What is the Golden Rule? – Biblical Meaning, Importance …

The Golden Rule is the ethical principle of treating other people as one's self would prefer to be treated. One of Jesus' most famous and impactful teachings, the Golden Rule can be found in the Bible verses Matthew 7:12 and Luke 6:31:

So in everything, do to others what you would have them do to you, for this sums up the Law and the Prophets. Matthew 7:12

Do to others as you would have them do to you. Luke 6:31

A simple notion about the ethical treatment of others that was profound in its origin and resonates through the ages.

"Golden Rule" is not explicitly found in Scripture, this became the popular way of referring to the words of Jesus in Matthew 7:12 and Luke 6:31. In summary, the Golden Rule encompasses the empathic essence of morality. It is a simple yet powerful way of saying that we should recognize the respective dignity of our fellow man and not forget we all are capable of inflicting immoral actions. This is vital in following the commandments of God and creating a more virtuous world.

Jesus declares, "Do to others as you would have them do to you." With regard to the Old Testament, two main points prevail. Matthew's reference presents the Golden Rule as encapsulating the teachings of the law and the prophets. Matthew 7:12 reads, "So in everything, do to others what you would have them do to you, for this sums up the Law and the Prophets." Second, even though the Golden Rule addresses human interpersonal relationships, its message is additionally theological. That is, the very character of God guides how we should interact and relate to one another.

We are to follow and exercise the Golden Rule because God's heavenly wisdom teaches self-control, and his virtue teaches kindness. This proverb is appropriately called the Golden Rule, for it encompasses in its few words the underlying and guiding principle of all morality. It comprises all the rules of the law with regard to man and all the amplification of those precepts given by the prophets. It instructs us to put ourselves in our neighbor's place, and guide our behavior accordingly. It assumes, of course, that when we put ourselves in our neighbor's place, we are wise enough not to make any foolish wishes and good enough not to make any evil ones. The Golden Rule was a vital emphasis on empathy and the reciprocity of morality.

The Golden Rule has inspired several subsequent sayings and ethical declarations since its revelation by Jesus. Listed below are some examples of such inspirations:

Put yourself in their shoes - Another call to empathy and understanding anothers situation and point of view, this phrase calls upon us to picture ourselves as our fellow human and recognize the sovereignty and emotions of each individual.

Do not do unto others as you would not want done to you. - Also known as the Silver Rule, this inversion of the Golden Rule reminds us to not do what we would prefer not to happen to ourselves. Essentially this is the negative version of the Golden Rule.

Act only in accordance with that maxim through which you can at the same time will that it become a universal law." - Kants Categorical Imperative is the primary philosophical concept in the moral philosophy of Immanuel Kant. This imperative basically dictates to follow the rules that apply to everyone. In other words, Dont create rules for yourself that you wouldnt apply to others.

See the original post here:

What is the Golden Rule? - Biblical Meaning, Importance ...

See When the Ladies Broke the Golden Family Rule – News Lagoon

The crushing news this week for fans of the rookie series High Fidelity, starring Zo Kravitz, that Hulu pulled the plug on the show after just one season was a crushing blow. And that included the series cast, as featured by Kravitz in a touching Instagram tribute to the series, adapted from the novel by Nick Hornby that was itself previously adapted into a 2000 film starring John Cusack.

I wanna give a shout out to my #highfidelity family. Thank you for all the love and heart you put into this show. Im in awe of all of you. And thank you to everyone who watched, loved and supported us, she said in the Instagram post (below), to which actress Tessa Thompson responded, I will miss you alllllllllllll so much. Kravitz commented back sarcastically, Its cool. At least Hulu has a ton of other shows starring women of color we can watch. Oh wait.

While Hulu does have a Black Stories page dedicated to Black content, the majority does not consist of Hulu originals with Black female leads.

Other celebrities and creators chimed in on the Instagram post to express their sympathies over the shows (for many) premature cancelation.

NOOOOOOO!!! I rarely find shows that genuinely impress me. This one did. I told you how much I loved this show. And I still do. This one definitely deserved another season, Lena Waithe said. Waithe has made a career out of putting Black women front and center, from The Chi to Twenties and beyond.

WHHHHHAAAAAAAAAAAATTTTTTT!!!?????????!!!!!!!!!!!??? Why do I always find out about tragic shit this way?! Questlove said.

Rob was robbed. This show was so heartwarming and captured the voice of (dare I say) a generation so acutely. Yall wrote the hell out of it. Im sad to not discover what happens next! But grateful for all the melancholic joy it gave, Moses Sumney said.

A poignant and funny romantic comedy about a charming record shop owner (Kravitz) unlucky in life and love, High Fidelity was canceled on August 5, a week after the announcement of the Primetime Emmy nominations. High Fidelity didnt earn any nods, but the series, which debuted on Valentines Day, did receive four Black Reel Award nominations this year.

Stream High Fidelity on Hulu

Read the original here:

See When the Ladies Broke the Golden Family Rule - News Lagoon

PGA Championship Odds, Picks & Promotions: Bet $20, Win $100 if Brooks Koepka Makes a Birdie on Sunday – The Action Network

We have yet another big week in the golf world, with the PGA Championship being played at Harding Park.

Brooks Koepka is in the hunt for his fifth major and sportsbooks all over the country arent hesitating to incentivize you to bet on the first major of 2020.

Brooks Koepka is hungry for more majors! Hes two shots off the lead headed into the final round of the PGA Championship, as he hunts for his fifth major.

Even if he doesnt win, you can win $100 if he can make at least one birdie on Sunday! Heres how:

Note: Weve used Brooks Koepka as an example, but you can bet on any golfer youd like and win $100 if they make at least one birdie.

If Koepka wins, youd walk away with another big chunk of change from your original bet. If he doesnt, oh well the chances are very high youll get $100 from this promotion.

Bet $20, Win $100 if Brooks Koepka Makes a Birdie on Sunday!

Click here to see more PGA Championship offers

Queue up the Bruce Springsteen, folks, because youll be rooting for anyone born in the U.S.A. on Sunday at the PGA Championship.

BetMGM is offering new users 100-1 odds that an American will win at Harding Park and in case youre not aware, eight of the 12 players within three shots of the lead are Americans, including leader Dustin Johnson and fellow studs like Brooks Koepka, Collin Morikawa and Tony Finau.

To take advantage of this promo:

This promotion can be taken advantage on Sunday, so dont forget to claim before you settle in for the final round.

In summary: U-S-A! U-S-A! U-S-A!

Bet $1, Win $100 if an American Golfer Wins the PGA Championship

Click here to see more PGA Championship offers

The age old adage less is more is not something that applies to betting. More is more, and this profit boost will allow you to win more money than you normally would when betting on the PGA Championship.

All bettors at Unibet in Indiana can boost their profits on the PGA Championship bet of their choosing by:

There are a few routes bettors could go down when using this. Just be sure to remember the golden rule of boosts: the bigger the original payout, the more additional money youll win with the boost. Its science.

If you bet $50 on a -110 matchup bet and it wins, youd win $45.45 x 115% = $52.27, or an additional $6.83.

If you bet $50 on a +5000 outright winner, youd win $2,500 x 115% = $2,875, or an additional $375. The max winnings on this boost are $5,000.

Whether you want to earn an extra few bucks or few hundred bucks, the profit boost is the way to do it.

Get a 15% Profit Boost on the PGA Championship

Click here to see more PGA Championship offers

Here is the original post:

PGA Championship Odds, Picks & Promotions: Bet $20, Win $100 if Brooks Koepka Makes a Birdie on Sunday - The Action Network

Utopia Trailer Features John Cusack alongside Rainn Wilson of The Office and Star Trek: Discoves – World Top Trend

- Advertisement -

Putting apart for a second the premise of Amazon Prime Videos new authentic series,Utopia, the spotlight of the teaser trailer that dropped through the shows [emailprotected] panel was the looks of 80s-film everyman John Cusack alongside Rainn Wilson ofThe OfficeandStar Trek: Discovery. What a mixture! Add to that the truth that the series comes from best-selling writer and award-winning screenwriter Gillian Flynn ofGone GirlandSharp Objectsfame. Its clear thatUtopiahas an unimaginable pedigree proper off the bat.

