Opinion |Dance of the synchronized quantum particles – Livemint

Three of our gang, you see, were women. On our second morning, all three found their periods had kicked in. They were so charmed and amused by this that they forgot any possible cramps or migraines. This was, they told us ignorant men, menstrual synchrony" the tendency for women who live together to begin menstruating on the same day every month. In 1971, a psychologist called Martha McClintock studied 180 women in a college dormitory. Menstrual synchrony, she concluded then, was real.

Now, this really didnt apply that weekend in NYC, because these ladies had only spent one day together. Besides, more recent research has questioned McClintocks findings. Even so, those long-ago NYC days came back to me after reading about some even more recent research, at IIT Kanpur. Not about menstruation, but about synchronization, and in the quantum world.

Whats synchronization? Imagine an individual a bird, a pendulum doing a particular motion over and over again. The bird is flapping its wings as it flies, the pendulum is swinging back and forth. Imagine several such individuals near each other, all doing the same motion several birds flying together in a flock, several pendulums swinging while hanging from a beam. When they start out, the birds are flapping to their own individual rhythms, the pendulums going in different directions. But then something beautiful happens: these individual motions synchronize. The birds flap in perfect coordination, so the flock moves as one marvellous whole. The pendulums swing in harmony.

In fact, synchronization was first observed in pendulums. In 1665, the great Dutch scientist Christiaan Huygens attached two pendulum clocks to a heavy beam. Soon after, the two pendulums were in lockstep.

Similarly, fireflies are known to break into spontaneous synchrony. When there are just one or a few, they light up at different timesa pleasant enough sight, but nothing to write home about. But there are spots in the coastal mangroves of Malaysia and Indonesia where whole hosts of the little insects congregate every evening and suddenly, synchrony happens. They switch on and off in perfect unison, putting on a light show like none youve seen.

There are, yes, other examples. At a concert, the audience will tend to applaud in sync. The reason we only ever see one side of the Moon is that the orbital and rotational periods of the Moon have, over time, synchronized with the rotation of our Earth. Your heart beats because the thousands of pacemaker" cells it contains pulse in synchrony. Some years ago, a bridge of a new and radical design was built over the Thames in London. When it was opened, people swarmed onto it on foot. It quickly started swaying disconcertingly from side to side enough, in turn, to force the pedestrians to walk in a certain awkward way just to keep their footing. On video, youll see hundreds of people on the bridge, all walking awkwardly but in step.

In his book Sync: The Emerging Science of Spontaneous Order, the mathematician Steven Strogatz writes: At the heart of the universe is a steady, insistent beat: the sound of cycles in sync. It pervades nature at every scale from the nucleus to the cosmos." He goes on to observe that this tendency for synchronization does not depend on intelligence, or life, or natural selection. It springs from the deepest source of all: the laws of physics". And thats where IIT Kanpur comes in.

In 2018, a team of Swiss researchers looked at the possibility of synchronization at the lower end of that scale that Strogatz mentions, or in some ways even off that end of the scale. Do the most elementary, fundamental particles known to physicists exhibit the same tendency to synchronize as somewhat larger objects such as starlings and pendulums and the moon? Were talking about electrons and neutrons, particles that occupy the so-called quantum" world. Can we get them to synchronize?

They concluded that the smallest quantum particles actually cannot be synchronized. These exhibit a spin"a form of angular momentum, in a sense the degree to which the particle is rotating of 1/2 (half). But there are ways in which such spin-half" particles can combine to form a spin-1" system, and the Swiss team predicted that these combinations are the smallest quantum systems that can be synchronized.

So, a physics research group at IIT Kanpur decided to test this prediction. These are guys, I should tell you, who are thoroughly accustomed to working with atoms: One day in 2016, their professor, Dr Saikat Ghosh, took me into their darkened lab and pointed to a small red glow visible in the middle of their apparatus. Thats a group of atoms," he said with a grin, and then tweaked some settings and the glow dropped out of sight. The point? They are able to manipulate atoms. On another visit, they underlined this particular skill by showing me their work with graphene, a sheet of carbon that is get this one atom thick.

So, after the Swiss prediction, Ghosh and his students took a million atoms of rubidiuma soft, silvery metal and cooled them nearly to whats known as absolute zero", or -273 Celsius. Could they get these atoms to show synchrony?

Lets be clear about what they were dealing with, though. The usual objects that synchronize pendulums, birds are called oscillators" because they are in some regular, rhythmic motion. Strictly, it is that motion of the oscillators that synchronizes. But were dealing here with objects we can see, which means the rules of classical" physics apply. Quantum objects like atoms behave differently. In fact, Ghosh told me that spin-1 atoms are not really oscillating in the same sense as pendulums and starlings in flight. Still, with that caveat in place, there are ways in which we can abstract their motion and treat them as oscillators.

In their experiment, the IIT team shot pulses of light at the group of rubidium atoms. Light is made up of photons, which are like minuscule bundles of energy. When they hit an atom, they flip" its spin. Embodied in that flip is the photons quantum information; in a real way, the photons are actually stored in these flipped atoms. This happens with such precision that you can later flip the atoms back and release the photons, thus retrieving" the stored light. In fact, with this storage and retrieval behaviour, the atoms are like memory cells, and this is part of the mechanism of quantum computing. (See my column from October 2018, Catch a quantum computer and pin it down).

But when the atoms are flipped and they store these photons, something else happens to them. When the light is retrieved, the IIT team found it displays interference fringes" a characteristic pattern of light and shadow (similar in concept to what causes stripes on tigers and zebras, or patterns in the sand on a beach). From this fringe pattern, the scientists can reconstruct the quantum state the atoms were inand voil, theres synchrony.

Did each individual atom synchronize to the light and since all one million atoms did so, is that how they are synchronized with each other as well? Thats to be tested still, but its a good way to think of what happened. Again, take fireflies. In one experiment, a single flashing LED bulb was placed in a forest. When the fireflies appeared, they quickly synchronized to the flashing bulb, and therefore to each other. As Dr Ghosh commented: two fireflies synchronizing is interesting, but an entire forest filled with fireflies lighting up in sync reveals new emergent patterns."

There are implications in all this for, among other things, quantum computing. The IIT teams paper remarks; [The] synchronization of spin-1 systems can provide insights in open quantum systems and find applications in synchronized quantum networks." (Observation of quantum phase synchronization in spin-1 atoms, by Arif Warsi Laskar, Pratik Adhikary, Suprodip Mondal, Parag Katiyar, Sai Vinjanampathy and Saikat Ghosh, published 3 June 2020).

There will be other applications too. But over 350 years after Christiaan Huygens stumbled on classical" synchronization, the IIT team has shown for the first time that this strangely satisfying behaviour happens in the quantum world too. No wonder their paper was chosen recently for special mention in the premier physics journal, Physical Review Letters.

A round of applause for the IIT folks, please. I know it will happen in synchrony.

Once a computer scientist, Dilip DSouza now lives in Mumbai and writes for his dinners. His Twitter handle is @DeathEndsFun

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Opinion |Dance of the synchronized quantum particles - Livemint

Pasqal and EDF partner to study smart-charging challenges with Quantum Computing – Quantaneo, the Quantum Computing Source

Quantum computers have the potential to solve hard computational problems more efficiently than their classical counterparts. Applications notably encompass computational drug design, materials science, machine learning, and optimization problems. With the rapid developments of quantum hardware, practical quantum advantage is within reach.

With many cities turning to e-mobility to tackle environmental challenges, electric utilities have to account for a growing and more complex load to manage for their production facilities and the grid. One example is the need to schedule resource allocation for shared electric vehicles while taking into considerations their expected and real time availability as well as charging constraints. This class of problem is computationally hard to solve even with large supercomputers and it is expected that a quantum algorithm called Quantum Approximate Optimization Algorithm (QAOA) could improve its resolution.

EDF made smart charging and the development of its infrastructures one of the strong point of its Electric Mobility Plan, launched in October 2018. EDF views smart charging as a true asset for electric vehicles users and for the electrical system. Through its subsidiaries, IZIVIA and DREEV, the EDF Group already provides V2G solutions.

Through its Pulse Explorer Program, EDF R&D routinely reaches out to start-ups to explore new ideas in a collaborative way. EDF and Pasqal have formalized a partnership to explore how this algorithm could be implemented on the neutral atoms quantum processor developed at Pasqal and take benefit from its unique properties.

The core of the partnership is to finely tune the algorithms according to the hardwares possibilities and to mitigate the impact of the errors. The level of performance will be gauged on a classical emulator, prior to a real hardware implementation.

Loc Henriet, head of software development at Pasqal explained: we have developed our full software stack with specific tools for generic optimization problems, but it is very important that we engage directly with partners working on applications. We need to focus on practical use cases to show that quantum processors can provide a real advantage.

Marc Porcheron, head of EDF R&Ds Quantum Computing project, said: utilities such as EDF have to be at the forefront of innovation in high performance computing. It is great to collaborate with Pasqal to explore the new possibilities opened by Quantum Computing for hard optimization problems like the ones we face in the decisive field of smart-charging. I am impressed with the results that have already been achieved with Pasqal, and look forward to implement on their upcoming hardware the quantum algorithms we investigate together.

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Pasqal and EDF partner to study smart-charging challenges with Quantum Computing - Quantaneo, the Quantum Computing Source

When the State Fears a Poet – Boston Review

Image: Wikimedia

Celebrated Indian poet, human rights activist, and political prisoner Varavara Rao, now eighty and in frail health, is in mortal danger of succumbing to COVID-19 if he is not released from prison, where he has been on and off since 2018 on trumped-up conspiracy charges.

On Saturday, I checked my phone and saw that wed heard from my uncle, currently a political prisoner in India. Im alright, he said. But he wasnt alright. His voice was weak and feeble, and his words, disjointed, slipped into Hindi instead of his beloved Telugu. For over six decades, Varavara Rao, the revolutionary poet, captivated generations with his critical poetry and prose. That he was anything less than articulate, let alone incoherent, was a gut punch. The goal of Narendra Modis administration has been to silence those like my uncle. Had they succeeded?

In one of the many conspiracy cases lodged against Rao over the decades, the state attempted to demonstrate that all the actions of revolutionary movements were a direct consequence of the poems, speeches, and writings of radical writers.

There are many ways to describe Varavara Rao. Hes a teacher, a poet, an activist, known to many simply as VV. To the Indian government, hes a rebel and a threat, an anti-national. It is, in fact, possible to sketch independent Indias history simply by the dates of fabricated cases brought against him by the Indian state: over the last forty-five years, there have been twenty-five, for which he has spent eight years in prison, awaiting trials that would eventually acquit him. His landmark contributions to the discipline of Marxist literary criticism as a left-wing intellectual and his fearless opposition to religious orthodoxy, caste discrimination, and neoliberal development earned him the love of those invisible to the state, and, unsurprisingly, the wrath of landlords, bureaucrats, and police forces alike. Beginning with the rural rebellions for land rights in the 1960sand continuing through the severe repression that followedhe unflinchingly stood by disenfranchised tribal communities, going on, at the start of the millennium, to serve as an emissary in peace negotiations between the Andhra Pradesh government and the Naxalites.

But to me, hes just Bapu, a term of endearment in Telangana for father. By relation, he is my maternal uncle. But for generations, for nieces and nephews and grandnieces and grandnephews, hes always been Bapu and us, all of us, his grandchildren. Through most of the first decade of the 2000s, wemy sisters, my mother, and her sisterswould spend many summer days at my uncles house in Malakpet in Hyderabad, the city I grew up in. His living room welcomed a rotating cast of visitors while my aunt, Aamma (a quirky elongation of amma, mother), unfailingly offered them chai. That part of my childhood coincided with a selective rising tide in India; many families such as mine experienced upward mobility and made frequent moves into increasingly elite neighborhoods. Bapu and Aammas unchanged apartment in humble and overwhelming Malakpet gave their presence in my childhood a timeless quality.

For us children, make-believe turned neighboring flats into enemy castles, the front hallway an open field, and the sturdy staircase walls, covered in dust and grime, ideal hiding spots. When it was time to go inside for mangoes, the adults talked with immediacy about distant places such as Palestine and Cuba, or Warangal and Chattisgarh, closer yet also unfamiliar. Someone had been harassed by the village headman, beaten up by upper caste groups, and needed legal help. Someone had been killedan encounter, they said. (I would later learn the term referred to extrajudicial killings by the police.) The conversation shifted. Everyone had read something new. Precocious voices eager to share. A feminist poem, translated from Urdu, in last weeks paper. A new book on the FARC in Colombia. A friends recommendation. The exchanges never ceased, as the family I knew drank in each others warmth, hungry for raised voices and raucous laughter.

My entire life, Bapu looked exactly the same. A crisp white shirt, or sometimes light blue, a pen resting in the pocket, and a head full of silver hair; he always had a smile playing on his lips. When he greeted us at the door, it was with a hug. Bagunnava, bidda? (Are you well, my daughter?) he would ask my mother. At the time, this was rare; men and women did not typically hug each other. Later, I came to appreciate it as one of the many things that I did not have to unlearnI had already been taught to love openly, freely, and joyfully.

Bapu and Aammas 1990 move to Hyderabad was a forced one. At the conference of the Andhra Pradesh Raithu Cooli Sangham that year, a peasants movement demanding land to the tiller, Bapu had addressed a crowd of over 1.2 million. This drew the fury of the state police, who, five years earlier, in 1985, had assassinated Bapus comrade, Dr. A. Ramanathan and implicitly declared their intention to target Bapu as well. Under ever-increasing threats, Bapu and Aamma left their beloved Warangal, as the newly elected Congress government followed in the footsteps of the earlier Telugu Desam Party, stifling left-wing movements across the state. This all happened a few years before I was born, but I can picture it vividly. A black-and-white sketch of Dr. Ramanthans room as the police left ithis doctors chair knocked overhung on Bapus living room wall throughout my childhood. This story, like many others, became legible to me only over time.

What I experienced in Bapu and Aammas house, amidst an eternal supply of chai, is what Ive now come to recognize as an education. A grad school classmate from the United States once asked me where my politicization began. Swiftly I had answered, At home, with my parents. And theirs? It was Bapu. Not only for my parents, but for generations of people since he began writing as a young man in 1957. Watching him advocate fearlessly and be persecuted by government after government, multitudes of activists began to demand the protection of civil rights for the most marginalized, at a time when the zeitgeist tended toward the shining narrative of a rising Indiaof hydroelectric dams built over tribal lands and industrial zones replacing communities.

So, when my parents reminisced about the Telangana movement, or the Peoples Union for Civil Liberties, their stories were never meant to be remarkable; they were commonplace in a generation begotten by Varavara Rao. And like him, they too were teaching their children the humble notion that Bapus battles ought to be their own. That if they could be angry about the same things, their anger too would find its place in political action.

In what discourse / Can we converse / With the heartless?

If Bapu found imprisonment difficult, we never knew it. He never wanted us to. Witnessing his life in this manner, in and out of prison, was to learn how the application of law could itself be illegal and, in that same instance, understand how to imagine resistance. Persecution was so commonplace that we would often find him calmly waiting, with a packed jail bag, having been tipped off about a forthcoming arrest.

So, when the police descended upon Bapus house, and the houses of his three daughters, in August 2018, there was no way to predict that this time would be different. Theres an arrest warrant, the police had said, or maybe it was a letter? In Marathi. But Bapu didnt speak Marathi. Someone said that it was about a plot to assassinate Modi. Wheres your laptop? the police kept asking, certain in the belief that, surely, Bapu had not written thousands of pages of radical literature by hand. He had.

When I got the news of the raid, I was at an airport boarding a flight to Hyderabad, and unable to access any information for the next many hours. Only after I landed did I hear the details of the arrest: he wasnt alone and had apparently been arrested along with some of the biggest names of Delhis and Mumbais left circles, Sudha Bharadwaj, Gautam Navlakha, Vernon Gonsalves, and so on. I breathed easier, feeling that, surely, Bapu would come out of this. The police accused him of waging war against the State, among other offenses, punishable by death or imprisonment for life. Almost two years later, he has not yet been formally charged; this is not only cruel, but blatantly unconstitutional.

When Bapu was taken to prison, newspapers everywhere carried a photograph of him leaving the emergency ward of the Gandhi hospital in Hyderabad, a secret route chosen by the police to avoid the media on his way to jail. Flanked by a few policemen, he had his fist in the air and a smile on his lips. Someone had managed to secretly photograph him from the crowd. He looked radiant, as always. I read last week that the photographer was Ravi, who, over a long career, captured historic moments and had recently died. It was strange to read about him, to feel the loss of a man I had never met but who had given me something I so treasured.

