy Events LLC to host the first of a 3-part webinar series From the Front-Line: Caribbean Corporate Leaders on the Impacts of COVID-19. The webinar series is the latest initiative by Corporate and Investment Banking Division of Republic Bank aimed at highlighting unique challenges faced by Caribbean businesses and sharing real time best practices for businesses adversely affected by the pandemic.

Engaging a virtual audience of close to 450 persons, the panel featured leading executives from the hospitality, travel, sports, finance and real estate sectors, who shared valuable insight into how COVID-19 has affected corporations in the Caribbean and the way forward. The panel featured Executive Vice President, Sunwing Travel Group, Daniel Diaz; Managing Director, Blue Waters Products Limited, Dominic Hadeed; Managing Director Republic Bank (EC) Limited, Michelle Palmer-Keizer; and CEO, Caribbean Premier League, Pete Russell. The panel was moderated by Ian De Souza, Principal at Advice Financial Co. Ltd., a corporate advisory practice specializing in business reorganization. Ian De Souza is a former banking executive with over 35 years of experience in the banking industry across the Caribbean.

The panellists shared insights surrounding COVID-19s effect on the day-to-day operations and the prospects for growth; the pandemics impact on their respective industries; relief measures and concessions provided by their respective principal bankers; the response of regional governments and what more needs to be done, and opportunities emerging out of the crisis.

THE IMPACT ON CARIBBEAN CORPORATIONS

Blue Waters Products Limited

Dominic Hadeed, Managing Director of Blue Waters Products Limited, noted that the pandemic has required business leaders to not only plan for their scheduled reopening, but to focus their attention on improving their business model to adapt to the changing environment. What we have seen from the pandemic is that its not just good to come back, but you have to come better, he said. Hadeed noted that his flagship brand, Blue Waters, saw a decline in sales during the peak months of the pandemic resulting from the temporary closure of hotels, offices, and gyms.

However, despite these challenges, he said that his company would press ahead with its planned capital investments for the year noting that in some ways the pandemic could yield competitive advantages for businesses willing to make long-term investments during an economic downturn.

He noted history has shown that businesses that make investments during the downturn of an economic cycle are better positioned to realize greater benefits during periods of recovery and expansionary in the economic cycle.

Caribbean Premier League

On the heels of the recent announcement that the 2020 instalment of the Caribbean Premier League (CPL) will be held in Trinidad and Tobago, Pete Russell, admitted that the CPL was very fortunate to be a Caribbean League given how well the region has been able to contain the spread of the virus as compared to the US and Europe. Like many other businesses, Russell noted that the CPLs pre-COVID prospects were very bright, but quickly dwindled during April and May. Due to the limitations resulting from the pandemic, the CPL was forced to adapt and present a different look and feel from previous years.

Sunwing Travel Group

Daniel Diaz, Executive Vice President, Sunwing Travel Group, noted how unprecedented the pandemic has been on global tourism stating that it is the first ever economic downturn in recent times to occur without an economic base of activity. For the Royalton All-Inclusive Luxury Resorts across the Caribbean, he noted that within 72 hours, the Groups hotel occupancy in the respective countries fell from 95 percent down to 0 percent. Sunwing Travel Group is the largest tour operator in North America boasting the leading tour operators Sunwing Airlines, SunwingJets, SellOffVacations.com, Luxe Destination Weddings and Blue Diamonds Luxury Resorts.

Diaz noted that the pandemic has forced travellers to rethink their vacation experience with a

preference towards hotels that offer open-air options and lots of spacing. He noted that the all-inclusive business model is resilient to shocks, such as a global pandemic given its ability to offer travellers a controlled environment without imposing onerous restrictions on the travel experience.

He further stated that he expects the US and Canada source markets to quickly rebound for the Caribbean. He pointed to very strong pre-bookings for the upcoming winter season from Canada and the resumption of flights by American Airlines and other US carriers to the Caribbean. While he was cautious about relying on the US market given how certain parts of the country has fared with COVID-19, he did express reserved optimism about the health protocols implemented in the region so far for travellers from the US. To this end, Diaz implored Caribbean Governments and CARICOM to take a united approach to health protocols for arrivals and hotel certification requirements.