Utopiais impressed by the British series of the identical title and is described as a twisted and ironic thriller about saving the world whereas looking for your home in it. Cusack talked about within the panel that he was drawn to the remake regardless that his character is just not current within the UK model. I used to be conscious of the show within the UK, however not tremendous conversant in it, he admitted. It was simply such superb writing and likable characters. And actually a world and take that I hadnt seen earlier than I used to be simply all in as quickly as I learn the scripts.

Below is the trailer, which is eerily related to the present COVID-19 local weather, particularly after we hear Wilsons voice describe only a sliver of theUtopiastory: Basement scientist inserts himself into a viral pandemic. The teaser additionally ends with a basic release date of Fall 2020, which implies potential viewers receivedt have long to wait.

The series follows a gaggle of comic book followers who obsess collectively on-line a couple of graphic novel sequences, additionally known asUtopia, that tells a darkish story of conspiracies, rogue scientists, and nuclear warfare. All through the course of the eight episodes, they uncover hidden messages throughout the pages of the comic, predicting very actual threats to humanity. Ian (Dan Byrd), Becky (Ashleigh Lathrop), Samantha (Jessica Rothe), Wilson (Desmin Borges), and Grant (Javon Wanna Walton) discover that they will be the sole ones who understand the reality and got down to save the world.

- Advertisement -

See original here:

Utopia Trailer Features John Cusack alongside Rainn Wilson of The Office and Star Trek: Discoves - World Top Trend

Margate exhibition questions if we still have a use for Utopia – In Your Area

By InYourArea Community

Submitted by Jenny Duff

A new exhibition by Daniela Flowerdew asks what do we use for Utopia now? and do we have a use for Utopia?

Through her work, she examines how the optimism of modernism sits with present day consumerism.

The textural paintings combine the strangely beautiful shapes and designs of packaging with unwanted art found in charity shops.

In Use for Utopia, Dani employs a visual language which draws on mid century design, landscape, expressionism and abstraction to create something entirely new.

The exhibition will also feature music by Celloman, composed around some of the exhibition themes.

It runs from Friday, August 7 to 18 at Pie Factory Margate, Broad Street, Margate in Kent.

The Old Town gallery is open from Tuesday to Saturday from 11am to 5pm and Sunday 11am to 4pm, with Friday night lates from 6pm to 9pm.

To find out more visit Pie Factory Margate.

Follow this link:

Margate exhibition questions if we still have a use for Utopia - In Your Area

Were the Ancient Greeks ADA Compliant? – Daily Beast

Last week marked the 30th anniversary of the Americans with Disabilities Act, the legislation that guarantees disabled Americans protections under U.S. law. What seemed at the time to be ground-breaking legislation may actually be a late arrival to the accessibility party. A new article on the archaeology of ancient healing centers argues that thousands of years before the ADA was passed, the ancient Greeks were already providing accommodations for those with mobility impairments.

Though the landscape of Greece is dotted with ancient temples, and ruins, visitors to the country often make their way to the shrine dedicated to the healing god Asclepius in Epidaurus. This magnificent UNESCO site in the north-eastern Peloponnese was one ofif not themost important healing sanctuaries in ancient Greece. People would come from far and away looking for the kind of miraculous healthcare that only a deity can provide. Modern tourists might wonder, however, how people with mobility impairments managed to navigate the large multi-stepped temple complex.

In a recently published article in Antiquity, Dr. Debby Sneed, an archaeologist at California State University, Long Beach argues that many ancient healing centers catered to the needs of pilgrim-patients. While her article interweaves an analysis of ancient architecture, inscriptions, artwork, and literature, in the end her evidence is remarkably simple: ramps. Fixed stone ramps are rarely a feature of ancient temple complexes even if the famous Acropolis in Athens, for example, had a large lengthy ramp that led up to its entrance. The Sanctuary of Asclepius at Epidaurus, however, had at least 11. In general, Sneed observes, healing sanctuaries had more ramps than non-healing sanctuaries.

In the past when scholars have examined these ramps they have often assumed that they were used to transport animals or other sacrificial apparatus. Theres a problem, though. The thing about sacrifices, Sneed told The Daily Beast, is that the animals did not go into the temples or buildings: animals were sacrificed on altarsoutsideof the temple, and many of the buildings were just too small to host livestock. Animal sacrifice, therefore, cant explain why it is that the buildings have ramps. Similarly, its unlikely that they were used just to help transport heavy items, because treasuries (which housed heavy items dedicated to the god) didnt have ramps attached. Instead, Sneed proposes, just as in the present, these ancient ramps were multifunctional: they allowed those with mobility impairments, the elderly, and those transporting goods to access the buildings more easily.

Sneeds arguments make sense because there was so much disability in the ancient world. Even if we only consider mobility impairments, there are many stories of wartime injuries that necessitated amputation or caused permanent injury. Vase paintings show the elderly using crutches; the name Oedipus (swollen feet) is a pun based on the ankle injuries he sustained as an infant; and even one of the 12 gods of OlympusHephaestuswalked with a limp and sometimes used a cane (according to Homer he also had a cadre of golden female robots to wait on him). Excavations at a cemetery in Amphipolis in northern Greece have revealed that between the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. 60 percent of skeletons showed evidence of conditions that could have affected mobility.

Beast Travel Digest

Get the entire world in your inbox.

More specifically, many of the fourth century B.C. inscriptions found at the Sanctuary of Asclepius refer to visitors with mobility impairments. Now, as Sneed readily acknowledges, not all of the inscriptions are accurate reports of peoples physical condition. One well-known and fantastical inscription relays a story of a woman named Kleo who had been pregnant for five years asking to give birth. Her multi-year pregnancy ended when she left the temple precinct and gave birth to a little boy who immediately got up and started walking around. This doesnt mean that all of the inscriptions are fanciful. One such believable inscription from Epidaurus mentions a man who was carried in and out of the abaton (the building where suppliants would sleep and hope to receive an instructive dream from the Asclepius) by enslaved attendants.

Stories like this, Sneed told me, suggest that those who had mobility impairments could be carried to the shrines on wagons or litters. Just as the paralytic healed by Jesus in the Gospels or Militiades, a hero of the Battle of Marathon, were carried on litters by others. Others used canes or crutches to get around. There were no wheelchairs, she added, but ramps would have been helpful for a lot of these situations.

This isnt to say that ancient Greece was a progressive utopia that cared about inclusivity. These architectural details, Sneed said, reflect an ancient mindset that people were used where they could be. An anecdote about the famous Athenian statesman Pericles recalls that one day Pericles saw an enslaved man fall out of a tree and break his leg and drily remarked that this man was going to become a tutor (a childrens teacher). The point of the not-at-all-true story is both that tutors are those who can be put to no other use, and that people who are impaired can be employed in different ways.

Though they were not disability activists, the ancient Greeks were interested in designing buildings that served their use. Even without the framework of civil rights as we understand them today, Sneed argues, the builders of these sites made architectural choices that enabled individuals with impaired mobility to access these spaces. Just as in the present, how the ancient Greeks designed buildings says a great deal about who they intended to use the spaces. Certainly, the principle of design for use has all kinds of applications when it comes to modern architecture. Sneed told me, It isnt a favor to make buildings accessible, it isnt something that anyone should feel grateful for, we should do it because we intend the buildings to be used by everyone and that includes people with disabilities.

Read the original post:

Were the Ancient Greeks ADA Compliant? - Daily Beast

Batman’s Dream Suit Is the IDEAL Weapon Against Mr. Freeze | CBR – CBR – Comic Book Resources

The much-hyped new Batsuit is deployed in action, proving itself to be perfectly equipped to take down one of Batman's classic foes.