Campaigns for Bapus release began in no time. The college where hed taught for thirty years, Warangals CKM, stood in solidarity. Abroad, the Bhima Koregaon case, as it came to be known, became infamous, and the United Nations, Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty International all condemned the arrests. The nine human rights defenders currently in jail and others implicated in this case are being targeted due to their work in the defence of human rights, read the statement by Frontline Defenders. Over a hundred global intellectualsthe likes of Noam Chomsky, Ngg wa Thiongo, Judith Butler, and Bruno Latourcalled for his release, noting that over the decades, the Indian state has been trying to silence his voice by implicating him in many phony cases. Meanwhile, prominent members of Indian civil society, the great Indian historian Romila Thapar among them, challenged the arrest in the Supreme Court. This temporarily brought Bapu back home under house arrest.

The newly minted Unlawful Activities Prevention Act gives the Indian government the power to designate someone an enemy of the state without a trial.

I remember the morning of September 6, 2018Bapu still under house arrest. We were all huddled in their living room around the TV, the adults on the diwan, and the children on the floor. We anxiously flipped from one channel to the next, between the regional Telugu news streams and the English-language NDTV. The Supreme Court was set to rule on whether Bapu would be taken back to prison. It was also the day that would become historic as the day homosexuality was decriminalized in India.

Hope came to me in a sudden burst of joy, brought by the unanimous decision of the Court that struck down Section 377, the provision against unnatural sexual acts. Suddenly, my country, my unforgiving, immoral country that could jail an eighty-year-old poet, turned softer, like ephemeral rain on scorched ground. People of all ages were celebrating on the screen, hugging each other and raising slogans, periodically stopping to wipe away tears. Inside the house, our celebration had an impatience to it. We all felt the precarity of that moment, wanting to believe in an India that embraced its people, and simultaneously fearing that, in mere minutes, we would discover that it did not embrace Bapunot him, with his fiery poetry, not him who dreamt of seizing syllables, from each of historys furrows.

Later that afternoon, Bapu passed around some of his new poetry, written recently while in jail. These are incredible, perhaps we should thank Modi, someone joked. Easy laughter came back to us, and even though his cases judgment came soon afteran adjournment to a later dateI looked around and thought that this day mattered, one where a different world seemed possible.

As I struggled to read his handwritten words with their elegant curves, stumbling on my own mother tongue, I was struck by the loss of something I expected to possess forever. Like riding a bike, right? Telugu was my language. Did I inhabit a different world now? At the time, I was a graduate student studying public policy. I wondered what Bapu thought of me then, his Ivy Leagueeducated niece, who could host entire book clubs dedicated to Audre Lorde and bell hooks but would be unable to muster the word for feminism in Telugu.

In India, wrote Mukul Kesavan, English language pundits serve the same purpose as the Fool in Lears court: licensed tellers of occasionally uncomfortable truths. This is not to suggest that English has no role to play in public debate, but in India, the real relationship between writers and movements thrives in vernacular readership and subaltern politics. This is historically true and also what I had observed in Bapus lifes work. Organizations he founded, such as Srujana, a Telugu journal that published radical literature for over a quarter century, and Virasam, a revolutionary writers association, both had a determinedly marginal audience, bucking the elite practices of literary culture. His work was built on the classic Marxist commitment, articulated by Jeremy Wong, of faith in the intellectual, organizational, and political capacities of the working masses.

Fascist governments, of course, know this only too well, and it explains their fear of a poet, especially one who operates in the vernacular. One way of finding Indias public intellectuals, Kesavan writes, is to follow the bodies, pointing toward the killings of Narendra Dabholkar and Govind Pansare, who wrote in Marathi, and M.M. Kalburgi and Gauri Lankesh, who wrote in Kannada. In fact, a 1974 conspiracy case lodged against Bapu by the state government attempted to demonstrate that all the actions of revolutionary movements during that period were a direct consequence of poems, speeches, and writings of radical writers. It ended in acquittal in 1989, after fifteen years of prolonged trial.

Yet Bapus self-critical words, unfailingly, come to me again from his 1990 poem After All You Say:

But for me

Used to reading man as a text

Can the book become a substitute

For the world?

We had wanted to file a plea on the grounds of Bapus deteriorating health for some time now. He was the oldest amongst those arrested in 2018, had many serious health conditions, and was far enough away from home that Aamma, with her own ailing health, could not visit him often. He resisted: I am no more special than Saibaba or Shoma Sen, he said, insisting instead, even on those infrequent phone calls from prison, that we fight for so-and-so person or pass on information to so-and-sos family.

In March of this year, it seemed like the humanitarian release of prisoners was gaining traction, especially as the Iranian government decided to release 85,000 people from its jails. What of those with non-political charges? It was a question I considered over and over. As Golnar Nikopur reminds us, most of the ostensibly non-political charges for which people are detained in Iran, as elsewhere around the world, (and certainly in India, I thought) stem from self-evidently political issues linked to poverty and social difference. Once I learned that Bapu was falling ill, however, worry turned these questions immaterial, into intellectual exercises that I could no longer afford.

By the time Bapu relented to filing an individual bail plea in April 2020, there were already thousands of confirmed COVID-19 cases in India and a few hundred deaths reported across the country. On April 15, his lawyer filed an interim bail plea. The National Intelligence Agency, which had, by then, taken over the case, swiftly opposed bail. Three days later, a Public Interest Litigation revealed deaths in three of Maharashtras jails, including Taloja, where Bapu was housed. The lawyer made a hurried phone call to the jail authorities; on the other end of the line, someone picked up but did not respond to their question. Friends, now anxious, began posting social media requests: Can anybody contact Taloja jail? Or the Maharashtra government, or the media?

We have been extremely anxious, wrote his three daughters, my cousins, in a widely published open letter released on May 27. They despaired that over the prior eight weeks, Bapu had been allowed to speak to his wife only three times, phone conversations no more than two minutes each. The court date arrived the next day. The jail authorities failed to furnish a medical report, and the hearing was delayed five days.

To many, campaigns for political prisoners conjure images of battles in courts, fought between heated lawyers waxing eloquent about ideology. In fact, they are very often about simply knowing someones whereabouts. Where is he? Could we see him?

The next day, a call from the local police station: Hes in the hospital. Why? What happened? Is he okay? We could not get more than a one-line briefing. Thats all they would offer. A news report claimed that he had been hospitalized not then, but three days prior. The official briefing differed: he lost consciousness just earlier, but his vitals were back to normal. We just wanted the truth. For many people, campaigns for political prisoners conjure images of battles in courts, fought between heated lawyers waxing eloquent about ideology. In fact, they are very often about simply knowing someones whereabouts. Where is he? Could we see him? About the days of COVID-19, Heidi Pitlor writes, Giving shape to time is especially important now, when the future is so shapeless. What of time that feels like its running out?

When you have a loved one awaiting trial, the things that divide up your days become court datesare we fully prepared, maybe therell be a judgment? The newly minted Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, or UAPA, gives the Indian government the power to designate someone an enemy of the state without a trial. This means that in Indias new unconstitutional regime, the effort to get a trial takes on its own unending rhythm. Before you realize, the nervous eagerness that precedes each hearing withers into slow defeat.

Again, the court date arrived on June 2. The judge was absent. A delay, three more days. The court date arrived yet again, the mysterious medical report was still missing. A delay, five days. The judge was absent. Two days. This time, the medical report appeared, but was yet to be read. A week. The prosecution needed time to prepare. Another week.

Hope. A trim, solid word. What does it feel like today? Purchasing a book for Bapuhe had asked to read Toni Morrisons Beloved (1987). A text with a poem about him. His friends write one each day. A campaign, a new one, this time by Amnesty International.

June 26, and Im staring at my phone again. The arguments have been heard. ORDER RESERVED. I began reading up on reserved orders: When might judges choose not to immediately deliver a decision? Is this a good thing? Is there additional evidence to review? Three hours in, DENIED.

In a 1990 poem, The Other Day, detailing the night before an arrest, Bapu asks:

In what discourse

Can we converse

With the heartless?

On July 11, I watched as my aunt sat down in front of a camera for a press conference after receiving a call from Bapu that made clear his critical condition. Holding back tears, she urged, Im not asking for bail, for release, for anythingplease get him medical care and save his life.

In moments, I think I intend this to be a letter to himperhaps some affection will get past the prison bars. Other times, I imagine it as a call to the publicmaybe my anguish will agitate them. I am not certain anymore. Teju Cole once remarked: Writing as writing. Writing as rioting. Writing as righting. On the best days, all three. In this period of cruel waiting, perhaps mine is writing as remembering, and perhaps it will be a reckoning.

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When the State Fears a Poet - Boston Review

Reviewing the legacy of racist scientists – SWI swissinfo.ch – swissinfo.ch

Swiss psychiatrist Eugen Bleuler coined several now-common psychological terms such as schizophrenia, autism and ambivalence. He also believed mental and physical cripples should be sterilised in order to preserve racial purity. At a time when controversial historical figures are increasingly under the microscope, how should we judge scientists like Bleuler?

Born in London, Thomas was a journalist at The Independent before moving to Bern in 2005. He speaks all three official Swiss languages and enjoys travelling the country and practising them, above all in pubs, restaurants and gelaterias.

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swissinfo.ch

Swiss individuals and institutions helped produce the toxic waste of scientific racism and played a leading role in international eugenics, says Pascal Germann, an expert on the history of eugenics and racism at the University of Berns Institute for the History of Medicine.

In other words, they didnt merely follow the zeitgeist but actively shaped these ideologies and practices of exclusion. This should be a topic in schools and universities.

Paul Eugen Bleuler (1857-1939) was born and died in Zollikon, near Zurich.

His sister, Pauline, five years his elder, had a psychiatric disorder.

His wife, Hedwig Bleuler-Waser, was one of the first women to receive her doctorate from theUniversity of Zurich. She founded the Swiss Association of Abstinent Women.

Bleuler was an early proponent of the theories ofSigmund Freud.

In 2000, the asteroid (11582) Bleuler was named after him.

Bleuler, director of the Burghlzli psychiatric hospital in Zurich from 1898 to 1927, was a reformer. He took his psychotic patients seriously, focused on personal treatment and pushed for improvements in conditions. He championed a community environment for patients rather than institutionalisation, and he avoided the use of straitjackets where possible.

However, his theory, and that of other psychiatrists, that undesirable behaviour was genetically transmitted was used to justify forced sterilisation and castration.

Writing in his seminal study of 1911, Dementia Praecox, or the Group of Schizophrenias, Bleuler noted that castration, of course, is of no benefit to the patients themselves. However, it is to be hoped that sterilisation will soon be employed on a larger scale for eugenic reasons.

In the same article he claimed that most of our worst restraining measures would be unnecessary if we were not duty bound to preserve the patients lives which, for them as well as for others, are only of negative value.

In 1924 Bleuler wrote in the Textbook of Psychiatry: The more severely burdened should not propagate themselves If we do nothing but make mental and physical cripples capable of propagating themselves, and the healthy stocks have to limit the number of their children because so much has to be done for the maintenance of others, if natural selection is generally suppressed, then unless we will get new measures our race must rapidly deteriorate.

This appeal for new measures was soon answered in Europe and the United States by various laws permitting compulsory sterilisation or worse, although murder was spun as euthanasia or mercy killing.

Eugen Bleuler was an exponent of the eugenics movement, a scientific and political movement aimed at improving the genetic make-up of populations. To this end, it called for interventions in human reproduction and sexuality. People who were considered genetically unhealthy and inferior were to be excluded from reproduction, while the reproduction of healthy and valuable parts of the population was to be encouraged, Germann says.

Although eugenics was accompanied by a rhetoric of exclusion and hardness, it gained its persuasive power through a positive message: disease and suffering were to be prevented, health was to be promoted. In this respect, eugenics can be placed in the context of modern health efforts which aimed to improve life.

Germann points out that eugenics was also a modern movement because it was strongly based on the latest scientific findings and technology. These ambivalences must be stressed in order to understand why eugenics had such a strong appeal to so many eminent scientists and physicians, he says.

In Switzerland forced sterilisations took place throughout the 20th century. According to a 1991 study by the Swiss Nursing School in Zurich, 24 mentally disabled women aged 17-25 were sterilised between 1980 and 1987. In addition, the story of the Swiss gypsy people, known as the Jenisch, exposed a calculated policy of Nazi-style eugenics carried out behind closed doors well into the 1970s.

Eugenics was an international movement that was capable of connecting to a wide variety of political ideologies and had very different manifestations: there was not only fascist and nationalist eugenics, but also liberal, socialist and Catholic eugenics, Germann says.

Eugenic thinking was widespread in the early 20th century, especially among physicians and psychiatrists, but also among many natural and social scientists. Eugenics was also supported by leading geneticists, for example. However, it would be wrong to assume that eugenics simply reflected the spirit of the age. There was vehement criticism of eugenics early on, for example from Catholic circles, but also from scientists and physicians who rejected eugenic demands on scientific and/or moral grounds.

Bleuler certainly wasnt the only scientist at the time to have views that are now considered unacceptable. The explicit racism of Swiss biologist and geologist Louis Agassiz, for example, continues to generate controversy.

So how, as Switzerland debates its past and controversial monuments, should we weigh up the legacy of problematic scientists from more than a century ago?

Is it possible to say that Bleuler was basically a good man with good intentions he did after all seem to genuinely care about his patients? Can one separate the good Bleuler from the bad Bleuler?

No, that doesnt seem to make sense to me. Its more plausible that figures like Bleuler were influenced by the ambivalences of modernity. The science-based health efforts of modernity produced great achievements, but they often also led and eugenics is just one particularly drastic example here to exclusion and marginalisation. Or in the worst case were associated with a racism that regarded entire sections of the population as unhealthy, inferior and unworthy of life, Germann says.

The fact that some eugenicists were good scientists does not mean that their research was morally acceptable or politically harmless. You cant separate the one from the other.

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Reviewing the legacy of racist scientists - SWI swissinfo.ch - swissinfo.ch

In a post-covid world, the past is no indication of whats in the future: Nandan Nilekani – Livemint

As part of a new series, Mint is tapping global thinkers for insights. The inaugural interview features Nandan Nilekani, co-founder and non-executive chairman of the board of Infosys Ltd. Nilekani previously served as chairman of the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) and authored the groundbreaking book Reimagining India. Nilekani dwelt on the challenges and, in typical style, laid out the emerging ecosystem as well as the opportunities in a post-covid world. Edited excerpts:

We want to take you back to an idea you recently discussed: internal globalization. Do you think this is a moment when India should take a deep dive into it?

I completely feel what we call internal globalization is the need of the hour. If you look at external globalization, there was a great run for about 20 years. If you take 1991, not only was it the year of Indias big economic reforms, but it was also the time the Berlin Wall fell and in some sense launched an era of globalization. It was further enhanced by the rise of the internet, containerization, which made it easy to move things around the world and, of course, China joining WTO (World Trade Organization) in 2000. The World Is Flat was written in 2004, which in some sense represented the zeitgeist of that period. But today I think there is a lot of pushback against globalization, particularly by some of the big advanced countries and their populations.

Where we should focus our effort is on making the Indian internal economy, which is continental in scale, completely freeeasy to move money, easy to relocate. So definitely we need to get the scale benefits of Indias size and population through internal globalization.

Your first big theme was the world is flat. In the past two decades, we have seen the end of globalization as we knew it. Now you are arguing for internal globalization?

Yes. In the world is flat era, Boston and Bangalore were flattened but not Bangalore and Bidadi as internal India was not equally accessible. But given that Indias growth will have to come more from domestic economic activity, reducing friction internally between states is the need of the hour, and we maybe halfway on that journey.

Has the gap between Bangalore and Bidadi reduced significantly since the world is flat idea? And if it has, are we saying India is ready for the idea of internal globalization?

Bidadi today has a Toyota factory and a golf course, so I am not sure if it is the right example I should be using. But I think it is inevitable. We are going to see the migration from North to South and East to West... If you want to get enough economic growth equitably, then you have to make the Indian economy more efficient and more interoperable internally. I think some of the decisions this government has taken now on the whole APMC (agricultural produce market committee) is an example of trying to create a national market for agriculture.

GST (goods and services tax) is an example of creating a national market for goods and services. So I think it is inevitable, it is necessary; we have to find the right balance between the Centre and the states so that both parties have a stake in the game.

There is a surge in the use of tech in the wake of covid-19. Do you think this has given a fresh lease to the idea of using tech to do social good?