Republic Bank (EC) Limited

Michelle Palmer-Keizer, Managing Director of Republic Banks Eastern Caribbean operations pointed to the decision taken by the Groups Executive Leadership Team to ensure their clients financial preservation was maintained. Even without a clear understanding of the impact to our clients businesses, our first response was to help our customers keep the lights on and pay salaries. We did so through a series package of relief measures for businesses directly impacted, she said.

She noted that Republic Bank has now shifted its focus away from the existential threat to its

customer base and finding new ways to help businesses retool their operations for the long term.

She expressed that each customers situation will be different and will require unique strategies for rebuilding and returning their businesses to acceptable levels of profitability. However, the pandemic has offered corporate leaders the opportunity to relook at the fundamentals in each of your businesses.

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Island Pops Captures the Vibe of the Caribbean in a Cone – Brooklyn Reader

Ordinarily, being laid off from your high-powered consulting job while five months pregnant is cause for immediate panic.

But for Shelly Marshall, it was just the sort of life-altering push that she needed to finally devote herself full-time to her true passion: ice cream making. My mother said, Are you going to go to one of your competitors and go back into consulting? Or are you going to open up that shop that youve always wanted? Marshall recalls.

Up until that point in 2017, Marshall and her husband Khalid Hamid had been running Island Pops as a side project, specializing in Caribbean-inspired ice cream and popsicle flavors.

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The Crown Heights ice cream parlor specializes in flavors inspired by ingredients from Trinidad, Grenada, and Jamaica.

Shelly Marshall of Island Pops | Courtesy of Island Pops Ordinarily, being laid off from your high-powered consulting job while five months pregnant is cause for immediate panic. But for Shelly Marshall, []

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CARICOM Chairman Says There is need for Lowering of Airport Taxes – caribbeannationalweekly.com

BASSETERRE, St. Kitts St. Vincent and the Grenadines Prime Minister Dr. Ralph Gonsalves says he believes there is a general acceptance within the Caribbean for a lowering of taxes so as to encourage intra-regional travel.

Gonsalves, who is chairman of the 15-member regional integration grouping, CARICOM, told a panel discussion organised by the Eastern Caribbean Central Bank (ECCB) on Thursday night, that the regional governments have come to the realisation that there is a need to lower airline taxes in order to make the sector profitable.

He told the discussion on the COVID-19 pandemic and regional air transport that the governments would have to be prepared to fund the operations of their airports in the short term.

St. Vincent and the Grenadines, we have already cut our taxes from US$40 to US$20, Grenada has announced that they are doing that I know Roosevelt Skerrit, the Prime Minister in Dominica is talking the same thing, Prime Minister (Allen) Chastanet (of St. Lucia) is talking the same thing, though Antigua and Barbuda has a departure tax plus this other kind of development levy or fee,.

There is I think a general acceptance that we have to lower the taxes. It means that the governments will have to put more money from the Consolidated Fund in the short run to operate their airports and move into a model to make them places to do business in addition to just being locals for the movement of passengers, said Gonsalves, who has lead responsibility for transportation within the quasi-CARICOM cabinet.

Regional economist, Dr, Justin Ram, who also participated in the programme, regarding infrastructure the airports that we have in the region are huge cost centers and it is actually one of the reasons we have high taxes and fees.

If you think about it for our size of population in the Caribbean, if we were a single land mass we would probably only have about three airportsbut becausewe are small islands we have many airports to contend with and those are quite costly. So I think the model around airports and how we utilise infrastructure we need to change, we need to stop thinking about them as cost centers and start changing them into revenue centers.

Ram said that Caribbean countries needed to re-think their policies regarding transportation and airport development.

I think it is time for us in the Caribbean to have a single regulator. So if, for example, I am authorised to operate out of St. Vincent and the Grenadines that should give me clearance to operate anywhere in the Caribbean.

I think this is where we need to go, and more importantly, I think having a single Caribbean airspace is critical also for the passengers. It means that once I enter the Caribbean through immigration, I should not have to go through immigration, customs, again. We really need to have one set of rules so that we have that single airspace, he added.