WARNING: The following contains spoilers for Batman #96, by James Tynion IV, Jorge Jimenez, Tomeu Morey and Clayton Cowles,on sale now.

One of the most surprising elements teased in the lead-up to the crossover event "Joker War" was that a new Batsuit would make its debut. Shimmering and chrome, with a prominently lit Bat symbol emblazoned across its chest, the new Batsuit looked like a cross between the silver armor from the climax of Batman & Robin and something out of Tron. And as "Joker War" escalates, readers finally have seen the new Batsuit in action, revealing that it fully equipped and ready to take on one of Batman's oldest foes: Mister Freeze.

The latest issue of "Joker War" opens with an idyllic look decades ahead into Gotham City's future. No longer the dark, grimy metropolis filled with shifty characters and rampant crime and corruption, Gotham is now a bright, technological utopia. This vision of an urban paradise is quickly interrupted by Victor Fries, back in action as Gotham's most cold-hearted villain, now with two children of his own following in their father's footsteps as icy antagonists -- complete with their own advanced hardware to flash freeze targets to absolute zero.

RELATED:Batman: How DC Fans Actually KILLED Jason Todd's Robin

Batman shows up on the scene in the nick of time, now sporting a new, futuristic vehicle matching the striking, platinum Batsuit. Freeze and his children all hit Batman simultaneously with their respective freeze rays, stopping the Bright Knight cold in his headlong charge. This proves to only be a temporary setback of course, as the upgraded Caped Crusader's arsenal now comes with a heating component that quickly thaws out Batman, with the superhero leaping back into the fray as if he hadn't been delayed at all. To subdue the supervillain family, the Dark Knight unleashes Heatarangs -- Batarangs specifically designed to neutralize the Fries family and their signature weapons, with unerring accuracy.

Of course, this vision of a utopian Gotham nearly free of its need for a Batman is nothing but a dream -- one alluded to by series writer James Tynion IV when first asked about the new suit. While a version of the suit had indeed been discovered by the Joker in the previous issue, the sequence of Batman using it to battle Mister Freeze in a possible future were all revealed to be an extended dream, brought about by the Dark Knight being poisoned by a new, powerful strain of Joker toxin at Punchline's hands. This becomes apparent as Bruce Wayne's dreams of a happy ending are horrifically transformed into a vivid nightmare; his recent failings surface, snapping Batman back awake in a city that has been completely overrun and reshaped by the Clown Prince of Crime using the Wayne family fortune.

RELATED:Batman: Wait, When Did Bruce Wayne Become a BRAIN SURGEON?!

What capabilities the prototype Batsuit may have, if any, in the real world, has yet to be seen but Bruce's dreams of a more peaceful future illustrate that he has installed contingencies for his recurring antagonists into it -- specifically to take them down. This level of obsessive preparation is hardly a new development for Batman but shows a more stylish, forward-thinking approach to the Caped Crusader's crimefighting strategy than usual. And with the prototype Batsuit teased to possibly play a role beyond "Joker War," Batman's dreams of a better tomorrow may not be that far off, provided he and the Bat Family can endure the Joker's most devastating scheme as Gotham burns all around them.

KEEP READING:DC's ORIGINAL Supervillain Just Took Control of One of Its Greatest Heroes

Black Cat Brings Back a MENACING Spider-Man Villain

Sam Stone is a 10th level pop culture guru living just outside of Washington, DC who knows an unreasonable amount about The Beatles. You can read his work in the pages of Image+, follow him on Twitter @samstoneshow, and listen to his podcast Geek Out Show on iTunes and Google Play.

Link:

Batman's Dream Suit Is the IDEAL Weapon Against Mr. Freeze | CBR - CBR - Comic Book Resources

PHINEAS AND FERB THE MOVIE: CANDACE AGAINST THE UNIVERSE Coming To Disney + In 3 Weeks – August 28 – We Are Movie Geeks

Disney+ByMichelle Hannett|August 7, 2020

PHINEAS AND FERB THE MOVIE: CANDACE AGAINST THE UNIVERSE is coming to Disney+ in three weeks on Friday, August 28, 2020.

Catch the new trailer now.

Voice talent reprising their roles from the original series and movieinclude: Ashley Tisdale as Candace Flynn; Vincent Martella as Phineas Flynn; Caroline Rhea as their mom, Linda; Dee Bradley Baker as Perry the Platypus; Alyson Stoner as Isabella; Maulik Pancholy as Baljeet; Bobby Gaylor as Buford; Olivia Olson as Vanessa Doofenshmirtz; Tyler Mann as Carl; and Povenmire and Marsh as Dr. Heinz Doofenshmirtz and Major Monogram, respectively. David Errigo Jr. joins the cast as Ferb Fletcher.

Stepbrothers Phineas and Ferb, their older sister Candace, Perry the Platypus and the Danville gang are back together again in Phineas and Ferb The Movie: Candace Against the Universe, an out-of-this-world animated adventure from Disney Television Animation. Executive-produced by Dan Povenmire and Jeff Swampy Marsh (creators and executive producers of the long-running Emmy Award-winning series Phineas and Ferb), the movie centers on Phineas and Ferb as they set out across the galaxy to rescue Candace, who after being abducted by aliens, finds utopia in a far-off planet, free of pesky little brothers.

View original post here:

PHINEAS AND FERB THE MOVIE: CANDACE AGAINST THE UNIVERSE Coming To Disney + In 3 Weeks - August 28 - We Are Movie Geeks

Dow Struggles as Bears Find Joy on Stalling Stimulus Progress – Yahoo Finance

By Yasin Ebrahim

Investing.com Wall Street struggled on Friday, as better-than-expected job gains were cast aside by a lack of progress among lawmakers on the next round of coronavirus stimulus and souring U.S.-China trade relations.

The Dow Jones Industrial Average fell 0.26 %, or 69 points. The S&P 500 slipped 0.30%, while the Nasdaq Composite fell 1.21%.

The US economy added a better-than-forecast 1.76 million jobs in July, reinforcing investor expectations that the labor market remains steady despite recent data including a weaker jobless claims report earlier this week suggesting otherwise.

But a lack of progress among lawmakers on another pandemic stimulus relief, which is key to sustaining the U.S. economic recovery, prompted investors to rein in their bullish bets.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi reportedly said an offer to reduce the $3.4 trillion package by $1 trillion was rejected by the White House, marking a blow to hopes of lawmakers meeting a self-imposed Friday deadline to resolve key sticking points.

As well as the slow pace of negotiations on Capitol Hill, rising U.S.- China trade tensions - in the wake of President Trump's decision to target Chinese tech - weighed on investor sentiment.

President Donald Trump on Thursday issued executive orders against Chinese tech firms TikTok and WeChat, which he claimed would curb the "threat" they pose to U.S. national security.

The sluggish day on Wall Street was exacerbated by weakness in tech stocks, which have led much of the rally since the recent lows seen in March.

Facebook (NASDAQ:FB) sidestepped the broader market weakness, while the rest of the of the so-called Fab 5 floundered, with Alphabet (NASDAQ:GOOGL), Amazon (NASDAQ:AMZN), Apple (NASDAQ:AAPL), and Microsoft (NASDAQ:MSFT) nursing losses.

Energy also played its role in pressuring the broader market, falling 1% as oil prices look set to the end the day in the red as U.S.-China tensions added a layer of uncertainty to the crude demand outlook.

On the earnings front, Uber Technologies (NYSE:UBER) slumped more than 5% following a wider-than-expected loss in the second quarter as its core ride sharing business saw bookings plummet 73% amid pandemic-led weakness.

T-Mobile US (NASDAQ:TMUS) popped 6.5% to hit new 52-week highs after the wireless provider delivered better-than-expected quarterly earnings and said it had usurped AT&T (NYSE:T) as the second biggest mobile carrier in the U.S.