Absolutely. The pandemic has brought home the benefits of technology. One, of course, is applications such as Arogya Sethu for contact tracing; the fact that today the Supreme Court is conducting hearings on videoconference is something you would not have imagined before the pandemic.

And then the fact that the worlds largest cash-transfer programme has been so easy because of Aadhaar-DBT(direct benefit transfer)there were 400 million Aadhaar-enabled transactions in May and June... This will be the turning point in the (deployment of) useful technologies for social development.

So it looks like the enabling environment we have today is most conducive to nurture an open digital ecosystem like UPI (unified payments interface).

Actually, there are many things in play at the ground level. I will focus on both the digital and internal globalization together. Fundamentally, how do we create a national economy where goods, services, people and capital move freely? We do have free movement of people, and that is shown in the migration that has happened.

Our migration is going to go up because the fertility rate of southern and western states is below replacement level, whereas the TFR (total fertility rate) of some of the northern and north-eastern states like Assam is above fertility level. As a result, the bulk of young people over the next decade will be coming from these four to eight states. There is going to be internal migration from these states to the western coastal states or the southern states...

When people move around like that, you have to make sure that every service should be instantly accessible wherever they are. Today, my Aadhaar number is a nationally usable number; bank account, too, is nationally usable; so is my mobile number. This should be applied for other things, too.

If I am eligible for something from the PDS (public distribution system), I should be able to get it anywhere in the country. If I want an education in my mother tongue, I should get that anywhere in the country. We have to really re-imagine some of these things so that people have access everywhere. All this can only be enabled through technology.

What is the kind of architecture that a new India can look at?

Every service provided by the government should be digitally enabled so that it is accessible over a wire or a phone anywhere... For example, in the case of PDS, if I have national portability, a migrant in Delhi and his wife staying in a village in Bihar should be able to withdraw their PDS entitlement and each can take a part of it.

We also have to think of two models, what I call assisted service and self-service. Western society tends to have self-service because everybody is educated, rich and has a smartphone. In a country like India where many people may not have full literacy and may not have access to devices, you need both.

This requires an information highway, the building blocks of which have been in the making for the last 10 years. Given this free exchange of information, the privacy of data must be ensured. We have come a long way forward in the privacy space. In 2010, I had written to the prime minister that we should have a privacy law. A lot has happened since then. One is, of course, the landmark judgement of the Supreme Court that Indians do have a fundamental right to privacy. At the same time, the SC came out with a brilliant judgement that said there are some situations where some of the rights can be circumscribed; they also said any circumscription of privacy should be proportional, reasonable and be supported by law.

You said 50% of India has arrived there. What is the other 50% that needs to be done?

I mean 50% of the digital infrastructure is in place. What is in place is national identity, national payments and banking, and national mobile phones. The PDS system needs to be nationally mobile. GST has given us the foundation for the national indirect tax system, which of course needs to be further simplified, but fundamentally, the thing is there. FASTag has made it possible to drive a truck from Delhi to Kanyakumari without having to stop for paying toll... We need to have a way for voters to be able to move their vote when they migrate. I think healthcare is another important thing which, hopefully, the current crisis will accelerate... Then there is education. It is compounded by the fact that we are going to have many multilingual states in future because of migration.

How do we anticipate and respond to challenges like the pandemic?

You are asking me to talk about unknown unknowns". I am a great proponent of using digital methods to leapfrog. At the same time, I recognize that if the digital architecture is not open, interoperable and competitive, then you end up creating a new class of intermediaries. For me, (the question is) how do you make these happen in a way we do not replace old overlords with new digital overlords? The second thing is that in excessive dependence on digitization we have to make sure people have the capacity to deal with it. Inequality is exacerbated in a digital world.

There is a point Yuval Noah Harari makes about technology and cooperation. Do you think that in the present situation we have overestimated technology and underestimated cooperation?

I agree with you... As technology becomes more and more mainstream and part of the fibre of your life, then obviously it will become subservient to politics, ideology, security and privacy concerns... That is going to be the future.

You said this before about how Infosys set a very audacious goal of $1 billion when it was around $100 million. How would you recalibrate that goal if you had a similar challenge today?

I think the pandemic is a gigantic stress test on the world. Companies, in particular, are being stressed and clearly, it is starting to distinguish those who have resilient and successful business models from those who do not... Audacious goals are not just about size but also about how you make sure you are more resilient and are more agile and quick to respond to crisis and opportunities... I think the biggest learning from all this is that if you want to be in charge of your destiny, generate your own money... All the great companies became great because they were profitable and generated large amounts of cash... How do you re-imagine what you do to be financially sustainable, resilient, agile and responding to opportunities and threats, de-layering and de-bureaucratizing your firm and making yourself sentient where the nerve tips of your organization are able to immediately sense the change of the environment? These are all some of the things to be done for new audacious goals that companies have to set for themselves.

Data has become absolutely historical. You need fresh sets of data to, as you have put it and people are saying, to re-imagine things. Isnt that so?

Yes. Actually, that is why the whole idea of sentience is very important because past data may not indicate the future. So your ability to sense what is happening around you, both from data as well as your own insights, becomes very important. One of the reasons digital giants do so well is that they use data exhaustively to sense changes in the market. Every company will have to do that because things are going to change very quickly and the past is no indication of the future.

If you were asked to set three or five audacious goals for India in the current circumstances, what would they be?

I think one is, how do we achieve full and effective literacy and numeracy universally in the next five years... If we put our minds to it, we can address learning outcomes at scale in every language and every nook and corner... (O)ther countries that have either not done it or have done it at a very high cost; we can do it at low cost. The second is about transforming healthcare and making sure everyone has access to it at the lowest possible cost. The third is transforming the delivery of justice, equitably, quickly and cheaply... The fourth is creating a social welfare net that is accessible by everyone at the right time, place and quantum. Finally, how do we make data work for people? The Western model makes it work for large firms and governments. How do we ensure data empowerment? India can be completely data empowered in five years. These five things are not only audacious, they are doable, plausible, transformational and essential.

Gireesh Chandra Prasad contributed to the story.

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In a post-covid world, the past is no indication of whats in the future: Nandan Nilekani - Livemint

Israels Fauda vs Turkeys Ertugrul: In India, the battle between two hit TV series is more than a culture war – Haaretz

When Narendra Modi won a landslide general election in 2014, it heralded not only the victory of a new style of populism in India. It was also a watershed moment confirming Indias sharp turn to the right.

That nationalist populism has birthed exclusionary language in politics and and the popular media towards India's Muslims, and the imposition of centralized control (justified by strategic and security concerns) over its one Muslim-majority state, Kashmir, and a surge in interest in ties with Israel, perceived as a model state for its opposition to Islamist terrorism.

In response, there has been a conscious push by parts of the Muslim world to extend soft power influence over Indias Muslim communities, part of a wider strategy of building international prestige for strategic gain.

The lastest platform to host this political-culture war with its geopolitical resonances is the small screen, with two international TV hit series, one from Israel and the other from Turkey, vying for popular clout and attention. This is the story of Fauda versus Ertugrul.

A fundamental aspect of Indias new right-wing zeitgeist has been an assertive national security posture. This has been expressed more as populist rhetoric against Pakistan and terrorism rather than a robust and considered security doctrine. That assertive posture, valorizing the use of force, migrated quickly and easily through Indias thriving social media scene, which now hosts a noisy right-wing nationalist online ecosystem, where it acts as a fast-response team to defend Modi and attack his critics.

That militarized nationalism was soon picked up by Indias huge Bollywood movie industry, which launched a series of spy-thrillers and hyper-nationalistic historical fiction, turning hitherto marginalized characters from Indian history and mythology into superhuman patriots.

The industry also brought the mythmaking right up to date, with smash hits based on recent military confrontations with Pakistan. "Uri Surgical Strikes"was released in 2016 and there are two films in production based on the 2019 Balakot air-strikes movies pumping with jingoistic adrenalin.The producers of Balakot have even trailed their work as "A story that celebrates the accomplishments of The Indian Air Force."

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It didnt take long for Israel to enter the picture. India under Modi has shed its hesitations in embracing the Jewish state. Theres the blossoming and very public relationship between premiers Modi and Netanyahu, arms deals, and a new concept of strategic allyship. In tandem have come changes in both Indias political and cultural debate.

Into this milieu came two TV series,FaudaandErtugrul. They have become massive hits in India, but among very different constituencies, and thosedifferences indicate a lot more than competing crazes for well-produced hits; they have strong socio-political and geopolitical connotations.

Fauda, the series about an Israeli undercover unit that hunts down Palestinian terrorists, is immensely popular among right-wing Indians. Generally, Indians are not comfortable watching programs with subtitles, but when it comes to Fauda, whose actors talk in Hebrew and Arabic, they are glued to the screen.

No doubt the series, available on Netflix India and myriad pirate sites, is remarkable in its direction, story-lines, the depiction of human relations, and the cast; however, there is much more to its popularity in India than that. Where did the thirst for Fauda come from?

Like many cultural phenomena, Faudas fandom is led by early adopters who are major cultural influencers and many of them have made a distinct pivot rightwards.

Before 2014, it was uncool to be a right-winger in India. The media, academia, civil service and fine arts were dominated by a leftist-liberal elite. They caricatured right-wingers as politically dogmatic and culturally regressive: Hindu nationalist BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) voters, perhaps devotees of its powerful ultranationalist mother-ship, the Rashtriya Swayam Sewk Sangh (RSS), who enjoyedshakha(traditional exercises), spoke in chaste Hindi, practiced rigid vegetarianism, respected the celibate lifestyle and despised western-educated intellectuals.

But battered by six years of Modi, that left-liberal ecosystem is tottering. India has a new elite: right-wing, Hindu nationalist, upper middle-class, their self-confidence and aggressiveness towards "leftist" opponents directly correlated to their proximity to those in power.

Their Hindu nationalism, though, is far less connected to religious fundamentalism or literalism than the tenets avowed by Modis ideological home: In regard to issues of personal status and lifestyle, theyre positively liberal.

They hold degrees from American and European universities, some even from Israel. In stark contrast to the ultraconservative values associated with contemporary Hindutva, they back co-habitation and same-sex relationships; they have no compunctions about alcohol or marijuana.

And, crucially for Fauda, theyre staunch enemies of Islamism, dont feel bound at all by what they see as political correctness, and theyre an English-speaking class, confident of their western education, command over the global language and theyre big-time Netflix watchers.

For this group, Israel has obvious and compelling charms as well as offering an enticing and imitable playbook. For supporters of the bracingly self-confident, military-friendly Modi-style India, Israels decades of experience countering separatist and Islamist terror make it a key role-model, and Kashmir, the key laboratory for New Delhis imitation efforts. With the Indian government led a no-holds-barred campaign against Islamism and jihadi terrorism, focused on Kashmir, the marriage of Delhis new security awareness and new-found love for Israels approach seemed self-evident. Fauda is their poster-child.

The Harvard-educated economist right-wing anti-Muslim firebrand, Subramanian Swamy, who sits on the BJP national executive, watched Fauda during the coronavirus lockdown in May and was so impressed that he recommended the series as "lessons for India and the costs we must pay."

A deluge of amateur strategic experts, journalists masquerading as experts and other public figures have lectured the government to borrow Israel's entire military playbook and copy-paste it in Kashmir. But do those actually serving in the Indian army back them up?

Indian army officers, many of whom are deployed in counter-insurgency roles in Kashmir (an obvious point of reference to Israeli series) are another significant Fauda fan-base. Do they see a wider analogy between the Kashmir and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts? An equivalence between themselves as would-be Fauda operatives fighting an increasingly Gaza-style conflict against Palestinian-style militants adept at guerilla tactics, fueled by a mix of alienation, nationalist-separatism and Islam? Does Fauda really offer operative and theoretical lessons for India?

Numerous commentators have queried whether there is such an analogy. One camp from separatists to journalists and activists relentlessly accuse India of replicating the Israeli militarized occupation model in Kashmir, and push real and imagined fears about the West Bank-style colonization of Kashmir with non-Muslim outsiders, especially since the abrogation of the states autonomy. They see a reinforcement of their claims in the post-2014 strengthening of Indo-Israel counter-terrorism and defense cooperation.

Despite its popularity, official India dislikes the the Israeli-Palestinian and India-Kashmir comparison, considering it a potential attack on its uncompromising opposition to any internationalization of the Kashmir issue. The security czars in Delhi consider this solely Indias internal affairs, and frown at any comparison, despite the increasing similarities between the two conflicts.

Whether the Modi administration has actually copied Israels playbook or not is a matter of unproven guesswork. But as much as critics see Delhi as adopting Israels counter-terrorism tactics, Kashmiri militants themselves have unmistakably copied Palestinian tactics. WithIntifada-style protests, stone-pelting, fidayeen attacks,and now an overwhelming dominance by jihadist elements of the Kashmiri separatist movement, the resemblances between Kashmir and the West Bank/Gaza could not be more pronounced.

In a polarized India where Israels Fauda fuels right-wing nationalist and Muslim-skeptic fantasies, the Turkish smash hit Dirilis: Ertugrul ("Resistence: Ertugrul") has captured the imagination of Indias Muslims, and the Muslim communities across South Asia more generally.

Described as a Turkish "Game of Thrones," the series (which first premiered in Turkey in 2014 and runs to five series) is a sweeping historical drama set in the 13thcentury exploring the life, loves, adventures and many battles of Ertugrul, father of Osman I, and his path from obscurity and a small band of followers, to battling the far more powerful Mongols, Crusaders and Byzantines, to his son founding the 600-year Ottoman Empire.

In Pakistan, Ertugrul is hugely popular: Prime Minister Imran Khan pushed for it to be dubbed into Urdu and broadcast on national television and available online, and it is that Urdu language version which has travelled at maximum velocity across Pakistan to Indias Muslim community to Kashmir. The YouTube channel hosting "Erdugrul Ghazi," as the Urdu version is called, boasts over 200 million views. 61 million people have watched Series 1 Episode 1 on that YouTube channel alone.

Just as Fauda benefitted from a binge-viewing captive audience during Indias coronavirus lockdown, so did Ertugrul. Forced to stay indoors for weeks, Indian TV viewers were offered re-runs of series dramatizing Hindu mythology such as the Mahabharata and Ramayana; they generated record-breaking television rating points while Ertugrul became "the go-to Muslim household show to watch in India."

A well-known, and controversial, Indian Muslim cleric declared Ertugrul haram for its immodesty, but even he admitted it was "less haram" than watching Bollywood.

In Kashmir,the Muslim population had already lived through an extended government-imposed physical and Internet lockdown after theabrogation of Article 370, and had found their own escapist enjoyment in downloaded versions of Ertugrul, often passed around on flash drives.

The COVID-19 lockdown gave another boost to viewing figures, with Ertugrul attaining the status of a cult classic, appealing across a broad spectrum from religious clerics, to a young more Westernized and educated class, to moderately religious householders.Kashmiri couples are even naming their newborns after Ertugrul.

If Fauda is a warning writ large for a Hindu nationalist public about the threat of Islamist terrorism, the attraction to its Muslim minority of a series which foregrounds Muslims as heroes and victors, rather than the downtrodden and "other,"are clear. And there are other reasons for the popularity of Ertugrul in Kashmir: like with Fauda, its a drama that reflects geopolitical dynamics.

Ertugrul is the latest in the stream of religious and cultural influences from the wider Middle East seeking a constituency in the subcontinent. The region obviously exercises a powerful hold on the Muslim imagination worldwide as the cradle of Islam, but also the source of modern-day movements such as the penetration of Saudi-style Wahhabism, or Iranian influence over the Shia community. However, Ertugrul is different in many respects.

As many Indian Muslim intellectuals have suggested, Ertugrul presents a pull and a push: the pull of the narrative, valorizing rather than demonizing Muslims, and embedding Quranic references without pathologizing them as alien or dangerous: for Indian journalist Hiba Bg, that comes as a "fresh take for literally anyone, as all you ever hear of the Islamic Surahs on TV is before a man decides to put on an explosive belt."

The push comes from being entertainment funded and produced by Turkeys state television station, part of Turkish President Recep Tayyep Erdogans soft power outreach to the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent.

I spoke by phone with Safina Baig, a prominent politician and lawyer from Kashmir, and self-declared Ertugrul fan. She suggested that for Turkey, the series clearly has an implicit, well-planned geopolitical motive, building on what is already the significant success of Turkeys Erdogan presenting himself as a leader-father figure for many Kashmiris.

Irshad Magray, a research analyst from Kashmir and a passionate Ertugrul watcher, told me that even relatively non-religious Muslim youth like Ertugrul because it offers a message of hope and self-confidence to a younger generation becoming skeptical, even embarrassed, about their Muslim identity, thanks to the widespread association of Islam with terrorism in Indian politics and society.