Meanwhile, Gonsalves has defended the decision of Caribbean countries to establish a travel bubble so as to encourage travel given the impact of the coronavirus (COVID-19) on Caribbean economies.

The idea of the bubble is that really once the territories are at the same level with respect of infection and the other thingsis that you would not require PCR tests upon arrival in any country which is in the bubble.

He said once the person undergoes the usual tests, you will move safely without requiring a PCR either when you leaving or when you are arrivingthere would not be any quarantine either.

This is about a management of risks but you will have to be in the territory for 48 days, you cant go from St. Kitts to Miami and you come from Miamito St. Vincent, you will have to either do your PCR out of the USA in Miami or you will have to do it when you come in St. Vincent and there will be a period of quarantine because you would have not have been in the Caribbean territory for 14 days continuously

So the bubble has that defining element too, said Gonsalves.

CMC

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Every Middle Earth & Pirates Of The Caribbean Movie (Ranked By Metacritic) – Screen Rant

ThePirates of the CaribbeanandLord of the Rings/Middle Earthfranchiseshave been two of the biggest names in the fantasy movie genreover the past several decades with new projects always seeming to be in high demand. But which of the franchise's is superior in the eyes of critics.

RELATED:The 5 Best (& 5 Worst) DC Comics Movies, According To Metacritic

Looking at every movie from both franchises along with their scores on review aggregate site Metacritic, this list should hopefully paint a clear picture of each series' ups and downs throughout the years.

ThefifthPirates of the Caribbeanmovie continued the franchise's downward trend with critics but the box office returnsappeared to dwindle somewhat also in this instance whilst still being one of the most successful movies released that year.

Even though it provided a closing story arc for one of the longest-running characters of the franchise, and teased the return of several others,Dead Men Tell No Talesemphasized the increasing loneliness of Johnny Depp's Captain Jack Sparrow, a performance which critics had grown progressively weary with over time.

ThefirstPirates of the Caribbeanmovie to feature Jack Sparrow as the out and out main character, and the fourth movie in the series overall,On Stranger Tideswas actually far more normal than the preceding movies in the franchise but that didn't appear to have any impact with growing dissatisfaction amongst critics.

The movie was still another massive hit at the box office for the franchise but the astronomical costs of its production, making it reportedly the most expensive movie ever made, established the series as one that was now too big to fail and would continue in the face of any level of scrutiny or failure.

The thirdPirates of the Caribbeanmovie followed directly on from the previous movie, Dead Man's Chest, in the back-to-back style ofBack to the FutureParts II & IIIand would be last in the franchise from original director Gore Verbinski, neatly rounding an Original Trilogy for the series.

RELATED:Pirates Of The Caribbean: 5 Ways To Reboot The Franchise (& 5 Reasons It Should Be Left Alone)

Still a big hit at the box office, fatigue had settled in for asignificantnumber of critics with the convoluted plotlines and overall limited potential of the story.

A similarly massive hit at the box officedespite atepid reception from critics,Dead Man's Chestwas the first sequel in thePirates of the Caribbeanfranchise and the overpowering effect of its popularity with audiences secured the title as one that could survive without critical approval very early on in its lifespan.

Introducing a number of new villains and plot threads to add onto the originalensemble, the sequel is bursting with hugely elaborate alliances and betrayals that also flow over intoAt World's End, released just shy of a year later, not to mention its massive action set pieces.

Peter Jackson's first movie in hisHobbitPrequel Trilogywhich would end up actually bearing a number of similarities to George Lucas similarly-debatedStar Warsprequelswas met with relatively little of the acclaim from hisLord of the Ringstrilogy.

RELATED:5 Reasons Why The Hobbit Trilogy Wasn't As Good As The Lord Of The Rings (And 5 Why It Was Better)

A long-gestating, and heavily restructured, project that was of huge interest to everyone in the movie community,An Unexpected Journeywas too familiar in the end for a number of critics.

The final movie in Jackson'sHobbittrilogy was met with a similarly mixed bag of reviews from critics after a brief improvement with the second installment.