Related Articles

Delta wants at least 3,000 flight attendants to take unpaid leave

Oil Drilling Shrinks to 15-Year Low With Shale Spending Falling

Germany stocks higher at close of trade; DAX up 0.66%

Follow this link:

Dow Struggles as Bears Find Joy on Stalling Stimulus Progress - Yahoo Finance

Springfield officials pleased with progress, assess recovery costs from Tropical Storm Isaias – MassLive.com

SPRINGFIELD Local officials said Thursday they are pleased with progress in the recovery from Tropical Storm Isaias, and are assessing costs to pursue emergency aid.

The officials, including Mayor Domenic J. Sarno and U.S. Rep. Richard E. Neal, D-Springfield, gathered at Forest Park, with a backdrop of downed trees and branches.

They discussed and praised the ongoing cleanup from Tuesdays storm that knocked down countless trees, branches and power lines.

Sarno had declared an emergency in Springfield on Wednesday after a large area of Springfield was left without power, water and cell phone service. The declaration precedes formal requests for federal and state assistance.

Neal, who chairs the House Ways and Means Committee, said the storm was devastating, with 250,000 households left without power in Massachusetts and a lot of tree damage, everywhere.

I hope that once we compile all the data and numbers, we will submit them to FEMA (Federal Emergency Management Agency), and see if they can offer some relief to these communities, Neal said.

On Thursday, Sarno was hopeful that most customers would have power restored by midnight. He praised the efforts by city departments, in-house and hired forestry crews, and the Hampden County Sheriffs Department.

Its all about team and its all about relationships, Sarno said. Hundreds and hundreds of trees came down which made some very dangerous situations.

The Police and Fire Departments responded to a deluge of calls, he said.

Every inch of this city, everyone has been affected by this storm, said Patrick Sullivan, the citys director of parks, buildings and recreation management.

Sullivan and other city officials said that it is not just the trees ad power lines that pose a threat to the public, but also the hanging, damaged branches and wood debris. The downed branches and brush can create a fire hazard, he said.

The city will seek assistance from the states Urban and Community Forest Program from its urban forest service strike teams to help assess the damage and long-term resources, Sullivan said.

The storm brought sustained winds of 40 miles per hour in some areas and wind gusts up to 65 miles per hour, according to reports.

Making matters worse, a 36-inch diameter water main break occurred Wednesday morning on East Columbus Avenue, at York Street, A Springfield Water and Sewer Commission crew responded to the water break shortly before 6 a.m., and water was restored at approximately 9:45 a.m.

Sarno thanked residents and the business community for their patience as we work together with all of our community partners to clean and clear up our parks, open space and woodland areas, and restore all of of our power and water outages we experienced.

Those who gathered at Forest Park for the storm update and to view some of the damage also included Park Commission Chairman Brian Sullivan, City Forester Alex Sherman, Fire Commissioner Bernard J. Calvi, David Bloniarz from the U.S. Department of Agriculture Forest Service, and Patrick Carnevale, who serves as director of Gov. Charlie Bakers Western Mass. office.

In addition, those at the storm update included officials from the Massachusetts Emergency Management Agency and Sheriffs Department.

Original post:

Springfield officials pleased with progress, assess recovery costs from Tropical Storm Isaias - MassLive.com

Blackstone announces progress with printed battery cells – Green Car Congress

Switzerland-based Blackstone Resources AG announced that it has achieved a series of important milestones for producing any kind of printed battery cells.

The company has been investing in the next generation of battery technology through its German subsidiary Blackstone Technology GmbH. This includes patented 3D-printing techniques and research into the mass production of solid-state batteries: these can offer greater energy density and a higher number of charging cycles.

The first functional battery cells using printed electrodes has been successfully tested.

Battery factories being built today produce one battery cell form factor. These assembly systems are very special and expensive. The manufacturing process of the electrodes is energy-intensive and dangerous solvents are used.

Blackstone is offering a more flexible and cost-effective production technology based on printing batteries. It covers a wide range of cell formats using different cathode and anode chemicals. Consequently, every second a finished battery cell could be made in an automotive format and leave the production line.

Blackstone views this printing technology represents the cornerstone for the future production of all solid-state batteries. It sees tremendous potential for printing complete battery modules and battery systems. This will further reduce production costs considerably.

In July, the first functional battery cells were manufactured with thick, printed electrodes (C/LFP) and successfully tested. This enables the energy density for all common cathode chemistries to be increased by approximately 20%.

These electrodes were created using environmentally friendly, water-based binder systems. The production of the electrodes is completely free of pollutants and reduces production costs over the long term.

The production step of the calendaring of electrodes is no longer necessary. The necessary porosity is simply adjusted for during printing.

The short-term goal is to establish series production and thus prove the suitability for mass production. The planning of a first production plant has already begun. The printing of solid-state battery cells is also being tested in parallel. In the medium term, Blackstone Technology will print complete battery cells, including housings, at extremely high speed.

Holger Gritzka, CEO of Blackstone Technology GmbH

Blackstone Resources is a Swiss Holding Company, with its legal domicile in Baar, Kanton Zug and is concentrating on the battery metals market as primary metals. In addition, it sets up, develops and manages refineries used for gold and battery metals. These include cobalt, manganese, molybdenum, graphite and lithium. In addition, Blackstone Resources has started a research program on new battery technologies.

The rest is here:

Blackstone announces progress with printed battery cells - Green Car Congress

Neo-eugenics: A Feminist Critique of Agamben

In contemporary American poverty policy, the welfare mother is exposed to harsh treatment that is designed to maintain her participation in the low-wage labor force and, arguably, to discipline wage labor as a whole by restricting the alternatives to wage earning. I would contend that she is also being subjected to an extraordinarily invasive form of sexual regulation, ranging from teen pregnancy avoidance programs and abstinence education counseling to the family cap and child support enforcement. Welfare sexual regulationwith its broad scope (impacting about ten million adults and vast numbers of high school students in sex education classes across the country at any given moment), its impressive allocations, and its array of unusually well-coordinated federal and state bureaucratic structuresis becoming a substantial moment in social policy; indeed, we might usefully inquire what this moment teaches us about the relation between the indigent female citizen and the State in our neoliberal context. I argue that poverty policy is working in tandem with capital to construct the welfare mother not simply as a flexible proletarian but as a childless flexible worker as wellone who arrives at the employers doorstep bearing as few domestic burdens as possible, such that she is all the more available for extreme forms of exploitation. Because these pressures to remain or to become childless are being systematically trained upon poor womenand women of color are overrepresented within this categorythey introduce the question of eugenics. In this article, I attempt to enrich my analysis of the welfare mother as a target of sexual regulation by interrogating Agambens argument about the States production of bare life from a feminist perspective.

For Agamben, sexual regulation in welfare policy constitutes only one moment within the States timeless campaign to produce bare life. Agamben claims that Aristotles distinction between life as mere subsistence, which could be lived to its fullest even if one found oneself outside the polis, and the pursuit of the good life, which is only possible in a formally constituted polis, serves as the structure of any possible governance. Indeed, with his attempt to transcend historical specificity, Agambens theory could be called a metaphysics of governance. For Agamben, Aristotles distinction refers to a fundamental tension between two institutional postures that the State adopts toward the people. In Aristotles account, the male citizen could perfect himself only within the polis. If he left the cityor if his government descended into anarchistic chaos and effectively dissolved itselfhe would revert back to a life in which his highest good would be nothing more than subsistence, or bare life. It appears, then, that one enters the condition of bare life only in the absence of government, and that the social contract secures us from the descent into the state of nature. That appearance achieves its ideological perfection in modern liberal democratic legitimation discourse, for the latter promises to safeguard the life, liberty, and happiness of the people by prohibiting arbitrary state intervention. Agamben would argue, however, that the liberal democratic form of governance inevitably betrays itself. Even as it promises to embrace laissez-faire, it busily measures its population, tracks reproductive rates, controls immigration, manages the markets in food, housing, transportation, and energy, and takes steps to ensure the ready supply of able-bodied military recruits. Ironically enough, caregiving is thereby politicized, and for all the ideological disavowal, biopolitics is established yet again as the essence of governmental interest by the modern nation-state. The latter assume[s] directly the care of the nations biological life as one of its proper tasks.