In an article on the Ertugrul phenomenon written for the most widely read English daily newspaper in Kashmir, assistant history professor Safeer Ahmad Bhat notes the protagonists constant refrain: "Battle belongs to us, but victory belongs to Allah." Bhat traces this emphasis directly to modern-day Turkey: "Erdogan is attempting a careful mixture of Turkish nationalism and Islam," going on to say it was a clear example of a "government attempt to use history for the furtherance of nationalism."

But the message of a saga about the founding of a transnational empire is broader than Turkeys domestic politics: a key focus of the series is that the "Muslim resurrection" (part of the series title itself) "is possible only through the unity of Muslim rulers," Bhat added.

There is no doubt that Erdogan has launched a massive outreach campaign targeting Indian Muslims hrough social media, donations, scholarships, and becoming their global spokesman. In Kashmir, Erdogan is already considered a hero for taking up the cause of Islam and the Kashmiri people.

His adoption of the Indian Muslim cause, and specifically of Kashmir, does not have a narrow religious focus, which would quickly lead to sectarian friction and stymie his ambitions to be the outstanding leader of the global Muslim community, of which South Asian Muslims constitute a significant proportion. There are echoes from history too: In 1920, Indian Muslims, under Gandhis leadership, launched theKhilafat movement, a non-violent jihad to restore the Ottoman caliphate.

It may be too blatant to fuse the figures of Erdogan and Ertugrul (who prepared the establishment of the Ottoman empire) but the symbolism is indeed suggestive, if not effective.

Ertugruls message anchoring Muslim identity in pride, honor, toughness and achievement offers welcome symbolic pushback for a minority community in an India where right-wing Hindu nationalism is now so dominant in the media, politics, and social spaces, and in Kashmir particularly, where security forces lockdowns have intensified frustration and resentment against central government rule.

Just as Fauda fandom signals the shift of Indias influencers towards a more militant and exclusionary nationalism, the Ertugrul craze is is a signpost written for the alienation of many of Indias 180 million Muslims from that dominant political culture and their search for solidarity elsewhere.

In the background is a growing trend of Muslim radicalization, burgeoning Islamist-oriented groups, both non-violent and violent, leading to theirreorientation towards Turkey and the Middle East, in stark contrast to their roots and the indigenous Muslim religious traditions of the subcontinent.

Snarkier if not prejudiced voices charge that Ertugrul fuels Indian Muslims identity crisis by pushing the idea that they can base their self-image on borrowed victories but that "Turks and Arabs" will never give them "space at the table."

Whereas Erdugrul gives a voice to alienated Muslims, some increasingly radicalized, Fauda offers Hindu nationalists a sense of common cause, even intimacy. But that could be a poisoned chalice.

Clearly, the Israel depicted by Fauda, now familiar to hundreds of millions in India and amplified by right-wing activists and intellectuals on social media, is both a snapshot and a caricature: a country reduced to a hyper-masculine security-state dealing ruthlessly with terrorists. Any grassroots love for Israel that this may birth will be similarly cartoonish and manipulatable, not least bearing in mind the general ignorance of basic facts about Israel and the Jewish people in India.

In a country with an abysmal education system and poor reading habits, there are not insignificant sectors who glorify Adolf Hitler without realizing the offense to the Jewish community; Hindu nationalist leaders have a long history of admiration for Nazism and its "achievements." Only a minuscule intellectual class is educated about the Holocaust. In Gujarat, where Modi was one Chief Minister, state schoolbooksendorsed praising Hitler. A more significant and lasting relationship between the two countries requires a broader base beyond the Delhi elite and beyond Fauda.

How far will the polarization between the India of Fauda and the India of Ertugrul go?

That wlll depend on how far Modis political fortunes will continue to rise, Turkeys ambitions and radicalizing outreach to Muslims, Israels annexation plans and whether theyll cause a reassessment by key allies, and if the Indian opposition can offer a principled platform affirming inclusion and equality.

But despite the clouds on the horizon most immediately, the coronavirus pandemic (India now has the third-largest number of confirmed cases in the world), spiking tensions with superpower neighbor China, an insurgency in Kashmir and nation-wide protests over legislation that the Muslim minority and its allies clearly see as discriminating against the minority community Modis popularity ratings keep climbing, with some polls showing it near 90 percent.

Thereisone event rowards the end of the year that will either bring the two Indias together, or drive them further apart at least in front of the small screen.Mumbai-basedApplause Entertainmentis partnering with Israels Yes Studios for an Indian adaptationof Fauda, but this time set against the always-simmering conflict between India and Pakistan.

ApplauseCEO Sameer Nair suggested Fauda would lend itself to the India-Pakistan context particularly well because it is "about people on both sides" and tries to "represent this gray [not back and white] state of conflict."

Plenty of Fauda critics are already skeptical that this was ever achieved in the Israeli-Palestinian version; and local fans, rooting for Israel, certainly dont embrace a "neutral" parsing of the series. Whether this endorsement of nuance and both sidesism will really fly in the nuclear-armed and fiercely partisan India-Pakistan context remains to be seen.

Abhinav Pandya,a Public Affairs graduate from Cornell University,is the author of "Radicalization in India: An Exploration," (Pentagon Press, 2019) and a forthcoming book on terror financing in Kashmir. Heis the co-founder of the Usanas Foundation, an India-based thinktank for geopolitics and security affairs.Twitter:@abhinavpandya

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Israels Fauda vs Turkeys Ertugrul: In India, the battle between two hit TV series is more than a culture war - Haaretz

Tune in Tonight for July 21 – Waco Tribune-Herald

Spanish-language TV star Walter Mercado is the subject of Mucho Mucho Amor: The Legend of Walter Mercado, now streaming on Netflix.

Words like superstar dont really capture the figure at the center of Mucho Mucho Amor: The Legend of Walter Mercado, a documentary now streaming on Netflix.

Mercado and his fame are a perfect example of the fluid nature of celebrity in a multicultural universe. For Spanish-speaking television fans of a certain age, Mercado was a giant of the industry, a fixture watched every day for his florid costumes, grand gestures and colorful recitations of the days horoscope. Other American viewers may have never heard of him. Or if they had, dismissed him as a quirk of Spanish-language television, a baroque curiosity, like the recurring Bumblebee Man character on The Simpsons.

As the title implies, Mercado dispensed a philosophy of universal love. And he was much beloved. Fans here include Lin-Manuel Miranda, of Hamilton fame, who describes how Mercado demanded affection and commanded devotion from his extended family.

An aspiring actor from Ponce, Puerto Rico, Mercado was asked one day to read the horoscopes for TV viewers and performed with such authority and apparent fervor that audiences demanded it become his steady gig. He would go on to conquer markets all through Central and South America, transfixing audiences with his ambiguous sexuality, his pantheistic philosophy and many, many costume changes.

We meet Mercados manager, Bill Bakula. Through his business acumen, Mercado appeared in many new countries, and even appeared on these shores on Sally Jessy Raphael and Howard Sterns radio show. But then, around the turn of the century, Bakula would entice Mercado into signing a contract giving Bakula virtual control over his image and likeness, gaining hold over Mercados very identity. Clearly the villain of the piece, Bakula has no problem appearing here and seems to regret nothing.

Original post:

Tune in Tonight for July 21 - Waco Tribune-Herald

Tune in Tonight: A TV stars message of love: Mucho Mucho Amor on Netflix – The Ledger

Words like "superstar" don't really capture the figure at the center of "Mucho Mucho Amor: The Legend of Walter Mercado," a documentary now streaming on Netflix.

Mercado and his fame are a perfect example of the fluid nature of celebrity in a multicultural universe. For Spanish-speaking television fans of a certain age, Mercado was a giant of the industry, a fixture watched every day for his florid costumes, grand gestures and colorful recitations of the day's horoscope. Other American viewers may have never heard of him. Or if they had, dismissed him as a quirk of Spanish-language television, a baroque curiosity, like the recurring Bumblebee Man character on "The Simpsons."

As the title implies, Mercado dispensed a philosophy of universal love. And he was much beloved. Fans here include Lin-Manuel Miranda, of "Hamilton" fame, who describes how Mercado demanded affection and commanded devotion from his extended family.

An aspiring actor from Ponce, Puerto Rico, Mercado was asked one day to read the horoscopes for TV viewers and performed with such authority and apparent fervor that audiences demanded it become his steady gig. He would go on to conquer markets all through Central and South America, transfixing audiences with his ambiguous sexuality, his pantheistic philosophy and many, many costume changes.

We meet Mercado's manager, Bill Bakula. Through his business acumen, Mercado appeared in many new countries, and even appeared on these shores on "Sally Jessy Raphael" and Howard Stern's radio show. But then, around the turn of the century, Bakula would entice Mercado into signing a contract giving Bakula virtual control over his image and likeness, gaining hold over Mercado's very identity. Clearly the villain of the piece, Bakula has no problem appearing here and seems to regret nothing.

In addition to profiling a much-beloved future, "Mucho" explores how Mercado endured as the butt of jokes and how his image clashed with a dominant macho culture and how his blend of Buddhism, Hinduism and Christianity thrived in a largely Catholic region.

After a two-decade hiatus, due to his bad business deal, Mercado would emerge for a major recognition of his impact on Latin culture and television itself. He would also be embraced by young gay viewers who saw him as a pioneer, proud to be himself in an indifferent, even hostile, world.

"You have to be nice to people, you have to give the best of yourself every moment of your life, and you have to believe in yourself," were his guiding principles. Mercado died last November, shortly after a major museum tribute in his hometown.

There's much to love about "Mucho Mucho Amor." Like a good melodrama (or telenovela), it even provides someone (Bakula) to boo.

"Frontline" (10 p.m., PBS, TV-MA, check local listings) examines the impact of COVID-19 on America's food supplies, and how farmworkers, many of them undocumented, were considered "essential" even as they were most vulnerable to both deportation and infection.

TV-themed DVDs available today include the UMC network's "Behind Her Faith," with episodes starring Essence Atkins, Niecy Nash and other actresses.

TONIGHT'S OTHER HIGHLIGHTS

Simon Cowell and crew reflect on the season so far on "America's Got Talent" (8 p.m., NBC, TV-PG).

Game meats (boar, elk and venison) dictate the menus on "Hell's Kitchen" (8 p.m., Fox, r, TV-14).

An abusive boss may have been murdered by a victim on "FBI" (9 p.m., CBS, r, TV-14).

"Bryan Callen: Complicated Apes" (9 p.m., CW, r, TV-14) offers stand-up observations.

A cult leader puts out a hit on his own family on "FBI: Most Wanted" (10 p.m., CBS, r, TV-14).

The duels continue on "World of Dance" (10 p.m., NBC, TV-PG).

John Quinones hosts "What Would You Do?" (10 p.m., ABC).

CULT CHOICE

The 2015 documentary "Notfilm" (8 p.m., TCM) looks back at efforts to create playwright Samuel Beckett's only film, featuring Buster Keaton in one of his very last filmed roles as well as interviews with Grove Press founder and publishing legend Barney Rosset.

SERIES NOTES

A body puts an airstrip under scrutiny on "NCIS" (8 p.m., CBS, r, TV-PG) ... On two helpings of "Modern Family" (ABC, r, TV-PG): Claire's interview (8 p.m.), Mitch's crisis (8:30 p.m.) ... Henry's difficult decision on "DC's Stargirl" (8 p.m., CW, TV-PG).

Bright undergoes scrutiny on "Prodigal Son" (9 p.m., Fox, r, TV-14) ... Jack's tech side on "black-ish" (9 p.m., ABC, r, TV-PG) ... Stereotypes on "mixed-ish" (9:30 p.m., ABC, r, TV-PG).

LATE NIGHT

Jimmy Fallon welcomes Andy Samberg, Jose Andres and Perfume Genius on "The Tonight Show" (11:35 p.m., NBC) ... Chris Evans, Action Bronson, Elle King and Nikki Glaspie drop by "Late Night With Seth Meyers" (12:35 a.m., NBC).

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Tune in Tonight: A TV stars message of love: Mucho Mucho Amor on Netflix - The Ledger

There Are All Kinds Of Hindus In India: Here Is An Idea Of Who A Hindu Is – Swarajya

I have had passionate discussions with Jain and Sikh friends about intra-Dharmic boundaries with respect to Hinduism, the term.

Ideally, the term should be junked (I say that as a Hindu) and at least for intra-Dharmic purposes, we should all be just Sikh, Jain, Shaivite, Vaishnavite, Brahmo, Buddhist, Charvak etc (and hopefully no castes, but that is another long discussion). But we are where we are.

Now, the term Hindu started as geographical and non-religious, then with invaders who could not be assimilated it became a negative/residual term implying all non-Muslims and non-Christians of India.

But then, and this is the third stage, in the nineteenth century some Sikhs, Brahmos and Buddhists started to see themselves differently and now some Jains, Lingayats etc.

In the twentieth century, Mohammed Ali Jinnah and Dr B R Ambedkar (and many others) started to say caste Hindus or what would be called Savarnas. They were accurate, even though in the end Jinnah and Ambedkar had very different ideas about Indian unity.

Ironically in second stage, when Hindu just meant non-Christian and non-Muslim Indians, that word Hindu (which later got ism added to it) became a revolutionary and deeply political term as, despite caste, it presaged kafir/heathen unity for the first time in India and perhaps for the first time in the world in relation to both the proselytising monotheisms.

So far, the pagans and gentiles and mushrik (polytheists) were being defined by others, while these spiritually fluid populations never thought it fit to define theological hard boundaries.

Now when I asked one of my Sikh friends how am I not him and how is he not me, he said Sikhism does not have caste (Sikh society very much does), does not have idol worship (except the beautiful and revered Guru Granth Sahib), and of late because some even say Sikhism is monotheistic or even Indo Abrahamic.

As if Hindus cannot be monotheistic, or monistic, or pantheistic and so on but I get ahead of myself.

Why did the Hindu-Sikh split happen in the late nineteenth century? Partially because the otherwise wonderful Arya Samaj defined Hinduism as back to the vedas, and almost everything else as corruption including idol worship.

It was a difficult time for Indian civilisation, and it was at least a positive if flawed definition of Hinduism but given this Sikh separation made full sense to be fair.

Now in reality, most Hindus do not live by, or even normatively buy the Arya Samaji definition. Most Hindus worship deities or murtis, most still do not read the vedas with any understanding even if in translation (of course many exceptions exist).

Many Hindus from Kerala and some from elsewhere even eat beef, though it is perhaps a recent phenomenon, and I dare anyone to call them not Hindu.

What I am getting at is that, while going by what people call themselves is a perfectly fine way to look at the world, we also have to look at some logical differentiation points. If you do the latter and not the former how do you define Hindus in India? But I get ahead of myself again.

Let us consider the case of Jainism, another beautiful Dharmic panth and my personal favourite provided there was not the reality of war in the world (I am not saying Jain thinkers have not thought of that dichotomy, there is much more nuance just expressing my appreciation).

Some of my Jain friends have told me atheism/agnosticism and strict vegetarianism, for example, are some clear differentiations with respect to the Hindu masses.

Similarly, Brahmos have told me they are not Hindus and so have Buddhists. I have read articles that when pushed on cattle sacrifice some tribals have said they are not Hindu and had it not been for the work of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and their schools even the rest of the North East and much of central India would have been lost to Abrahamicism.

However, what is very clear is that there are all kinds of Hindus in India, even if ratios vary. Vegetarian and meat eating, casteist and anti-caste, idol worshipping and not worshipping anything (even a book symbol), believer and atheist, shramik and charvak, vedic and nastik, monotheist and polytheist, and so on.

As I have often said, if Christianity and Islam would have deeper footprints in China, you would have a larger religion than Hinduism there called Hanism it didnt happen as in the nineteenth century despite a weak state they brutally suppressed almost all Abrahamic imperialistic ideas.

So, if today, one is to give a positive definition of Hinduism that fits, unlike the Arya Samajis one (but they did a lot of good work overall) then it is: A Hindu is a Dharmic who is related to Indian culture or Bharatiya Sanskriti. And who is a Dharmic? Who believes in reciprocity in spiritualism.

That is my definition of who is a Dharmic, and the Indian subset thereof about who a Hindu is. I am sure there maybe faults with these as well, but I will wait for better ones. There are many nuances about reciprocity or mutual respect versus just tolerance but let us move on for now.

So if one goes by this definition of Hinduism, many of the non-Hindu Dharmic claimants, which and who I totally respect (and we are anyway discussing rashtra not rajya) do not stand scrutiny as per this above definition since they are very much part of Indian culture, even often leading figures thereof.