Taking whatwould have typically been the climax of the previous movie and adding it as the opening scene ofBattle of the Five Armies, the finale can't be accused of being short on action spectacle with the enormity of the climax seeming to either captivate or overwhelm critics.

Orlando Bloom managed to dominate both the summer and winter movie box office of 2003 by starring in bothPirates of the Caribbean: The Curse of the Black PearlandThe Lord of the Rings: The Return of the Kingbut it was Johnny Depp who stole the show and secured himself an Oscar nomination for his iconic performance.

RELATED:Johnny Depp's 10 Highest-Grossing Movies, Ranked According To Box Office Mojo

The most well-received of the franchise by critics by quite a wide margin,Gore Verbinski's originalPirates of the Caribbeanmovie is a rip-roaring adventure that few can resist being swept up in.

The secondHobbitmovie fared much better with critics than either of the other two entries in the trilogy, dealing with the main bulk of storytelling duties and appearing to confirm that the trilogy's fundamental issue with critics was a lack of sufficient story to spread out evenly over the 3 movies.

Finally introducing Benedict Cumberbatch as the titular dragon, and reintroducing Orlando Bloom as his character from theLord of the Ringsmovies,Desolation of Smaugdelivered a lot for fans and critics seemed more in tune with their satisfaction than usual.

The least well-reviewed movie of theLord of the Ringstrilogy according to Metacritic's calculations, but the best-reviewed according to Rotten Tomatoes',Two Towersiseither waya very highly-respected movie.

RELATED:Sean Astin's 10 Best Movies, Ranked According To Rotten Tomatoes

Expanding on everything that the first movie set up while introducinggroundbreaking techniques to audiences, like Andy Serkis' motion-capture performance as Gollum, the movie has few peers in the fantasy genre as far as critics are concerned and they're all from the same trilogy.

The firstLord of the Ringsmovie has been one of the few movies to ever be compared to the success of the originalStar Warsin 1977 and a majority of critics appear to echo sentiments of its greatness.

A surprising and clearly lovingly-crafted experience,Fellowship of the Ringirrevocably altered audiences' expectations for the fantasy movie genre in the future.

Clean sweeping its 11 nominations at the Oscarspicking up Best Picture, Best Director, Best Original Score, Best Original Song, and Best Adapted Screenplay, amongst many othersReturn of the Kingis an undeniable triumph.

With a running time of well over three hours, even in its much shorter theatrical cut form, the grand finale resolved a mountain of plot threads in what critics seem to confirm as a pretty much universally satisfying way.

NEXT:Harry Potter Vs Lord Of The Rings: 10 Highest Grossing Movies, According To Box Office Mojo

Next The 5 Best (& 5 Worst) Animated Movies From The '80s

Mark is a freelance copywriter and copyeditor. When not writing or editing, he can most likely be found complaining about movies on Twitter.

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Every Middle Earth & Pirates Of The Caribbean Movie (Ranked By Metacritic) - Screen Rant

Palestinian-American Justin Amash officially wont seek reelection to Congress – The Times of Israel

LANSING, Michigan US Rep. Justin Amash of Michigan, a former Republican who backed the impeachment of US President Donald Trump, is officially not running for reelection.

Amash, the first person of Palestinian descent to serve in the US Congress, had suspended his congressional campaign in February and later explored seeking the Libertarian Partys nomination for president. Thursday was Michigans deadline to run as an independent, though some were also holding out hope he might seek the Libertarians nomination at a state convention Saturday.

I love representing our community in Congress. I always will, Amash tweeted. This is my choice, but Im still going to miss it.

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Amash, 40, initially became an independent a year ago after becoming disenchanted with partisan politics. He has represented Michigans 3rd Congressional district in the western part of the state since 2011.

When he announced last July in an op-ed in the Washington Post that he was leaving the Republican Party, Amash said he was frightened by what I see from partisanship.

Amash noted his father, a Palestinian refugee from Bethlehem, would remind my brothers and me of the challenges he faced before coming here and how fortunate we were to be Americans.

He drew ire from US President Donald Trump and fellow Republicans when he said the president had engaged in impeachable conduct as described in special counsel Robert Muellers report on ties between Trumps 2016 campaign and Russia.