But this is hardly the politicization of caregiving that is envisioned by feminism. Agamben is particularly interested in the way in which the modern nation-State prioritizes its population management interests when it singles out demon figures and treats them as objects that can be legally exterminated. The Jewish inmates in Nazi Germany's concentration camps were designated, by public opinion and law, as nothing more than the bearers of mere existence. These were, in effect, disposable nonpersons who had such a tenuous moral claim on the community that the state could, with impunity, strip them of the very basic rights that make human life worth living, consume their energies, and then treat what remained as waste products. They seem to be exceptional cases, for the fascist State reserved for itself comprehensive and unlimited sovereignty over their lives. And yet they were, at the same time, the exception that proved the rule, for the definition of their juridical status was simply the reverse side of the Reichs deliberate cultivation of its living human wealth. Agamben would also caution us against any complacency and unwarranted self-congratulation where allegations about liberal democracys resilience against authoritarianism are concerned. Some of the medical experiments carried out by the Nazis, for example, were invented by doctors who lived in the liberal democratic societies, and modern medicine continues to sign up death row inmates as trial subjects. In addition, we are now well aware that the Bush administration sought to establish a legal basis for torturing its detainees. As it produces bare life, the State claims that it is advancing its fundamental objective of caring for the nation. However, every last trace of the egalitarian and solidaristic dimension of the feminist concept of care is thereby eviscerated, such that we are left with nothing more than brutal exclusion.

Is Agambens metaphysics of governance adequate to the task of interpreting welfare law? Is the welfare mother analogous to these dehumanized nonpersons who are cast into this horrific condition in which human rights are totally suspended? In Agambens account, the camp inmates are so totally denuded of their personhood that they are deprived of the right to live. The sovereign authority may allow them to exist as nonpersons; that is, it may permit them to pursue a bare life, and it may choose to revoke that permission at any time and for any reasonor for no reason at all. It is because they have this absolutely minimal capacity to live a bare life that the concentration camp inmates can function as a surface of inscription for the state as it demonstratesand brings into being at the same timeits population management authority. With the suspension of their right to life, these nonpersons live each moment entirely at the unlimited discretion of the state, in which even the moral ban against cruelty to animalslet alone international human rights treaties, the Bill of Rights, and criminal statuteshas no bearing whatsoever. Because they are nonpersons, the state can kill the concentration camp inmates without committing homicide.

On the one hand, the welfare mother does not completely fulfill Agambens criteria in narrow juridical terms; the state cannot act affirmatively to put the welfare mother to death without breaking the law. Agamben is referring to the Nazis treatment of the concentration camp inmates when he writes: Precisely because they were lacking almost all the rights and expectations that we customarily attribute to human existence, and yet were still biologically alive, they came to be situated in a limit zone between life and death, inside and outside, in which they were no longer anything but bare life. For all the brutality of American welfare law, we are not rounding up welfare mothers and exterminating them en masse; in an absolutely minimal sense, they remain legal persons. They retain a sliver of the right to due process. In theory at least, they have the right to apply for a passport and to emigrate.

Agambens text, however, also lends itself to a more expansive reading. It can also be interpreted as an invitation to cultivate a more acute sensitivity to the ways in which even the most humanitarian forms of governance can have, as their hidden core principle, the brutal violation of fundamental human rights. As he defends the decision to wage war on Iraq, former President George W. Bush proclaims the exemplary achievements of American democracy. But in this same country, the State has stripped the welfare mother of almost all the basic rights that make a human life worth living, such as the right to refuse demeaning work. (This fact became all the more obvious, even to the corporate media, in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina in 2005.) The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRA) has eliminated her statutory entitlement to poverty assistance; she must look to her state constitution to give her claim to emergency aid any binding force. American constitutional law not only refuses to recognize the very concept of social rights but deliberately refuses to construct the poor as a suspect class where equal-protection doctrine is concerned. The State is empowered by the law to intervene in the intimate and sexual dimensions of a poor single mothers life in ways that would be considered legally and ethically unacceptable if these same interventions were aimed at professional women. The state has what the courts regard as a legitimate interest in forcing the welfare mother to cooperate with child support enforcementeven if she is fleeing from a violent biological father; it can order her to disclose her sexual history and to open her home, the personal conduct of her teenage children, and her very DNA structure to intensive governmental scrutiny. Federal law allows the states to deprive needy families of benefits when the eligibility time limits are exceeded and to set benefit levels at below-subsistence levels. Workfare rules require custodial mothers with young children to perform duties out of the home on a rigid schedule even though they may not have access to adequate and affordable childcare. In the guise of a poverty program ostensibly aimed at families with dependent children, the state can put so much pressure on a poor single mother that it places her in an absolutely desperate condition, one in which it becomes all the more likely that she will voluntarily give up her children for adoption. Indeed, three states evidently do not want to leave the custodial relinquishment effect of poverty policy to chance. They actually require welfare applicants to endure pro-adoption counseling and educational materials designed to encourage themsolely on the basis of their application for means-tested aid alone, with not even the slightest allegation of child abuse or neglectto relinquish their custodial rights.

There is hardly any difference between the slurs that are commonly circulated in American society and government about the welfare motherthat is, the demonizing representations that construct her as a species of vermin or pestilenceand the absolutely obnoxious and horrific claim that her life is not worth living and does not deserve to be lived. But mainstream American political rhetoric is also invested in portraying the states relationship with the poor in a humanitarian light: the state is reluctantly withdrawing redistributive supports only because they perversely fostered welfare dependency, and it is introducing therapeutic interventions designed to promote the work ethic and patriarchal and heterosexist family values. What we are really witnessing, however, is a massive reduction in social rights and the augmentation of a harsh punishment regime that advances racial-capitalist and patriarchal interests by keeping the poor disorganized, desperate, and eager to work for low wages. Child support enforcement continues to fail as an antipoverty measuregiven the fact that the biological fathers of the children of welfare mothers are typically too poor to meet their legal obligationsbut the encapsulation of millions of adults within custodial mother/obliged biological father dyads greatly enhances the states ability to render the poor mass into a policeable totality. This tactic also interrupts the formation of solidaristic relations among the poor at an intimate level, and perpetuates neoliberal and traditional family values by displacing entitlement with private patriarchal dependency.

Agamben, like Foucault, encourages us to pay close attention not just to the eternal return of exclusion but to the structure of exclusion as well. For his part, Foucault is perhaps the better theorist of the two where the institutionally specific analysis of disciplinary technology is concerned. But they both read the text of State authority against the grain, as it were. In its ideological self-presentation, the State establishes its governmental interests by referring to its showcase policies, namely the ones that are widely accepted as mainstream measures for enhancing the normal citizens well-being. In the American case, we are seductively invited to position ourselves as citizens of a country that has built up the best form of government in human history, one that is deeply committed to securing the conditions necessary for the pursuit of the good life. Agamben and Foucault resist the lure of modern State legitimation discourse. Refusing to follow the ostensive gesture of the State itselfagain, the state prefers to point out its mainstream policies that serve the general populationAgamben and Foucault seek to interpret power relations by investigating the extreme cases involving individuals who are rendered into nonpersons through the application of purportedly extraordinary law (Agamben) or problematized fields of insufficiently disciplined subjectivity (Foucault).