Are these self definitions nonetheless genuinely felt? Absolutely yes, in most cases. Is there some regulatory arbitrage, aka claiming separatism, because of our pseudo secular state that has minorityism enshrined in it with respect to education and place of worship regulations? That too, sadly.

Now the statist-regulatory arbitrage goes back beyond the Nehruvian (Ottoman millet style in the social sphere) state to the colonial one and its various theories of who could fight and who could not. That in term determined who could be employed in the army one of the few stable jobs available in a brutally poor country, and this classification further widened intra-Dharmic religious boundaries.

Note the word Dharma itself is acceptable to Sikhism, Jainism and Buddhism though it may not be currently to Zoroastrianism, Shintoism or even neo-paganisms in the West, at least at first brush.

I will finish with one example: as I have often said Maharaja Ranjit Singh, the Lion of Punjab, saw himself no differently from any Hindu Ranjit Singh in Oudh say in terms of his spiritual (and not just civilisational) identity.

He after all gave gold to mandirs in Kashi (Banaras) and bequeathed the Kohinoor to Jagannath, a tribal Hindu deity in far off Odisha. Giving gold/diamonds to Hindus so far from his kingdom had limited use at best in terms of politics for power consolidation in Punjab. There were mandirs nearby to patronise which he also did.

So just because some terms are today contested, it does not mean the status quo is final. In any case, we have to get beyond semantics and reach the essence of things whereby we can bring spiritual brotherhood to the whole world while still maintaining cultural and national diversity.

This article first appeared on Medium, and was republished here with permission.

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There Are All Kinds Of Hindus In India: Here Is An Idea Of Who A Hindu Is - Swarajya

Building a Devotional Practice with the Nature Spirits | Building a Devotional Practice with the Nature Spirits – Patheos

Image by Hans Linde via Pixabay, Public Domain Image.

As Pagans, we can merely observe the eight High Days and then move on with our lives. As Devoted Pagans, we can develop a practice that we undertake daily that helps us to build better relationships with the entities, spirits, and allies in our lives.

This is the fifth in a series of Building a Devotional Practice with presentations. The first three dealt with the Land, the Sea, and the Sky. In this offering, we continue our discussion of building devotional practices with the Kindreds. The first of our Kindreds discussions was about building a practice with the Ancestors. This presentation will deal with the Nature Spirits.

I divide the Nature Spirits in to three groups. The first is the spirits of nature that represents creatures that we recognize in this middle world: creatures of the realms, land, sea, and sky. This would include mammals, inspects, fish, birds, etc. These entities have names that everyone understands.

These creatures have correspondences that most people are aware of. Sharks are aggressive, foxes are wily, doves are peaceful, and cats are inscrutable. Some of these animals may be allies of ours. If they are allies, they may exhibit the kind of attributes we come to expect. By the same token, they may also exhibit qualities that are particular to our relationship with them.

The second group of Nature Spirits are the spirits of place. These are not creatures, but elements in nature that have special or perhaps magical qualities that one would NOT necessarily associate with them. For example, some rivers in the ancient world were revered as sacred, like the Danube or the Seine. One may also discover places in nature that feel differently that others, that feel sacred, or holy, or even alive and sentient.

Think about some of the rivers that you are familiar with: do they feel magical or are they just rivers? Think of other bodies of water that have caused a feel of awe or presence in you: these are the spirits in nature that I am talking about, all contained in the category of Nature Spirits. This kind of feel may include glades or canyons or long stretches of sky. If it feels holy or sentient or special, I would trust your intuition.

The final group of nature spirits are imaginary creatures. These are gnomes or sylphs or dryads or yeti, creatures that you have a connection to but are not generally acknowledged as existing in the real world. In the work that you do, these creatures may call to you and if they do, I would respond to them. Just because a unicorn may not exist in the real world, they may very well exist in your magical or vital world

What can the Nature Spirits bring to our lives and our practice? I believe that the one thing that the Nature Spirits can help us with is to give us an understanding of the cycles in the world and in our lives. The Nature Spirits, like us, live within the solar and lunar cycles that affect this world, our planet. While we as humans and many of these creatures live longer that a single solar cycle, we all take part in the cycles of renewal: birth and rebirth, emergence from our slumber, growth, flourish, harvest, decline, death and decay.

Some of the cycles do not mean actual events: death and decay may just refer to times where our lives slow down to reflect the natural world around us. Emergence may describe the seed emerging from the earth, but it may also refer to a time in our lives when we break through the situations we have found ourselves in for some time. For spirits of place, they teach us of the specialness of those places and what those locations mean in our lives. For imaginary creatures, they have lessons to teach us as well. After all, an imaginary creature can be a liminal entity as well.

How do we build a relationship with the Nature Spirits? In addition, where do we build a relationship with them? I think the best place for any kind of devotional is at an altar or shrine. For the Nature Spirits, this altar is best found in nature.

One must be careful to not be too literal. If one wishes to build an altar to wolves, one does not have to build one in a wolves den. The idea is to build an altar or shrine to the wolves not among the wolves. While many of us would consider that nature is outside, it is not exclusively outside.

For altars in nature, I think that it is best to build incidental altars, or altars that are not permanent. These are called incidental because they are often made with items found on hand, at or around the location where they are built.

I often look for three things in an incidental altar: a tree, especially one that has an indentation in it which can act as a well, and a fire analog. What exactly is a fire analog? This is something that represents a fire without being an open flame. My favourite choice of items for this is a red stone, like red jasper. Red jasper is red, like the sun, like the fire. Given a tree, an indentation as the well, and a red jasper, the hallows are all present.

For the pantheists in the crowd, everywhere and anywhere is the altar or sacred place.

What if the recognition you wish to bestow doesnt require the presence of hallows? You may have a tree, a field of flowers, a stump, a rabbit warren, or any of several things which you feel are holy or sacred. I would recommend making offerings to that item and make an offering that is of value to that location. Yet what offerings should one make?

Water is the perfect offering in nature. If any of the objects of your devotion are living creatures, they will appreciate and benefit from water. Should the object of the devotion is water or lives in water, I would recommend an offering that is left at the side of a waterway or body of water. If the entity to which you wish to leave an offering is imaginary, use the imagination to find a perfect offering. In fact, ask the entity what offering it would prefer.

How does one do this? Sit, stand, or lay next to the place where you choose to make an offering. Listen to the world around you. Be still and listen. Close your eyes. After some time, you will feel a rhythm around you, the sounds of the place. Open yourself up as your immerse yourself into the sound and see what impressions come your way. Some may be subtle; some may be very direct and clear. Trust your intuition; trust yourself.

You may find that a good offering is a poem or a prayer. It may be a song or a drawing. It may be something drawn in the dirt. Open your senses so that you can receive impressions from the world around you. Listen and learn. As you spend more time in your sacred place, with your sacred allies, you will come to a greater understanding of them. They will better understand you.

Building a Devotional Practice with the Nature Spirits helps us to understand and cherish those who share this middle realm with us. These spirits share the cycles of the year and the dance of the seasons with us, yet sometimes, our cycles may be much longer than the usual annual cycles in our world.

We see the tree, most often, as the symbol of the Nature Spirits. It spans the worlds, with roots that sink deep into the earth, past the Ancestors to the dark waters below, and branches which reach up to the heavens, into the Sky, to touch the Shining Ones. Between the world of the Ancestors below and the realm of the sky and the Shining Ones above, we, in the middle realm, give offerings and thanks.

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Building a Devotional Practice with the Nature Spirits | Building a Devotional Practice with the Nature Spirits - Patheos

The Dictatorial Impulse Behind the Shaming of PPP Recipients – New Ideal

Since the Wall Street Journals Pat Fitzgerald announced on Twitter that The Ayn Rand Institute received a PPP loan of between $350K and $1 million and linked to data from the U.S. Small Business Administration confirming this, brave social media posters have been shaming the Institute at which I work.

Hypocrisy much? reads one representative tweet. To his three hundred and fifty thousand followers Bill McKibben adds that the chortle that this produced was worth whatever my share of the bill is. Even Nobel Laureate Paul Krugman has had time to weigh in: A is A. Non-contradiction his tweet declares.

News stories quickly appeared in Forbes, CNBC, the New York Times and elsewhere with headlines like Vocal Opponents of Federal Spending Took PPP loans, Including Ayn Rand Institute, Grover Norquist Group. Few of these initial articles mention that before receiving any funds we at ARI publicly said we were applying to the PPP program and argued that genuine advocates of capitalism should consider doing the same.

READ ALSO: To Take or Not to Take

Notice that no one is arguing that ARI failed to meet the terms of the Paycheck Protection Program. No one is challenging the fact that during the coercive statewide lockdowns, which led us to cancel events and caused significant economic damage to a number of our supporters, we furloughed many staff. And no one contests that when we received PPP funds, we restored these employees to full time.

Notice further that no one explains what precisely is our hypocrisy. Certainly, if we advocated for the individuals rights to life, liberty, property and the pursuit of happiness and the resulting system of laissez-faire capitalism, as we do, and then advocated for governmental power to coercively lock down entire states and dole out trillions in stimulus relief, that would be hypocritical. But we argued against the statewide lockdowns and ensuing government spending sprees.

The Ayn Rand Institute is to be barred from the program because we are critical of the welfare state.

So where is the hypocrisy? Apparently, if you oppose a government welfare state program, and it is enacted into law, your choice is either to cease your opposition to the program or to not participate in it. Otherwise, you must don a scarlet H to brand yourself a hypocrite.

Think what this idea would mean if implemented consistently.

Anyone who opposes public schools must either stop criticizing government-controlled education or stop sending their children to public school. Anyone who opposes social security must either remain silent when their earnings are taken by government to redistribute to old people or refuse to apply for social security when they retire. Anyone who opposes single payer, socialized medicine must, when it is enacted, either end their opposition to it or never again walk into a hospital, since all providers will be paid by government.

Of course, if these government programs allowed dissenters to opt out, the idea would have some plausibility. If you could get a portion of your taxes credited back to you if you agreed to send your children to private not public school, or if you could refuse to pay payroll taxes and instead invest the money, on condition of being ineligible later for social security, that would be one thing. But this is precisely what such programs forbid. They are coercive not voluntary. You are forced to pay for them even if you think the programs harmful to your interests and happiness.

Now the Bill McKibbens and Paul Krugmans of the world want to add another condition. If you dare criticize these programs and argue they should not exist, you render yourself ineligible for them. You still have to pay for the programs, mind you, but you must not avail yourself of them.

Is there a more devious way to try to silence critics?

READ ALSO: What Gave Ayn Rand the Moral Right to Collect Social Security?

To bring even a whiff of this idea into American politics, to suggest that one must pass an ideological test to qualify for a new government welfare program, is disgraceful.

Yet that is the deeper meaning of the attempt to shame the Ayn Rand Institute for having the temerity to apply for a PPP loan. We are to be barred from the program because we are critical of the welfare state.

This much is true: there is in all this something morally shameful. But members of the Twitter chorus would need to look in the mirror to catch sight of it.

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The Dictatorial Impulse Behind the Shaming of PPP Recipients - New Ideal

Instead Of Open Or Closed, Dial Your Mind To Active – Forbes

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Changing an opinion after thinking the wrong way is hard. So is sticking to correct beliefs in the face of opposition. Both actions take courage. The challenge is knowing when to concede or dig in, especially when confronting deep personal biases intertwined with feelings.

I faced my own struggle to separate emotion from reason while growing up in Mumbai, where the test of right or wrong had more to do with group reputation than anything else. The phrase drilled into me was log kya kahenge, which means: What will people say?

What will people say if I wear Western-style clothes, choose my own boyfriend or get a job outside the home? How will my behavior reflect on others? Your actions are unbefitting for a woman, and you bring us shame, my parents and extended family members would tell me.

Many authority figures wielded terms like community and society as weapons of guilt to force compliance. Eventually I learned to push back. But the negativity associated with the collectivist tenets stayed with me for decades, even after I crossed an ocean and started a new life in the United States.

As an economist, I cared about free market principles, and studied innovation and entrepreneurship in the for-profit realm of introducing new products and services. I had little thought for social innovation, even dismissing it as not worthy of study. That was then. Over time my views changed, as I compared new information to prior experience.

One breakthrough came when I realized that the founding principles in my new country represented a profound type of social innovation. The grand documents on individual liberty that inspired my youthful resistance were not commercial products or services. They were the principles upon which individuals could freely engage in enterprise and create win-win outcomes.

Today I study many other contributions from leaders without a profit motive. As I describe in a previous column, my recent research with Sonali K. Shah and Steven T. Sonka at the University of Illinois confirms that private, public and social sector organizations all have roles to play in driving upward mobility.

Some people would say I have an open mind because I evolved. The contrast would be a closed mind, unwilling to consider alternate viewpoints. Neither option in this false dichotomy is good. When venturing forth in the world, having either an open or a closed mind can sabotage growth.

The flexibility of an open mind is necessary to a point. But those who bend too quickly to new ideas might give up correct beliefs ormore likelyswap one set of flawed notions for another. They are like impressionable children, inclined to trust the most recent message they hear from adults without thinking for themselves. Such people never stand firm on principles because they dont have any.

On the flip side, the rigidness of a closed mind has advantages when trying to lock in cherished values. But those satisfied with their level of knowledge lose all sense of discovery. They assume their beliefs are true and complete, ending the need for further inquiry. No amount of information will convince them otherwise. Such people show strong convictionsright or wrongbecause nothing else exists in their minds.

I prefer a third alternative. Philosopher Ayn Rand calls it an active mind. The concept has less to do with whether you change your opinion, and more to do with how you form your opinion. People with active minds focus on learning, and on thinking critically. In other words, they emphasize the journey, not just the destination. They put process ahead of outcomes, pursuing growth in three stages.

Listen

Having an active mind starts with active listening. People who value learning seek diverse viewpoints from multiple sources. They read things that offend them. They talk to people from different backgrounds. Then they repeat back what they think they heard to ensure understanding.

I did this during my project with Shah and Sonka, two trusted colleagues. I listened to what the facts were telling us in the researchthat nonprofit engagement and social entrepreneurship were critical in market creation, especially in developing regions with limited infrastructure.

Closed-minded people build strawmen instead. They distort or misrepresent facts, creating easy targets to knock over. They also engage in whataboutism, a type of psychological deflection. Rather than refuting an opposing argument, they ignore it and charge the other side with hypocrisy.

Open-minded people simply agree with new information. They can hold multiple contradictory ideas in their heads at the same time, and never reconcile the differences. Rather than debate, they appeasesometimes because they fear conflict or commitment.

Synthesize

Once people with active minds listen, they synthesize. They compare old and new information, exploring how different ideas fit together. They distinguish between broad principles and the details of particular cases, which are not always representative.

In my own case, I caught myself focusing on concrete notions of social innovation, ascribing a narrow meaning based on my negative experiences in a collectivist culture. When I synthesized new information, I could see the shared basic principles underlying both social and for-profit innovation.

Many times when people confront an opposing viewpoint, the exchange produces win-win outcomes. Both sides move closer to the truth. Yet people with active minds are not confined to the linear distance between two viewpoints. By engaging in dialogue, active thinkers can jump beyond the continuum, often arriving at new ideas not previously considered by either party.

Closed-minded people avoid the journey. The more they clash with opposing viewpoints, the more entrenched they become in their original position. Open-minded people have a different problem. The more they hear new ideas, the more rudderless they become. They trade one position for another like musical chairs.

Act

Once active thinkers synthesize old and new information, they test their emerging ideas in the real world. When they confirm a correct belief, they stay the course until better information comes along. When they detect an error, they update their thinking and try again.

People dont need a science degree to do this. Italian researchers Arnaldo Camuffo, Alessandro Cordova, Alfonso Gambardella and Chiara Spina at Bocconi University confirm that anyone can use the scientific method. Their field tests specifically focus on business settings during periods of uncertainty, but the scientific rigor works anywhere.

What active-minded individuals dont do is beat themselves up for honest mistakes. Instead, they celebrate every course correction and move forward without shame. This is what I have attempted to do.

I now embrace my role as a social entrepreneur in a nonprofit education setting, espousing the value of for-profit enterprise and markets for upward mobility. I find no contradiction in doing so, thanks to the course corrections I made.

Closed-minded people remain blind to the evidence of failure. Being wrong would jeopardize their entire belief system, so they reject the possibility. Open-minded people, meanwhile, never know they are wrong until someone else tells them.

While they wait, they miss opportunities to make discoveries for themselves. They also miss opportunities to share their ideas with others. Having an active mind engenders both creative activities.