Trump has called Amash a total loser.

Amash has long been seen as a libertarian Republican and an outspoken party contrarian. He was mentored in his earliest political runs by former representative Ron Paul, a Texas Republican and perennial GOP presidential candidate who made a name for himself as the partys foundational libertarian.

Amash is believed to favor a lower US profile overseas. That view led him to vote against an act that would enhance the US response to emerging or potential genocides, and against a Republican-led bill that pressured the Trump administration to appoint an anti-Semitism envoy.

Amash initiated eminent domain legislation that would make it tougher to build Trumps wall with Mexico and been lacerating in his assessment of the presidents choice for attorney general, William Barr. He pointed to Barrs record during the George W. Bush administration of defending warrantless eavesdropping.

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This isn’t Rivera’s mess, yet Smoot believes the coach will still fix it – NBC Sports Washington

Football coaches are used to having a full plate, but right now, Ron Rivera is sitting at a table lined with full plates and it feels like more orders are on their way.

For most of the offseason, Washington's head coach has been trying to prepare a young team to outperform expectations through Zoom meetings and phone calls. Instead of practices, he's used PowerPoint.

That's far from ideal.

Rivera hasn't just been tasked with handling on-field issues, though. The 58-year-old has also been heavily involved in advancing the franchise's name change, a task that's partly done yet also has much further to go until completion.

That's far from normal.

And now, Rivera is in the center of a mess a top-to-bottom, years-in-the-making mess involving widespread allegations of sexual misconduct that he has no part in. Despite that, he's being leaned on to clean it up.

That's far from fair.

Yet he's, somehow, far from discouraged.

"We have to move forward from this andmake sure everybody understands we have policies that we will follow and that we have an open-door policy with no retribution," Rivera said to ESPN's John Keimhours after Thursday's searing Washington Post story dropped. "Plus my daughter works for the team and I sure as hell am not going to allow any of this!"

In a Fridayinterview with NBC Sports Washington, Fred Smoot explained why he's ultra-confident in Rivera's ability to improve the organization.

"I think hes ready for this," Smoot said. "He understands you dont make your mark when everything goes well, you make your mark when things go awry.

"I dont think coach regrets anything," he continued."I think hes really embellishing the point that he can clean this up, that he can be a part of correcting this. And thats what we need, we need a leader. And thats why I think Ron Rivera is the perfect candidate for the job."

RELATED: THE 15 DAYS THAT CHANGED THIS FRANCHISE FOREVER

The longtime defensive back pointed back to how Rivera, in his opening presser after being hired in January, promised to elevate the culture in Ashburn. While there's no way Rivera could've known just how much elevating could be required, Smoot has complete faith that he'll accomplish that goal.

In fact, he's already envisioning what Rivera will be labeled when he does.

"Think about this," Smoot said."In four of fives years from now, when were an established franchise and were doing better, how is he going to look? Hes going to look like the savior, because he was the savior. Hes a rock. You look to your leaders at a time like this and if they dont falter, no one else will."

Not everyone is as sure as Smoot, though.

ESPN radio host Mike Golic Sr. asked aloud on Friday if Rivera is already wishing he didn'taccept the job from Dan Snyder.

Meanwhile, Domonique Foxworth, an ex-corner like Smoot, took basically the exact opposite stance during Friday's First Takeshow. To Foxworth, Rivera has basically been tossedinto a fourth-and-30 and told to pick up a first down.

"Stop it if you think that Ron Rivera is going to fix this," Foxworth said."Hes a football coach. And we shouldnt ask him to fix this, its not his responsibility, he has no ability to do so, we have no reason to believe that hes capable of doing so."

Foxworth, like a host of others, is instead calling on Snyder to make serious adjustments or the league to do so if Snyder won't himself.

That's something Smoot agreed with, at least. The owner's"a very quiet," "very shy person," according to Smoot, but he still has to make himself more accessible to the public in order to show that he understands how much work must be done. That goes beyond making statements like this one.

And even though Smoot clearly trusts Rivera to be the guy to turn around the entire operation, he did acknowledge that Rivera will need help from the man at the top.

"Everything works in unison," he said.

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