But Agamben would argue that Foucault himself vacillates on this crucial point and at times endorses the view that unilateral forms of exclusionary governancethose that are embodied in State practices such as banishment, the quarantining of the sick within fenced-off spaces like the leper colony, or the execution of criminals, for examplewere more or less eclipsed by modern disciplinary technologies. In my view, Foucaults juridico-discursive and biopower regimes should be understood as ideal types that can bring to light the operations of power that are constitutive of modern liberal democratic societies. The fact that Foucault did not address fascism in his development of these two governance types is indicative of his scrupulous attention to the institutional specificities of distinct political regimes. Further, it is a virtue of Foucaults work that the political status of the individuals targeted by biopower remains somewhat ambiguous; to a certain extent, they retain some types of liberal democratic rights even as they are excluded. Power in Foucaults model is a sophisticated force that works best when it finds ways to bend freedom against itself, such that the subject misrecognizes his or her disciplined condition as a form of liberation. Agamben would vigorously resist these suggestions. He would charge Foucault with failing to push the investigation of the exception to its proper limit. Agambens eccentric reading of Foucault is consistent with his ambitious objective, namely to establish a theory that lays bare the timeless structure of any possible form of Western governance.

From a political theory perspective, it is nevertheless important to note that Agamben proposes a salutary challenge to the status quo. He is effectively insisting that we must reverse the analytical gaze of the social sciences: we must investigate the nature of sovereignty from the perspective of the exception, rather than the mainstream, policy of the State. It is the politicization of bare life as such that constitutes the decisive event of modernity, not the establishment of a liberal democracy dedicated to securing the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The opposition that is taken for granted between absolutism and democracy has always been a fragile one, and these two modes of governance are currently entering into a real zone of indistinction. Absolutism only appears to lie at the other end of the regime-type continuum at a maximal distance from democracy. Once we pierce the ideological obfuscations that are thrown up by the State, we can grasp the fact that the absolutist assertion of sovereign power over bare life is secretly tied to the most humanitarian moments of liberal democratic State authority.

Standing confidentlysome would say arrogantlyon our Enlightenment inheritance, we westerners are enthralled by our own legitimation discourse, namely humanitarianism. We find it almost inconceivable, for example, that it is becoming increasingly difficult to draw the line between imperialist military campaigns and humanitarian aid projects. Similarly, we, the American wealthy, like to tell ourselves that we have always been very generousif not overly generoustoward the poor. It is, in fact, power that lies at the heart of poverty program design: its structures owe everything to the struggles between racial-capitalist and patriarchal forces that are deeply invested in the production of a docile low-wage workforce and in the promotion of the traditional heterosexual family, on the one side, and progressive forces like the poor peoples protests and the civil rights movement, on the other.

Agambens ambitious deployment of transhistorical overview is quite suggestive; like Hortense Spillerss concept of the American grammar book (i.e., Spillerss diagnosis of the underlying structure of gender and race hierarchies that remains constant in American culture from the colonial period to the present), his theory interrupts our complacent assumption that liberal democratic formations are somehow magically endowed with such a distinct orientation to the law, and such resilient and self-sustaining capacities, that we need not consider the possibility that they can harbor antidemocratic momentssuch as slavery, imperialism, and eugenicsat their very core, or that they can descend quite quickly into various forms of absolutism. Agamben and Spillers help us to resist the lure of progressivism: the myth that the West is always moving forwards in its bid to achieve a just form of social cooperation. They show us how to grasp the continuities between the various moments of constitutive exclusion in the history of American identity, whether they involve the strategic production of the indigenous savage or that of the slave woman and the welfare mother.

However, Agamben, unlike Spillers, moves at such a distance from historical specificities that he loses sight of institutionalized gendered dynamics. His objective is not only to thematize Western discourse on a metaphysical level, in the Derridean sense, but to establish a critical sociopolitical theory that can bring to light the fundamental character of Western governance that has purportedly endured, like a timeless essence, from Aristotles ancient Greece to post-9/11 American government. Like Spillers, Agamben underlines the fact that biopolitics constructs the national population in a racially essentialist manner. But he cannot detect the specificity of racial formations; he cannot help us to understand the ways in which the anti-Semitism of the Nazis resembles, but also deviates from, institutional racism in contemporary American society. Further, he completely fails to grasp the centrality of gender to the biopolitical project of producing bare life. For Agamben, the sovereign preserves for itself the natural right to do anything to anyone. As the line between legitimate authority and the right of the sovereign in a state of exception to protect the people by producing bare life is increasingly blurred, we become unable to identify any one clear figure of the sacred man. In effect, we are all virtually homines sacri. Bare life is no longer confined to a particular place or a definite category. It now dwells in the biological body of every living being.

The historical record, however, makes it crystal clear that it is the structurally disempowered who are most vulnerable to the exercise of arbitrary state power in the state of emergency. Women are placed in especially constrained positions by the modern State when it devotes itself to population management. In the context of positive eugenics, the fittest women of the racial nation are asked to serve as the wombs of the people through natalist propaganda and policies. Negative eugenics in turn promotes the exclusion of the unfit through selective immigration controls, sterilization, and the discouragement of child-rearing. Poor women typically bear the brunt of these policies. In some eugenic contexts, the unfit woman is offered partial redemption, but only insofar as she is rendered into a sterile worker, a prostitute, or a military servant.

The practical implications of Agambens failure to address the historically specific and stratified character of the States targeting (i.e., the fact that in the midst of an emergency, the State escalates its already established class, race, ethnic, and gender profiling instead of striking out in an unpredictable manner) are sobering. If we convinced ourselves that vulnerability is equally distributed, we would implicitly reinforce our already excessive tendency toward bourgeois self-regard. We would also foreclose all radical attempts to hold the agents who actively participate in the establishment of eugenics policy, and those who benefit handsomely from its operation, collectively responsible. Out of our bourgeois narcissism, we would refuse to face the Other and to receive the Others inscrutable and yet insistent demand. Instead of facing the Other, we would merely fixate on the image of the Others suffering. We would derive compensation for our perceived vulnerability through our consumption of this image; it would become our fetish. We would congratulate ourselves for having the fortitude to commodify suffering, and we would act as if we could exhaust our moral obligation by doing so. Thus, we would forget that we had forgotten the Other and that we were keeping our backs turned against the Others face. Fetishism, however, is not solidarity.

If any person can be rendered into bare life, then we should assume that Agambens absolute sovereign will strike in a random fashion, anywhere and everywhere at once. If absolutism is omnipresent, then virtually every form of political organizing is doomed to fail. Once again, Agambens argument risks the incitement of bourgeois self-regard and quietistic resignation. Agambens sensitization is one-sidedit raises our awareness of the fact that it is the interests of powerful elites, not charity, that structure poverty programs, but it allows us to avoid the inconvenient truth: the State remains a terrain of struggle, and it is our moral duty to contribute to the advance of social justice. Todays welfare mothers are not strategically positioned in exactly the same way as the Nazis concentration camp inmates; nor are they subjected to totalistic domination like the slave woman or Carrie Buck. They can, and they do, engage in political organizing; they have a fewalbeit far too fewallies in civil society, Congress, state legislatures, and local governments; and they are exercising their right to self-determination against very steep odds.

To return to Agamben, what precisely is the relationship between human reproduction and governance? Introducing Aristotles distinction between the life of the citizen and bare life, Agamben deploys a distinctly liberal democratic topographic metaphor: In the classical world . . . simple natural life is excluded from the polis in the strict sense, and remains confinedas merely reproductive lifeto the sphere of the oikos, home. The concept of confining a particular social practice to a distinct spatial region, like a sphere, seems to be at odds with the ancients organicism. To be sure, Agamben refers in particular to Aristotles rejection of the argument that governing the polis amounted to nothing more than the continuation of the sort of governing required in the household on a grander scale. But Agambens introductory passage on Aristotle continues to muddy the water even further. At one moment he is referring to distinct spheres of governancethe political versus the reproductivein which different types of leadership take different fields of human activity as their proper object. At the next, he discusses Aristotles hierarchy of moral ends: man is born with regard to life, but exist[s] essentially with regard to the good life.