People with active minds are flexible and firm at the same time. They adjust based on the evidence. The key is not being learned, but being a learner.

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Instead Of Open Or Closed, Dial Your Mind To Active - Forbes

When MGM and the FBI Chased ‘The Father of the Atomic Bomb’ – WhoWhatWhy

Reading Time: 7 minutes

Published this month, The Beginning or the End: How Hollywood and America Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb, reveals how the White House and the military in 1946 sabotaged a long-forgotten MGM movie. That film, also titled The Beginning or the End, was inspired by a letter to actress Donna Reed from her high school chemistry teacher, who later toiled at the secret Manhattan Project site in Oak Ridge, TN.

Two months after the atomic attacks on Japan, he begged her to convince Hollywood to make a major movie that would reflect urgent warnings by the atomic scientists: The US must turn away from building more powerful weapons, which would likely spark a nuclear arms race with the Russians and imperil the entire world.

Soon, MGM would launch such a big-budget project, with studio chief Louis B. Mayer calling it the most important movie he would ever produce. Rival studio Paramount attempted a competing movie, with a screenplay written by none other than Ayn Rand.

My new book explores how, in the year that followed, the original message of the MGM movie would shift almost 180 degrees, ending as little more than pro-bomb propaganda. Why? Both President Harry S. Truman (who had given the order to bomb Hiroshima) and General Leslie R. Groves (director of the Manhattan Project) were given script approval, and ordered dozens of cuts and revisions. Truman even mandated a costly retake, and got the actor playing him fired.

Even to get that far, MGM had to convince the key people in the bomb project to sign releases granting permission to be portrayed in the film. This led to desperate attempts over many months to get Albert Einstein, Leo Szilard, and the scientific director of the project at Los Alamos, J. Robert Oppenheimer, to approve, while promising them (unlike with Groves) no fee. Einstein and Szilard, beaten down, finally succumbed, even while believing the movies script was poor, but the ever-conflicted Oppenheimer, the so-called Father of the Atomic Bomb, resisted.

While this was transpiring, the FBI was also chasing the three men, with a different motive. Each was suspected by J. Edgar Hoover of representing a security risk, even sympathizing with the Soviet Union, due to their generally left-wing views. So, in 1946, agents kept tabs on Einsteins mail and phone calls in Princeton, NJ. Agents monitored his writings, speeches, broadcasts, and his role with political or science groups, sometimes via informants who attended meetings. FBI director J. Edgar Hoover was known to have called Einstein an extreme radical.

Agents tailed Szilard in the street, and also opened his mail, as General Groves sought to bar him from future national security programs. They followed Oppenheimer locally and on his many cross-country trips and tapped the phone at his Berkeley home.

Of course Oppie, as he was known to friends, was especially vulnerable, as his wife and brother (and his late mistress) had all been members of the Communist Party, as were several of his former associates. Yet for all their searching and harassing, the agents could not find evidence of his disloyalty.

The following excerpt from The Beginning or the End finds the producer of the MGM movie visiting Oppie at his home in April, 1946, to finally nail down his permission to be portrayed in the movie. Oppenheimers response would be recorded by the FBI, with a transcript, which appears here, revealed for the first time in the book.

Introduction by Greg Mitchell

On April 18, 1946, Sam Marx sent J. Robert Oppenheimer a copy of the screenplay for The Beginning or the End, with the hope he would at least glance through it before they met three days hence in Berkeley.

That Saturday night Marx left the Palace Hotel in San Francisco and soon arrived at Oppenheimers rambling one-story villa, built in 1925 with a red-tiled roof high up on Eagle Hill with an expansive view of three canyons, the bay, and sunsets over the Golden Gate.

After dinner, Oppie spoke frankly about the script, in his usual manner. In a letter to his friend J.J. Nickson he would recount much of this discussion. Based on that, it went something like this:

Oppenheimer: Some of the themes in the movie are sound, but most of the supposedly real characters like Bohr and Fermi and myself are stiff and idiotic. When Fermi hears of fission he says my what a thrill and my most characteristic phrase was gentlemen, gentlemen, let us be calm.

Marx: I understand.

Oppenheimer: Most of the trouble rests in ignorance and bad writing, rather than in anything malign.

Marx: Well, that may be true, but look at these newly signed agreements by Fermi and a few others.

Oppenheimer: Well, what kind of agreement can you and I make? For example, how about hiring as technical adviser my former aide and Los Alamos historian David Hawkins? Also, I want to be portrayed as a friend of that ethical scientist, whats his name, Matt Cochran.

Marx: Okay on all that. In addition, we will correct all of the factual errors you mentioned and take seriously all of your other gripes and proposed additions.

Oppenheimer: If all that is done, and you show me the next version of the script, I will likely sign a release. But I dont want a fee just send any proceeds to FAS or set up science fellowships for students.

Marx: Lets shake on it.

Oppenheimer would tell Nickson that he found his visitor from Hollywood sympathetic. Marx seemed honestly eager to get the script improved, but even after the revisions, Oppie predicted It wont be very good. At least in the current story, he added, the scientists seemed to be treated as ordinary decent guys, that they worried like hell about the bomb, that it presents a major issue of good and evil to the people of the world. He concluded: I hope I did right. I think the movie is a lot better for my intercession, but it is not a beautiful movie, or a wise and deep one. I think it did not lie in my power to make it so.

Oppenheimer seemed uncommonly insecure, however. Let me hear from you, he asked Nickson, particularly if you think I did wrong or want me to try again. He had other things to worry about as well. The FBI had started tapping the phone in his Berkeley home and recording the conversations.

When Sam Marx returned to Hollywood he immediately began revising the script. And while the studio had decided on Hume Cronyn to play him, that still might change. Marx doubted they could find a better actor, but they could certainly secure a more impressive movie name. Kitty Oppenheimer had voiced some opinions on that over dinner, and Marx had asked if she wanted to volunteer more ideas.

Fawning over his new friend, Marx assured him in a letter that he had just spent two full days rewriting the script (a gross exaggeration), and had impressed on the films writer, Frank Wead, and director Norman Taurog, that the character of J. Robert Oppenheimer must be an extremely pleasant one with a love of mankind, humility and a pretty fair knack of cooking. Also he passed along to them Oppies view that in the script the fictitious characters came to life but the living characters failed to breathe. Most critically and sure to provoke blowback from certain military figures Marx also revealed: We have changed all the lines at the New Mexico test so that General Groves is merely a guest and you give all the Orders.

He closed: Everyone now is most enthused about the changes I brought back from Berkeley. We are as eager for the truth as you are. . . . I would rather see you pleased with this picture than anyone else who has been concerned with the making of the atom bomb. Marx may well have been sincere about that, but it never hurt anyone to appeal to Oppenheimers vanity.

Two weeks later, near the end of a lengthy phone conversation taped as usual by the FBI Kitty Oppenheimer informed her husband, who was in the east, that he had received a letter from a Hugh Cronin (as the name was recorded in the transcript), explaining why he would like to be you.

Classic Who: Hiroshima Bombing Gets Hollywood Makeover

How Bombing Hiroshima got Hollywood Makeover

Oppie asked: Bill Cronin? Kitty: Hugh Cronin that bloke that belongs to MGM.

Well, Ill tell you what I did on this, Oppenheimer replied, then referred to General Groves top aide. This very ugly creature, [Colonel W.A.] Consodine, called me and said that Marx had said it was all right and would I sign the release, and I said sure. I got the release and I signed it with a paragraph written in saying that all of this is subject to my receipt of a statement from Mr. Sam Marx that he believes the changes that have been made are satisfactory. Possibly to re-assure his wife, he pointed out that their friend David Hawkins was still at the studio checking on things for him.

Kitty: Oh.

Robert: Well, I didnt think there was anything else to do. I dont want anything from them and if I can work on his conscience, that is the best angle I have. It just isnt worth anything otherwise, darling.

At this juncture, the call faded in and out. The FBI must have just hung up, Robert quipped.

The transcript recorded Kittys response as: Giggles.

Then Robert concluded: The only thing we can do there is to try to persuade them to do a decent job.

The movie would flop when released the following February, and fade from importance, but FBI surveillance of Oppenheimer would continue off and on for years. That probe would culminate in the famous 1954 hearing leading to Oppenheimer losing his security clearance, which led to his steady decline in influence and voice in the national discourse on the further development of nuclear weapons and policy.

____

Greg Mitchells The Beginning or the End was published this month by the New Press. It is his twelfth book. He is the former editor of Editor & Publisher and longtime daily blogger for the Nation.

Related front page panorama photo credit: Adapted by WhoWhatWhy from Chris-Hvard Berge / Flickr (CC BY-NC 2.0) and DoE / Wikimedia.

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Tagore’s Gora to Krishnamurthy’s Ponniyin Selvan: Add these regional language books to your reading list – India Today

There is nothing as fascinating as Indian literature. While Paulo Coelho, Khaled Hosseini and Ayn Rand's works interest almost every other bookworm, novels written by Indian authors are arresting enough and depict love, longing and loss apart from social issues just as well. Sometimes, even better.

From Urdu and Kannada to Bengali and Malayalam, India is replete with authors who represented the diversity and culture of the country through their words in their novels. Not to forget, most Indian authors also narrated the plight of their women protagonists in stories apart from underscoring the nuances of relationships.

For example, Karutthamma and Pareekkutty's long lost love story in Malayalam author TS Pillai's Chemmeen. As for those who fancy detective novels, you always have Feluda to go back to. Rabindranath Tagore's Gora is a beautiful love story with some burning topics (relevant even today) thrown in, while Kalki Krishnamurthy's Ponniyin Selvan is a historical saga that you might indulge in if you prefer reading stories of old dynasties and empires.

Most of the books written by acclaimed regional authors are available in English translated versions. In this article, we list the best regional novels that you must pick up in quarantine to soothe your soul.

Here you go.

Umrao Jan Ada

Umrao Jan Ada

Written by Mirza Hadi Ruswa and first published in 1899, Umrao Jan Ada is often considered as the first Urdu novel. Journey through the old, archaic Lucknow in Umrao Jan Ada as Ruswa takes you through the palaces of the nawabs and the grandiose atmosphere. Umrao Jan Ada is the story of a courtesan in Lucknow. Her life wasn't easy as Umrao, born as Amiran, was kidnapped and subsequently sold to Khanum Jaan, the head of a kotha. Throughout her years in the kotha, Umrao learns classical poetry, music, dance, Urdu and Persian. Happiness and tragedy follow Umrao simultaneously as her life has been detailed meticulously in this novel that is definitely worth a read. Khushwant Singh and MA Husaini translated the novel from Urdu to English.

The Adventures of Feluda

The Adventures of Feluda

15 or 60. Age is just a number as far as Feluda is concerned because his adventures appeal to readers at any given point of time. Prodosh Chandra Mitter, fondly known as Feluda, is a fictional Bengali private investigator, created by the legendary author Satyajit Ray. Accompanied by his cousin Topshe and the joyous crime writer Lalmohan Ganguly or Jatayu, Feluda traverses cities including Jaisalmer and Shimla to untangle mysteries. Sonar Kella (The Golden Fortress) and Joi Baba Felunath (The Mystery of the Elephant God) are some of the acclaimed Feluda stories that Satyajit Ray wrote. While separate novels of Feluda stories are available in English, you may also read several volumes of The Complete Adventures of Feluda, translated to English from Bengali by Gopa Majumdar.

Prothom Protishruti

The First Promise

Bengali author Ashapurna Debi weaved magic with her women protagonists as she described their predicament and sorrow in every short story. Prothom Protishruti, translated to English as The First Promise by Indira Chowdhury, is a path breaking novel by Ashapurna Debi. Eight-year-old Satyabati, a child bride, is the heroine of the novel. Ashapurna Debi narrates Satyabati's struggle as she fights against family control and social prejudices in a patriarchal society. Prothom Protishruti also won the Rabindra Puraskar and the Jnanpith Award.

Chemmeen

Chemmeen

TS Pillai's Malayalam novel Chemmeen documents the story of Karutthamma, a Hindu woman of the fishermen community and Pareekkutty, a Muslim man. Owing to the norms of the society, Karutthamma is subject to scrutiny after her community members discover her affair with Pareekkutty. Soon after, Karutthamma is married off to Palani, who trusts his wife irrespective of being aware of her past. All is well until one night, Karutthamma meets Pareekkutty while Palani is at the sea. Will she betray Palani after her encounter with her past? Chemmeen, translated from Malayalam to English by Anita Nair, is a beautiful story of love and everything else that surrounds it.

Bharathipura

Bharathipura

Written by UR Ananthamurthy in Kannada, Bharathipura is based on the practice of untouchability and the caste system in India. Jagannatha, the protagonist of the story, is an 'enlightened' modern Indian. All hell breaks loose after Jagannatha makes an attempt to take 'untouchables' inside the Manjunatha temple. Translated to English from Kannada by Susheela Punitha, Bharathipura highlights the complications related to social justice in India.

Godan

Godan

Premchand, celebrated for his modern Hindustani literature, is an acclaimed author best known for his novels such as Godaan, Mansarovar and Idgah. Books apart, Premchand has also written several short stories such as Do Bailon Ki Katha, Kafan and Boodhi Kaaki. Through his stories, Premchand highlighted the issues that the poor and the urban class battled as he wrote about corruption, poverty and colonialism. In Godan, Premchand writes about the story of "peasant India" as he narrates the plight of the hungry and impoverished sections of society. Poverty does not bring them down because their optimism and hopeful attitude keeps them alive. The novel has been translated to English as The Gift of a Cow by Jai Ratan and P Lal.

Devdas

Devdas

Sarat Chandra Chattopadhyay's Devdas is every romantic novel lover's favourite. It is based on the tragic love story of Paro, Devdas and Chandramukhi. Devdas and Paro are childhood friends but are separated after he leaves for his studies. After several years, Dev returns and falls in love with Paro. But tragedy strikes after altercations arise between both the families and Paro is married off to a zamindar. Devdas, heartbroken, finds solace in a courtesan, Chandramukhi, who eventually falls for him. Devdas, however, suffers for Paro and takes to alcohol. The story ends with a cataclysmic conclusion as Devdas dies at Paro's doorstep.

Gora

Set in Calcutta (now Kolkata), in the 1880s during the British Raj, Rabindranath Tagore's Gora is a classic. It is based on two parallel love stories of Gora and Sucharita, and Binoy and Lolita in the backdrop of politics, society and religion. Gora was translated into English by WW Pearson in 1924.

Ajeeb Aadmi

A Very Strange Man

Ismat Chughtai, an acclaimed author, wrote books on themes of feminism and class conflict. She wrote Ajeeb Aadmi in the early 1970s and based the story on two fictional characters - Dharam Dev, a famous personality from the Hindi film industry in Bombay and his extramarital affair with an actress, Zareen Jamal. Ajeeb Aadmi was translated from Urdu to English by Tahira Naqvi.

Ponniyin Selvan

Set in Tamil Nadu in the tenth century, Ponniyin Selvan is a historical Tamil novel by Kalki Krishnamurthy. It narrates the story of Arulmozhivarman, who later became the great Chola emperor Rajaraja Chola I. Translated to English by Pavithra Srinivasan, Fresh Floods is the first part of the five volumes of Ponniyin Selvan.

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Tagore's Gora to Krishnamurthy's Ponniyin Selvan: Add these regional language books to your reading list - India Today

All About Me: The Kanye West Campaign Rally – Scoop.co.nz

Tuesday, 21 July 2020, 4:52 pmOpinion: Binoy Kampmark

In many ways, rapper and footwear mogul Kanye West fitsthe mould. That mould the star or celebrity running forhigh office had already been made by theactor-cum-amnesiac Ronald Reagan, who, with his dabbling inastrology and conveniently re-imagined reminiscences, didmuch to prepare the White House for what one might call thereality show. The fruit from that garden has beenample and bitter.

After announcing his improbable andalmost certainly doomed campaign for the US presidency,West, after flirting with dropping out, decided to at leasthave a campaign rally. Like other countries who havewitnessed celebrities gather the electoral silver and maketheir way into office, West is playing politics emptied ofpolitics, the patient extracted of the nerve. Theanti-political politician is an oxymoron, but it is anoxymoron that has speared and skewered statecraft. Thepolitical classes are petrified in alienation,representatives shielded behind armies of pollsters, publicrelations gurus and party machinery. The voter might as wellvote for a candidate on the autopilot gravy train. Thelunatic you get is the lunatic you see.

West is hisown gravy train, admittedly also stocked up with provisionsfrom his fellow celebrity companion, Kim Kardashian. Hisarticulations are pricks of irritation, rarely credible andalmost always reversible. He does his utmost to convincethat he is some discount idiot savant, trying to soundprofound even as he fumbles. His rallyat Charleston, South Carolina left something for everybody,though no one present should have been confused by theall about me theme.

It all started withpredictable theatre. There was no microphone. West donned abulletproof vest. (You ought to be worth shooting to becredible.) 2020 was shaved into performers head.The audience gathered could not exactly be called vast,though the rapper promised that future events would beglorious, held in rooms where the acoustics will beincredible because I will be involved with thedesign.

The presentation was peppered by suchhowlers as that on the abolitionist Harriet Tubman, whonever actually freed the slaves. What Tubman did,reflected West, was just having the slaves go work forother white people. The fogged up looking glass wasbrought out, with suggestionsby Dani Di Placido in Forbes that this might havebeen some obscure reference to wage slavery and whitesupremacy. That said, a lament follows. Why did West haveto go after a beloved civil rights hero given hisprevious Trump love phase, his own hyper-capitalistambitions and the fact of becoming a billionaire whichcan hardly happen through opposing wageslavery?

Knocking off the gloss of the Tubmanlegacy was part of a show that moved into the realm of theteary and transcendental, with the performer promoting hisinspirational link to the divine. West the mystic spoke ofGods intervention, suggesting that fabulous sky creaturedivines are terribly incurious, and bored, by nature. Iwas having the rappers lifestyle. I was sitting up inParis, and I had my leather pants on and I had my laptopup and I got all of my creative ideas. I got my shoes, I gotmy sound cover, I got communities, I got clothes, I got allthis and the screen [went] black and white and God said,if you f*** with my vision Im going to f*** withyours.

It all had to do with his child, whoserved as a good publicity prop for the occasion. This goodLord of the mind blowing f*** vision had convincedWest that he and his wife should have their baby. And Icalled my wife and she said, were going to have thisbaby. I said were gonna have this child So even if mywife were to divorce me after this speech, she brought Northinto the world when I didnt want to. She stood up and sheprotected that child. To ease any moral or ethicalquandaries, West had a solution for troubled couples: givethem money. Everybody that has a baby gets a milliondollars.

There was much talk about hisentrepreneurial prowess (boosting the Adidas bank balanceand share portfolio), his 132 IQ genius, a person wholiterally went to the hospital because his brain was toobig for his skull.

There were audienceinterventions that rarely taxed the big-brained wonder. Acertain Summer complained about education beingwhitewashed, police brutality and thebrainwashing offered by such technology platforms asTikTok, though West spent more time fussing over not beingable to hear anything above the din and distraction: nocamera flicks, no flashes, no moving, no opening up Doritobags. He also got preoccupied about the exits. You seewhere the two exits are? Is it okay to close the doors, butkeep them unlocked while we are talking?

Campaignsfor the US presidency can start as engorged, dramaticstunts, with the ego maniac festooned with ambitions thatare light on policy but heavy on boastful character. Theperson promoting it ends up riding a historical train hecannot get off. Donald Trump, to some extent, did just that.Many in the Trump camp, leaving aside such ideologicalblunder busts as Steve Bannon, were as disbelieving as manyothers that victory was in the offing that November in 2016.Then the gag got real. West has some way to go before comingclose.

Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a CommonwealthScholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMITUniversity, Melbourne. Email: bkampmark@gmail.com

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George Fitzhugh and the defense of slavery – Miami County Republic

Pro-slavery advocates before and during the Civil War worked to defend the morality and necessity of American chattel slavery, and one of their defenses was that African-American slaves were actually much better treated than free white Americans.

George Fitzhugh wrote in Cannibals All! or Slaves Without Masters, published in 1856, of the benefits of American chattel slavery for African-Americans versus the plight of free white Americans.

But we not only boast that the White Slave Trade is more exacting and fraudulent (in fact, though not in intention) than Black Slavery; but we also boast that is tis more cruel , in leaving the laborer to care for himself and his family out of the pittance which skill or capital have allowed him to retain. When the days labor is ended, he is free, but is overburdened with the cares of family and household, which makes his freedom and empty and delusive mockery. But his employer is really free, and may enjoy the profit made by others labor, without a care, or a trouble, as to their well-being. The negro slave is free too, when the labors of the day are over, and free in mind as well as body; for the master provides food, raiment, house, fuel, and everything else to the physical well being of himself and his family. The masters labors commence just when the slaves end. No wonder men should prefer white slavery to capital, to negro slavery, since it is more profitable, and is free from all the cares and labors of black slave-holding.

The defenders of American chattel slavery argued that free white Americans were wage slaves, forced to work long hours for low wages in horrid working conditions, which was actually quite true. This gave credibility to the pro-slavery argument in the minds of white Americans in 1856.

Slaveholders asserted that they were benevolent to their slaves and actually treated their slaves well, whereas northern factory owners and other employers abused and overworked their white American employees and then callously cast them out of their work places to fend for themselves, casting the freedom of white Americans as a miserable existence.

Pro-slavery advocates argued that African-American slaves, on the other hand, lived secure lives of comfort and security under the paternalistic care of enlightened and benevolent Christian slave holders.

Indeed, Fitzhugh argued that The negro slaves in the South are the happiest, and in a sense, the freest people in the world, and that they were well treated, living in a utopian world without stress or want.

Free white American workers, on the other hand, were described as wage slaves who were held in thrall by greedy psychopathic employers, and thus abolitionists and free soil advocates were villains who wanted to wrench the slaves from their utopian existence in slavery into the horrific misery that free white Americans had to endure in their daily lives.

This view of slavery still persists in the Lost Cause narrative of the Civil War, which persists to the present day.

Grady Atwater is site administrator of the John Brown Museum and State Historic Site.

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A Revolutionary Perspective on Our Crisis, Part I – Harvard Political Review

George Floyd died on Monday, May 25. He was known among his family and friends for his compassionate character and beautiful spirit. However, he died in a matter of minutes at the hands of Derek Chauvin, an officer with the Minneapolis Police Department. Since then, protests have erupted across the country, demanding justice for Black Americans who have been murdered this year, including Breona Taylor, Tony McDade, Ahmaud Arbery, and countless others. In the process, police precincts have been seized, protestors have been fired upon, and stores have been razed. America is returning slowly to a new normal constructed on the ruins of weeks of protests and riots.

However, as we watch this violent crisis unfold, another looms in the background: The pandemic rages on. On May 28, the U.S. death toll surpassed 100,000 people. As of July 13, that number has increased to 137,000, with over 3 million total cases. Yet, reopening orders continue to be implemented across the country, with states like Texas, Florida, and Arizona emerging as new global epicenters for the virus. Adding to this, the American economy is in a state of crisis. The federal deficit is climbing at an unprecedented rate, with the Department of the Treasury borrowing over $3 trillion in only the last three months and economists foreseeing a significant recession in our near future. People are dying, markets are in a freefall, and GDP growth and deficit spending are at unhealthy long-term levels.

Today, however, we must realize that the crisis of policing and that of the economy are inextricable from each other. George Floyd himself, as reported by Joanna Walters in the Guardian, was like many millions of Americans over the last few months: out of work and looking for a new job. His situation was the result of mass businesses closures, a situation which has left millions of other Americans jobless. The crises are converging. Both the calamity of the COVID-19 pandemic and the scourge of systemic racism are inextricably intertwined, stemming from and perpetuated by the countrys reverent adherence to a corrupt, capitalist system. If we are to cast off the political and social ineptitude that has marked our policies for generations, we must take this moment of large-scale societal change to implement progressive political change.

With regard to the pandemic, despite the heightened urgency of support, the only existing relief package to Americans has been a means-tested $1,200 check without systemic payment freezes or assistance for utilities, rent and mortgages. This has left many millions of Americans in a state of economic limbo. Sandra Black, an economics professor at Columbia University and a senior fellow at the Brookings Institute, highlighted the insufficiency of such a measure. In an interview with Time, Black remarked that this is not enough money to keep most families afloat And this shutdown is far from over.

Meanwhile, major debt-bearing American corporations have received substantially more government assistance, resulting in moral hazard a situation which encourages corporations to continue their risky practices without liability, to the detriment of the average American. As American workers find it more difficult than ever to make ends meet, financial institutions are saved to the penny. Meanwhile, billionaires continue to profit, with some, like Elon Musk and Mark Zuckeberg, adding over 50% to their respective net worths as most Americans suffer on a months-old relief check. This conundrum is similar to the Great Recession, but our contemporary context makes it an entirely different beast: Even if individuals can find work, they may have to expose themselves to unsafe conditions in order to earn wages. Floyd himself was among the millions caught within this abhorrent paradox. Like so many other struggling Americans, Floyd found himself in search of a new job. However, in merely soliciting a possibly counterfeit bill, Floyd became part of an even more sinister statistical grouping: an unarmed Black person killed by an American police officer.

The intersection of these trends is no coincidence. It is the working of a corrupt, capitalist system. The wage slavery that has arisen amid stagnant wages drives poverty, and poverty drives policing especially in urban areas. These trends further drive community mistrust of police, where the force that allegedly protects the public is increasingly perceived as the problem. Black Americans, who are disproportionately represented amongst these poor communities, are continually targeted by police in their own communities. However, what brings together these two systems that of police targeting and economic disadvantage is racial policing.

Consistent historical evidence has documented overtly discriminatory policing against Black Americans for centuries, but the most recent surge in such behavior was catalyzed by Reagans Tough on Crime campaign and its post-Reagan continuations, especially the 1994 Crime Bill. The War on Drugs and calls to crack down on urban crime became political tools for the mass incarceration of Black Americans. Indeed, as Kenneth Nunn writes in Race, Racism, and the Law, the War on Drugs was a targeted war, the employment of force and violence against certain communities in order to attain certain political objectives. These political objectives are expressly racial the mass incarceration of people of color. Compounding this, many millions of Black Americans are stuck in generational cycles of poverty, their communities also engulfed by gentrification. They are denied political rights by racial gerrymandering and overtly discriminatory polling rules in the South. These distinct yet structurally intertwined systems of oppression are the makeup of an apartheid state, in which White supremacy complements the American neoliberal economic system to maintain a vast prison-industrial complex that disproportionately targets communities of color.

Also inherent in the nature of American capitalism is the defense of private property before social good. The police have revealed themselves to be the mercenaries of corporate interests, stepping in not to protect protestors but to protect burning buildings and endangered private property. Jacob Frey, the Democratic mayor of Minneapolis, even came under fire from the president for refusing to dispel protesters from the Third Precinct station of the Minneapolis Police Department, instead allowing the building to burn in hopes that it would quell the passion of the protesters. It was at this juncture, when private property was threatened, that Trump escalated his federal response, threatening and then pursuing national military action.

Leftists intellectuals have long asserted that the role of police in America has been to uphold the agenda of the monied elite. Recent events have indeed evidenced the inherently violent means of enforcing protection of property in this country, especially in urban areas where looting is most concentrated. Even President Trump asserted this logic in invoking the racially charged words of Miami Police Chief Walter Headley in 1967: When the looting starts, the shooting starts. The violent actions of police demonstrate an insurmountable internal contradiction for police officers: How can the protectors of our communities often meet peaceful protests with military-style repressive tactics? In the midst of this contradiction, organizers have brought awareness to a new rallying cry: Buildings can be rebuilt, but lives cannot be brought back.

While only now coming to the forefront of ongoing discourse, these are long-existing realities of the Black experience in America. As a White man, I cannot say I can truly give this experience and crisis enough consideration in writing this article I can only recognize the systemic inequity and utilize my privilege to become an ally. But I can review the annals of our history, and such a reading provides a dangerous narrative: It is this time, in our era, that the riots are different. This time, compromise and peace are failing to deliver answers, even more so than they did in Los Angeles in 1992. This time, dialogue is breaking through at an alarming rate.

This is because the COVID-19 pandemic is threatening the basic institutions of American society. The market disruptions of March and April were unprecedented, featuring the biggest stock market crash since 2008. As a result, the modern state has expanded across society in a visibly larger way since even March. The coronavirus relief bill shares many traits with major policies of crisis management in the past, especially during the Great Depression and the Great Recession, such as its direct assistance to individuals, companies, and even American cultural funds. Yet, it is distinct in its size: It appears now to be the largest economic stimulus, even adjusted for inflation and real growth, in American history. What may be more important than scale, however, is implication. Similar to the Works Progress Administration in FDRs New Deal and the employment-based direct assistance in Obamas American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009, the current world situation again evidences that large, rogue markets cannot regulate themselves and that they are undermined by systemic crisis. Again, people are being asked to forgive the mistakes of a system that has never worked for them.

Such large-scale changes, undergirded by major global crises, open up the space for political discourse and make equally large-scale institutional and social change seem like achievable goals. Yet, we cannot merely speculate any longer. We must seize this moment for change.

Image Credit: Photo by Julian Wanis used under the Unsplash License

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A Revolutionary Perspective on Our Crisis, Part I - Harvard Political Review

Foreign Farm Workers Already Face Abusive Conditions. Now Trump Wants to Cut Their Wages. – Workday Minnesota

This article was originally published at InTheseTimes.

Pedro, a laborer from Chiapas, Mexico, worked 13 hours a day picking blueberries on a farm in Clinton, North Carolina. He had no time off, except when it rained.

We had no Sundays, Pedro (a pseudonym to protect his identity after he breached his visa agreement) says in Spanish. Working from May to June under the H-2A visa program for guest farmworkers, he saved only $1,500.

According to Pedro, his work conditions and payment violated the contract he signed when he was recruited by a middleman in Mexico. Still, he could not quit his job. The H-2A programrequiresguest farmworkers to work only for the employer or association that hires them.

Pedro was entitled to a$12.67 per hourwage with no overtime, according to the H-2A provisions for North Carolina. However, Pedro says he never received more than $425 a week, or about $4.60 per hour.

They took away our passport as soon as we arrived, Pedro explains. His employer tried to dissuade Pedro and his workmates from quitting the job. Still, he ran away, leaving his passport behind.

Never in my life [have I] worked this hard, not in Mexico City or back in the fields in Chiapas, Pedro says. Undocumented and with no official identification, Pedro now works at a construction site in Georgia. All the other guys stayed in the farm, he says. They are afraid of being deported. They dont want to get in trouble.

Pedros story is all too common. The wage provisions in the H-2A program areroutinelyviolated, according to the Washington, D.C.-based nonprofitFarmworker Justice, and, as a recent Center for American Progressreport put it, the lack of labor protections for foreign farmworkers like Pedro are already particularly dangerous. The H-2A program has led to so much abuse of workers that manyliken it to modern-day slavery.

Now, things could get even grimmer, as the Trump administration is proposingto reduce the statutory pay ratefor H-2A workers, just months ahead of the presidential elections.

Workers wages are already extremely low by any measure, even when compared with similarly situated nonfarm workers and workers with the lowest levels of education, an Economic Policy Institute (EPI)reportfound in April.

Wage cuts

North Carolina is among the top recruiters of H-2A guest workers in the United States.The state, like the rest of the country, has grown increasingly dependent on this labor force. Nationwide, there has been a fivefold increase in the number of H-2A visas approved since 2005, climbing to258,000 in 2019. Most of these workers are Mexicans or Mexican-Americans.

The growing reliance on H-2A visa farmworkers isoften linkedto a shortage of local labor, even among the undocumented population that comprisesat least halfof the U.S. agricultural workforce. The reality could be more problematic.

H-2A visa holders are seen by employers as very productive. Employers often say they are better workers than the locals, but it has nothing to do with their performance, according to Bruce Goldstein, president of the farmworkers rights group Farmworker Justice. It has to do with the fact that the H-2A visa workers are not free.

Even undocumented workers, who are not necessarily tied contractually to their employers in the same way as H-2A workers, have more legal recourses to obtain compensation if they claim workplace abuse, according to Goldstein. H-2A workers areexcludedfrom the Migrant and Seasonal Agricultural Worker Protection Act (MSPA), the main labor law that protects farmworkers. Thats why, he says, H-2A guest workers are very desirable by employers.

To satisfy the agriculture industrys desire for guest workers, the Trump administration, contradicting its anti-immigration stance,relaxed the rules around H-2A hiringandexemptedfarmworkersfrom a broad ban on foreign labor during the Covid-19 pandemic.

Now, the U.S. Department of Labor isconsidering publishing changesthat would recalculate guest workers wages. According to Goldstein and to publicly posted information, the changes could comeas early as August.

Instead of using a labor market survey, the proposal would allow farms to hire workers at an arbitrarily lower wage rate,according toFarmworker Justice. In Florida, for example, the $11.71 per hour wage would be cut by $3.15.