In fact, the organicism that was proper to the ancients had a very specific character. The Greek citizens household was not a distinct sphere of human intersubjectivity in the modern sense; household relations had a great deal of bearing upon the good of the community and the ability of the polis to facilitate the pursuit of the good life. Ideally, the male citizen conducts himself ethically when he acts as the head of the household, for he enters into relations with other citizens from the most felicitous position when he does so, and the good of the polis depends upon the ethical performance of social roles in every nook and cranny of the citizens world. It is also best for the citizen to manage his economic affairs properlythat is, to achieve a subsistence standard of living and to generate the small surplus necessary for honoring virtuous friends with appropriate gifts. Ultimately, however, these domestic matters ought to be determined by a set of ethical principles that are unique; the guiding principles for household management cannot be derived from the ones that are proper to political deliberation. This is not because the household was located in a separate domestic sphere, however. In the ideal polis, the citizen rules and is ruled by other citizens in turn. In the household, the patriarch is directing subjects who allegedly do not meet the male citizens standard of rationality, namely women, children, and slaves. Even if the good man is the same as the good citizen in the ideal polis, the art of governing ones peers remains distinct from that pertaining to the management of ones dependents. Let us assume, then, that the polis remains properly constituted, and that the household in question is headed by a male citizen. In that case, we certainly cannot construct the household as if it existed in a distinct sphereit is not wholly apart from the polis, and it is not a special place within the polis that cannot be considered a proper object of public deliberation. The citizen has to adopt a different leadership posture when he applies himself to the task of heading the household, but that is not because the polis has no interest in regulating reproduction. He does so only because he must deal with his inferiors when he acts as the head of the household and manages his domestic affairs.

Agambens use of Aristotle to set up his broader argument could distract us from the fact that Aristotle actually wanted the legislator to take a deep interest in the management of human reproduction. In The Politics, for example, the discussion of constitutional types is juxtaposed with a substantial section in which a plan for the ideal city-state is sketched out, complete with advice on demographics, territorial considerations, the best division of labor, public planning, military preparation, and education. At its foundation, the polis must seek to enhance the moral development of the citizen, but educational institutions work best when they receive the best pupils. Reflecting the biological and medical thinking of his day, Aristotle lays out a model family law. Indeed, the topic is treated as if the text does not sense any particular need for extraordinary explanation; for Aristotles students, this expansive view of the poliswhich includes population management within the scope of legitimate governmental interestswas entirely unremarkable. The legislator in the ideal city-state naturally concerns himself with the task of establishing the legal conditions that foster the best types of human reproduction. The poliss interest in ensuring the reproduction of the best offspring is so extensive that it may quite properly establish rigid and narrow age requirements for marriage (around eighteen for women and thirty-seven for men). The legislator is invited to consider a law that would require pregnant mothers to perform daily pilgrimages in order to enhance their physical fitness. As for the treatment of the unfit child, The Politics states plainly that there should certainly be a law to prevent the rearing of deformed children. The legislator is also counseled to establish the upper limit of children in the ideal family and to ensure that miscarriages are induced when a family has reached that limit. Of course, the liberal democratic idea of a right to privacy has no place in Aristotle's scheme. Men and women form intimate partnerships, not as an expression of their individual and autonomous wills, but to render service to the state by bringing children into the world.

Fascist organicism similarly seeks to extend the grip of the sovereign into every corner of the Reich such that the will of the Fhrer defines virtually every field of social activity, from the courts to the market, the church, and the family. Agamben quite rightly draws our attention to the integration of eugenics into fascist social policy. The National Socialists sought to secure the life of the people by preserving the Aryan racial stock from miscegenation and degeneration. They adopted laws permitting the sterilization of those deemed to be carrying hereditary disorders of the body or the mind. They prohibited marriage for anyone who was institutionalized or who suffered from contagious disease, mental illness, or hereditary disease. Only those with Aryan blood were considered full citizens with the right to a passport, and Jews were not allowed to marry full citizens. Agamben could have also pointed to the fact that these prohibitions were combined with positive eugenics strategies. The Aryan woman was charged with the duty of marrying an Aryan man, bearing children, and faithfully rearing the Reichs future generation. Aryan women who bore more than four children received the Cross of Honor of the German mother. In Hermann Grings Nine Commandments for the Workers Struggle, German Aryan women were called to take hold of the frying pan, dust pan and broom and marry a man.

Taking inspiration from Agamben, and yet rejecting his metaphysical approach to governance, I would argue that contemporary social policy is an expression of neo-eugenics. Neo-eugenics is a special kind of biopolitics that resembles fascist organicism but is unique in several key respects. Eugenics is certainly alive and well in the United States today. Not only are publications like The Bell Curve that espouse a theory of biologically determined and racially differentiated intelligence received as mainstream texts, but we are also witnessing the training of a myriad of forces upon the poor that effectively discourage them from forming kinship groups and bearing and rearing children on their own terms. The harsh character of poverty assistance policy, the gap between the living wage and the minimum wage, gender- and race-based discrimination, and the stratified nature of the labor market operate in tandem. Together, they guarantee that millions of American adults will never earn enough to support a family even when they do manage to find full-time and year-round jobs. The racial bias of the criminal justice system places a disproportionate number of black and Latino men and women in prison at precisely the moment in their life cycles in which nonincarcerated adults typically start building their families. American infant mortality rates are the worst for any developed country, while HIV infection and AIDS continue to hit poor women of color particularly hard. Even if a poor black woman beats the odds and manages to bear and rear a healthy child and to provide him or her with an adequate diet, decent housing, a safe neighborhood, adequate childcare, and early education, she is still exposed to the inequitable child welfare system that threatens to cancel out her parental rights in an arbitrary manner.

But for all its continuities with ancient and fascist visions of legitimate governmental interest, contemporary eugenics remains unique. To be sure, there are the jeremiads from conservative-policy pundits and think tanks condemning middle-class women for utilizing childcare services and selfishly combining parenting with the pursuit of a professional career. It is also certainly true that the middle-class mother has been largely abandoned by the neoliberal state and that when she secures an adequate education for her children, she is, in all likelihood, reaching into her own bank account to do so. Even with these caveats in mind, however, the middle-class professional woman is not being subjected to compulsory maternalism; she is not being effectively pressed to do her patriotic duty by bearing and rearing the next generation. The rise of the liberal feminist movement has transformed the political landscape, social policy, and popular attitudes. As such, the free-market liberty of the professional woman will, in all likelihood, resist the attacks of the most conservative reformers for decades to come.

We are witnessing, then, the establishment of a neo-eugenics trend in public policy rather than a return to the organicist worldviews that are specific to the ancients and the fascists. Against Agambens de-historicization, I would insist on the importance of this departure. The concept of neo-eugenics usefully reminds feminist and queer activists that any analysis of the contemporary backlash against gender equality, sexual liberation, and secular humanism that does not pay close attention to class, race, and transnational capital accumulation would be woefully inadequate. We may see the re-criminalization of abortion, for example, thanks to the rise of antifeminist extremists at every level in the American political scene, from the local hospital board to the Supreme Court. It is nevertheless unlikely that we will see the wealthiest professional women being pressed to give up their careers and coerced into putting their wombs at the service of the race. Under pressure from patriarchal and capitalist forces, the State will probably do as little as possible to make the combination of wage earning and mothering any easierwe will not, in all likelihood, see the establishment of a universal childcare program, for examplebut it is unlikely that elite professional women will be assaulted by the same degree of patriarchal propaganda, racially motivated population control anxieties, economic coercion, and religious proselytization that poor women must endure on a daily basis as a matter of course. To be sure, conservative forces have not entirely abandoned the fray. They champion the women with college degrees who have eschewed the paid-work world in favor of full-time domestic labor, and they continue to make every effort to whip up a social panic about the pediatric perils of childcare. But on the whole, the career gains of elite professional women will remain somewhat unassailable, such that any calls for a full-scale return to earlier forms of positive eugenics and the insistence that the fittest women take up their proper maternal duties will remain muted. It is the welfare mother, not the professional career woman, who will bear the brunt of neo-eugenics.