Though Congress could stop these changes, the Republican-led Senate makes this a remote possibility. Another option is taking the administration to court, although the outcome would be far from certain, Goldstein explains.

The only rational explanation for lowering the wages of H-2A farmworkers right now is corporate greed and unquestioning subservience to agribusiness on the part of the Trump administration, according to the EPI report.

If implemented, the wage cut would come even as farm owners received as much as$23.5 billionin federal aid due to the pandemic.

The new guidelines would mean that workers deemed essential and expected to keep working amid the pandemic, would risk their lives for even less money andno mandatefor employers to provide them with Covid-19 protections.

Unfree labor

Violations of the H-2A visa holders rights are rampant and systemic, according to a2015 Farmworker Justice report. The Department of Labor frequently approves illegal job terms in the H-2A workers contracts, its findings show.

Five years after the report, the guest workers conditions remain unchanged, according to Goldstein. They are similar to the ones under the Bracero Programthrough which millions of Mexican farmworkers labored in the US from 1942 to 1964which was ultimately terminated because of its notorious abuses, including wage theft, according to the report.

Even when employers comply with the contract obligations, H-2A farm laborers are among the nations lowest-paid workers. The Covid-19 pandemic has made their jobs even moredangerous.

Farm owners are not mandated by the federal government to provide protective equipment or enforce social distancing in often overcrowded and unsanitary housing facilities, despite the risks to foreign workers health, according to Anna Jensen, executive director of the nonprofitNorth Carolina Farmworkers Project. (State guidelines vary across the country.)

Its not unusual that laborers are only given one option to buy food, regularly overpriced, or that workers cannot receive visitors, says Jensen. Its also common that the employers do not reimburse H-2A workers for traveling to the U.S., she adds, a practice that isvery often illegal.

The violations often start in the hiring process. Two of the former deputy directors of the North CarolinaGrowers Association, the largest recruiter of H-2A farmworkers in the state,pleaded guiltyin 2015 of fraud related to the program. AnotherinfamousNorth Carolinian farmworker recruiter, Craig Stanford Eury Jr., also pleaded guilty to conspiracy to defraud the U.S.

Many H-2A workers, who aspire to return to the U.S. farms in the following seasons, do not mention their mistreatment for fear of being blacklisted by employers. But even if they wanted to, filing complaints is really difficult, Jensen says.

The North Carolina Department of Labor operates acomplaint hotline, open only from 8:00 a.m. to 4:45 p.m. Monday through Friday, making it not very accessible for many migrant workers, according to Jensen. Twelve to 14-hour workdays, six or seven days a week, make filing a claim virtually impossible for guest farmworkers.

The H-2A is an inherently abusive program, Goldstein says. It practically assures employers that even workers who do not stand the poor treatment will not complain, even when their passports are taken away, which could be considered an act of slavery or peonage, according to Goldstein.

If the Trump administration follows through with its plans, workers like Pedro could be forced to labor under these conditions while taking home even less money than they already make.

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Foreign Farm Workers Already Face Abusive Conditions. Now Trump Wants to Cut Their Wages. - Workday Minnesota

There Are Literally No Good Options for Educating Our Kids This Fall – The Nation

A poster board in a classroom shows traces of lessons and projects before the Yung Wing School PS 124 in New York City was closed on June 09, 2020. (Michael Loccisano / Getty Images)

EDITORS NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.

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After the Sandy Hook Elementary School massacre, President Barack Obama delivered what I have always believed to be the best speech of his presidency. He talked about what its like to be a parent, and the critical realization, experienced by most parents, that you cant keep your children safe or teach them well without the help of your friends and neighbors. Then he expanded that idea to include the whole of society. He said, This is our first taskcaring for our children. Its our first job. If we dont get that right, we dont get anything right. Thats how, as a society, we will be judged.Ad Policy

We have not gotten anything right when it comes to caring for our children. We were not getting things right before the coronavirus pandemic; we did not get things right at the outset of the crisis; and as we hurtle towards the fall, we are on the verge of getting things dangerously, irreparably wrong again.

We are now embroiled in a critical debate about sending our kids back to school, and we have left ourselves nothing but bad options. If we send them to school, they might get sick or might get others sick. If we keep them home, we wont be able to go to work and we might stunt their educational growth. If we do a blended learning approach and send them to school some days but keep them home other days, our children might get sick and they might be stunted. Besides, there arent many parents who can hold down a full-time job that they show up for only two-and-a-half days a week.

It didnt have to be this way. If we had successfully done the work of stopping the spread of the virus, as has been done in other countries, we wouldnt have to pick which poison to expose our kids to. If we had committed to testing so as to track the spread of the virus, instead of not testing so as to manage Donald Trumps asinine fear that testing causes cases, we might know which school districts could safely reopen. If we had leaders who cared about the health of our people nearly as much as they care about the health of their stock portfolios, we would be able to protect teachers instead of asking them to risk their lives.More from Mystal

Instead, our leaders view children as nothing more than tiny impediments to efficient wage slavery. Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar put it most bluntly: Parents have to get back to the factory. Theyve got to get back to the job site. They have to get back to the office. And part of that is their kids, knowing their kids are taken care of.

Meanwhile, just last week President Donald Trump worried that CDC guidelines for protecting our children were too expensive. He tweeted, I disagree with @CDCgov on their very tough & expensive guidelines for opening schools. While they want them open, they are asking schools to do very impractical things. I will be meeting with them!!!

And so, we are here. I wouldnt let my children eat candy handed out by this administration. There are snakes with better parental instincts than these people. The people running the nation have led us to 138,000 deaths and counting, the most in the world. Theyve lost the right to advise me on how to keep my kids safe.Current Issue

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To be sure, there are decent people, mainly at the local level, trying to come up with humane plans for the fallplans that keep our kids safe, teach them, and dont kill thousands of teachers while doing so. The problem is, a national crisis has a way of exacerbating everything that is weak with the underlying society, and our child care and school systems were hobbled and broken well before Covid-19 reared its viral head.

The first problem is that our child care system and school system are the same system, and that means that working families have no access to reliable, affordable child care without in-person schooling. In the Covid-19 Economy, You Can Have a Kid or a Job. You Cant Have Both, blared a recent New York Times headline, highlighting the problem every working parent has faced since the onset of the pandemic. Unequal access to home computingthe digital dividedeepens the problem and renders remote learning a disaster for many families. A family with only one device that can connect to the Internet is put under immense stress while parents are trying to work from home and a child (or multiple children) must Zoom in to school. And I dont even know how the millions of families who have no devices and no reliable Internet service are getting by.

Meanwhile, experts tell us that there are psychological and social benefits to having kids return to school. The American Academy of Pediatrics is pushing for kids to be physically present in a classroom, if possible. Im no doctor, but I worry a lot about how this extended quarantine (my kids havent been out in public since March 6) is delaying my childrens social growth and emotional intelligence. I can homeschool math; I cant homeschool Yes, your classmates made fun of your comment. Are you going to deal with it or are you going to act like Bari Weiss about it? There is learning that can happen only out here in these streets, and the pandemic is robbing my children of such experiences.

But my first job is to keep my children safe. Sending them to a physical building with a bunch of other people doesnt feel safe right now. When I last saw my 7-year-olds class back in March, the kids were trampling each other to get in line for recess. Now Im supposed to believe they will wait patiently six feet apart for an entire day? Have you met children? Socially distant school is one of those phrases, like clean coal or compassionate conservative, that names a thing that does not exist.

Covid-19 does not seem to kill children at the same rates as it kills adults, which is a blessing. But the long-term health effects of the virus on growing lungs are still largely unknown. Do people really expect parents to offer their children as guinea pigs in a years-long coronavirus study? Come on. I know parents who wont let their kids near a Nintendo for fear of what screen time will do to their young minds.

Thats probably why, despite the desperate need for education and child care, an Axios poll found that 71 percent of parents thought sending kids back to school was a moderate to high risk. Among communities of color, the dread is even higher: 89 percent of Black respondents and 80 percent of Hispanic respondents thought sending kids back to school was risky.Covid and Schools

Even if I werent myopically concerned about the health and safety of my own children, I would be skeptical of opening schools and risking the lives of my kids teachers. Whatever protections children seem to have from the virus does not extend to their caregivers and educators. Teachers should not be used like frontline infantry in our fight to return to normalcy.

The Movement of Rank and File Educators (MORE), the progressive caucus within New Yorks United Federation of Teachers, is saying more or less the same thing: Its too soon to go back to school. Even beyond the obvious health risks, decades of underfunding and inequality have robbed many school districts of the resources they would need to keep children and teachers safe if we reopened schools during the pandemic.

Once kids are back in the building, who is washing all those germy little desks? We saw this past spring that schools didnt even have the basic supplies needed to keep classrooms clean. The government has had problems getting personal protective equipment to hospitals; how are we going to get all of that stuff to schools? Where are all the cleaning supplies coming from? Who is paying all the overtime for janitorsparticularly in all those districts facing budget cuts?

And who is paying off the wrongful death lawsuit if even one child dies from Covid at school? Or will parents be expected to sign a death waiver, as if theyre sending their kids to a Trump rally?

And what happens when someone inevitably gets sick? You can read reams of plans and proposals for reopening schools, but you dont see plans for when a child or teacher contracts the disease. Will the schools be closed? For how long? You dont see plans for easy access to testing. You dont see reporting guidelines for confirmed cases, or transparency guidelines for informing the school community when someone comes down with the illness. Do we really think parents are going to want to send their kids back to school when their kids teacher has Covid-19? Or is the plan simply to not tell the parents that the teacher got sick?

Despite the demonstrable need to send children back to school, it is highly unlikely that I will be sending my kids to a physical building this fall. I can say that because I am drenched in privilege. I have a house with a yard, so my kids arent cooped up all day. Each kid has their own dedicated iPad, and they have their own laptop. My wife and I both have jobs we can do from home, while homeschooling our kids. Its terrible, but I at least have the option of dashing off crappier columns while taking care of my kids (sorry, readers). Most important, my kids school, a private one, provided all of the materials and support my family needed to keep educating the kids through this crisis. Zoom learning isnt the best, but well get by.

My privilege speaks to the shocking inequality in our society and school system. Fortunate people will opt out of this madness until there is a vaccine. Well print out workbooks, take virtual-reality trips to the zoo, and wait until everybody stops dying before letting our kids out of our cocoon of safety.

Less-privileged people will have to suffer the full consequences of living in the only advanced nation that cant be bothered to stop the spread of the virus. Other countries are in a position to reopen schools and businesses because they did the right thing with lockdowns and didnt turn public health into a culture war. Our country, led as it is by a ruling party that has spent three decades acting like science was a liberal hoax, is only in a position to court death.

Reopening schools in this environment will have predictable results: The children of poor and working-class folks will be more exposed to the disease, because those families will have no choice but to risk their health in order to work. Those children will, in turn, infect their parents and the teachers who work in lower-income communities, and any long-term health risks from Covid-19 will be borne more heavily by those who grew up with more economic challenges. Eventually, clusters of teachers will turn up dead, and schools will re-close just as many bars and restaurants are doing now.

It would be nice if we could skip over the dead teachers phase, but Trump and his education secretary, Erik Princes sister, have evidently decided that getting people killed is the best way for him to win reelection.

Trumps predecessor poignantly concluded that our inability to protect our children from gun violence is the most unforgivable failure of American society. I guess I shouldnt be surprised that a society that cannot come together to prevent children and teachers from being shot at school has no plan to keep children and teachers from getting sick at school.

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There Are Literally No Good Options for Educating Our Kids This Fall - The Nation

Virginias New Law Against Hair Discrimination and How We Got Here – Forbes

EdNurg - stock.adobe.com

On July 1, 2020, a series of employment protection laws went into effect in Virginia. These laws provide a variety of improved employee rights, including reasonable accommodations for lactating and pregnant employees, a bar on discrimination based on gender identity and sexual orientation, prohibiting state and local governments from asking job applicants about their criminal history, new wage laws, redefining racial discrimination to now include hair discrimination and expanded whistleblower protections.

Discrimination based on hair is especially relevant given the Black Lives Matter movement thats sweeping our nation. And while it might now seem like common sense to have such protections, Virginia is only part of a minority of jurisdictions that no longer allow this type of discrimination.

Hair Discrimination: A Historical Background

Since the beginning of the United States, Black people have endured discrimination and attempts at being controlled through rules or laws concerning their hair. For example, in 1786, Governor Don Esteban Mir created a law that required women of color to use a piece of cloth, or tignon, to cover their hair.

One purpose of this hair covering law was to prevent a Creole, mulatto or woman of African descent from drawing attention to herself with her hair, and in particular, drawing the attention of white men. In other words, this was an anti-miscegenation law. Another reason for enacting this law was to signify membership to the slave class, even if the woman wearing a tignon was not a slave.

After the abolition of slavery in the United States, many Blacks felt pressured to fit in with white society by changing their looks, including straightening their hair.

Recent Examples of Hair Discrimination

Hundreds of years have passed, but hair discrimination is still alive and well. In late 2018, a video went viral showing a high school wrestler (who identifies as multiracial) having his dreadlocks cut off in order to compete in a school wrestling match.

In 2016, the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals concluded that an employers grooming policy that banned employees from having dreadlocks did not violate Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 (Title VII), which prohibits racial discrimination in the workplace.

In this case, Chastity Jones (Jones), who is Black, was offered a position as a customer service representative for Catastrophe Management Solutions. Upon learning that Jones had dreadlocks, a manager told her that she needed to cut off her dreadlocks. She refused and Catastrophe Management Solutions withdrew the job offer.

The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) took up the case and filed suit on Jones behalf. The EEOC argued that what happened to Jones was a form of racial discrimination and therefore illegal under Title VII. The U.S. District Court disagreed and dismissed the case.

In affirming the U.S. District Court, the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals reasoned that Title VII only barred discrimination based on immutable traits (an unchangeable characteristic of a person), such as hair texture. And because Jones offer was taken back because of her hairstyle (something that she could change) and not her hair texture (something she could not change), the discrimination she endured was legal under Title VII.

The court also reasoned that at issue here was discrimination based on a cultural practice, not an immutable characteristic. And because Title VII did not protect employees against cultural practice discrimination, Jones could not succeed in her lawsuit.

For the most part, federal courts recognized that discrimination based on hair texture was unlawful under Title VII. So discrimination based on an afro would be an illegal form of race discrimination. However, as reflected by the Jones case, federal courts generally refused to convey these protections to hairstyle discrimination, as well.

With courts failing to fully protect individuals from discrimination based on their hair, states and local jurisdictions realized that they needed to do something.

States and Localities Take on Hair Discrimination

California became the first state to pass a law against hair discrimination when Governor Gavin Newsom signed SB 188 into law in July 2019. Also known as the Create a Respectful and Open Workplace for Natural Hair or CROWN Act, this law included hair texture and protective hairstyles as protected racial traits. The CROWN Act listed braids, twists and locks as examples of protective hairstyles.

Earlier in 2019, the New York City Commission on Human Rights released guidance that declared that hairstyle and hair texture discrimination could also be a form of racial discrimination.

Other jurisdictions with laws similar to Californias CROWN Act include:

And not to be left behind, Virginia has joined this quickly growing list.

HB 1514: Virginias Ban on Hair Discrimination

In March 2020, Governor Ralph Northam signed HB 1514 which would make Virginia one of the newest states to take on hair discrimination. This law went into effect on July 1, 2020.

Fairly short as far as statutes go, HB 1514 explicitly states that racial discrimination under Virginia law now includes discrimination against an individual because of traits historically associated with race, including hair texture, hair type, and protective hairstyles such as braids, locks, and twists.

Put another way, if there is discrimination because of someones hairstyle or texture, then Virginia law may consider that as a form of unlawful racial discrimination, whether its at school or in the office.

However, this new law will likely apply only when the discrimination relates to a hair characteristic that has been traditionally connected to race.

The Future of Hair Discrimination Law

Senator Cory Booker (D-N.J.) and Congressman Cedric Richmond (D-La) have introduced the CROWN Act of 2019. This bill bans hair discrimination in various situations and circumstances including the workplace.

For instance, this law would prohibit an employer from discriminating against someone because of that persons hairstyle or texture, as long as the hairstyle or texture is commonly associated with a particular national origin or race.

Many other states have proposed their own hair discrimination laws. But given the BLM movement and the added emphasis on fighting racial discrimination in this country, theres a good chance that many more states will follow with their own hair antidiscrimination laws.

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Virginias New Law Against Hair Discrimination and How We Got Here - Forbes