Read the original post:

Neo-eugenics: A Feminist Critique of Agamben

Why Dont We Have Live Video From Mars? NASAs Jaw-Dropping Plans For Laser TV From The Red Planet – Forbes

Why can't we watch live as NASA's latest rover descends and lands on Mars?

NASAs Perseverance rover is off to the red planet on the Mars 2020 spacecraft, successfully launching from Cape Canaveral on Thursday.

After its seven-month, 314 million mile journey it will land in Mars Jezero crater in February 18, 2021, but only after what its scientists call seven minutes of terror as the parachute unfurls and then the rover is lowered to the surface of Mars on a tether from its descent stage.

Why cant we watch those seven minutes of terror live on TV? Or get live streaming of Perseverances first views of Mars as soon as it opens it eyes?

We probably could do it today, but definitely not in HD, said Stephen Townes, Directorate Chief Technologist for the Interplanetary Network at the NASA Jet Propulsion Laboratory, to me via email earlier this week.

Heres why live TV from Mars is difficult, impossible in high definition (HD), and how NASA has incredible plans to change that.

Using lasers.

First, we need to get straight the definition of live TV from another planet.

Were talking about something broadcast and sent back to us on Earth without first being stored. We think of seeing something live as seeing it in real-time as it is actually happening with no taped delay, said Townes. He explained that although there is very little transmission delay in Earth-based systems, there is a little delay between the Moon and Earth.

However, we would still regard the live broadcasts of the Apollo astronauts on the Moon as live. Live broadcasts from Mars are similarly possible, but with the same caveat. There will be a time delay in the reception of the live broadcast due to the distance between Mars and Earth, said Townes, citing one inarguable factorfundamental physics.

Orbital mechanics is everything here; Mars is currently getting closer to Earth, but by the time Perseverance lands it will be getting further from Earth. At its closest point, theres a 4 minute delay for radio signals to travel from Mars to Earth. At the most distant point, its 24 minutes. When Perseverance lands, it will be about 14 minutes.

NASA's Mars 2020 rover will store rock and soil samples in sealed tubes on the planet's surface for ... [+] future missions to retrieve, as seen in this illustration.

Its not for a lack of cameras. The Perseverance rover and other parts of the Mars 2020 spacecraft feature an astonishing 23 cameras. Together theyll send us images of Mars in breathtaking detail, but the landing?

All well get is a pieced-together first person version of the spacecrafts descent after the fact, albeit in HD.

Perseverance will also be able to send data directly into NASAs Deep Space Network (DSN) antennae on Earth. However, at between 80 and 3,125 bits-per-second (b/s) to a 34m antenna or 800 and 15,625 b/s to a DSN 70m antenna, thats not going to cut it for HDTV.

HD (1080p) broadcasts require upwards of 8 megabits-per-second (Mb/s) and 4K Ultra High Definition (UHD) over 57 Mb/s. So broadcasting TV pictures directly from Perseverance is a complete non-starter.

However, thats not the primary way of getting data back to Earth. Perseverance will be able to send data from the surface to a Mars orbiter at a maximum of 2 Mb/s, which will then relay it to Earth.Thats about the same bandwidth required for a stable stream from Netflix.

Once it is on the orbitersuch as the Mars Reconnaissance Orbiterit can be sent to Earth at 500 kilobits-per-second (kb/s) up to 3 to 4 Mb/s depending upon distance between Mars and Earth, said Townes.

This artist's concept shows what Deep Space Station-23, a new antenna dish capable of supporting ... [+] both radio wave and laser communications, will look like when completed at the Deep Space Network's Goldstone, California, complex

So, yes, we canbut the quality would be very basic. Its not just about data rates, but the system used. For example, a rover can send back images, but pointing an antenna with any significant gain at Earth during the descent, with enough battery power for the transmitter, would be hard to achieve.

Youd also end up with a bits-per-second data rate, so the quality would be terrible.

A betterbut still trickyplan would be to have a rover send its video signal to an orbiter above it that can relay the images back to Earth. It has a similar rover antenna pointing challenges [but its a] better plan and has a chance of getting reasonable data rates, though HD is still challenging, said Townes.

A third option would be to have an orbiter with a huge camera that can be trained on the rover as it lands and simultaneously send that signal back to Earth.

For the latter two options to work, there would need to be a clear line of sight to Earth, but thats possible. Theres another bonus too. When we land on Mars, it is usually when Mars is at close range, so that helps, said Townes.

However, NASA has something up its sleeveits Deep Space Optical Communications (DSOC) technology.

Antenna dishes at NASA's Deep Space Network complex in Goldstone, California, photographed on Feb. ... [+] 11, 2020. Credits: NASA/JPL-Caltech

Its about upgrading from radio to optical communications, so using data encoded in photons and beamed over laser light. That vastly increases the data rate. Its a very significant step in demonstrating the viability of optical communication at Mars distances, said Townes. NASA has demonstrated optical communication of up to 622 Mb/s from the Moon, but Mars at close range is over 150 times farther away from Earth, which makes communicating from Mars 22,500 times harder.

With the DSOC flight terminal and the 5m Hale Telescope on Palomar Mountain as a receiver, we expect to get on the order of 50 Mb/s at Mars close range equivalent, said Townes. With a larger ground telescope, say 10m diameter, we could support 200 Mb/s.

That data rate will reduce as Mars gets farther away from Earthand DSOC is, for now, too big for a Mars roverbut its a critical first step. The point is that moving to optical gives us the potential for much higher data rates, said Townes.

Perseverances seven minutes of terror will have to be endured alone this time, but in future Martian rovers, landers andin timecrewed spacecraft will be able to broadcast live from the red planet.

Wishing you clear skies and wide eyes.

Read this article:

Why Dont We Have Live Video From Mars? NASAs Jaw-Dropping Plans For Laser TV From The Red Planet - Forbes

This 840 HP Electric Mustang Is Built on the Tesla Model S Platform – Robb Report

As intriguing as the Ford Mustang Mach-E may be, it has a fatal flaw, if youre a Stang traditionalist: Its not a muscle car. Instead, the first fully electric version of the iconic nameplate is a crossover SUV. Fortunately, Aviar Motors has something in store who expect traditional looks to accompany their eco-friendly powertrains.

The Russian-based company is currently hard at work on the R67, a fully electric muscle car based on the classic Mustang fastback, according to Motor1. But the custom EVs retro-inspired design isnt the only reason for excitement, as the unofficial speedster will also be built atop Teslas industry-leading Model S platform.

The Aviar R67 prototypeAviar

Of course, the R67s exterior is the vehicles showstopper. Renderings show the cars brawny, carbon-fiber body to be primarily inspired by the 1967 Mustang fastback. Anyone with even a passing familiarity with the classic muscle car will notice the pleasing lines, the memorable silhouette and the iconic grille, though the galloping horse badge has been replaced by one that displays the Aviar logo. Inside the car, youll find a modern leather-covered interior with a distinct retro-futurist vibe. All in all, its a beautiful looking vehicle inside and out.

Whats under the EVs hood may be just as impressive. The Tesla platform gives the R67 all the electrical components, motors and gearbox youd find in the Model S. Though still in the prototype stage, Aviar claims on its website that the cars two motors, which get their power from a 100kWh battery, are capable of churning out a staggering 840 horses. All this power has been put too good use, too, as the company says the car can go from zero to 62 mph in just 2.2 seconds and reach a top speed of 155 mph. The R67d range is nothing to dismiss either, as Aviar claims it will go 315 miles on single charge. These numbers are almost almost certainly optimistic, but if the vehicle can even get close, it will be one mighty impressive EV.

The Aviar R67 prototypeAviar

No release date has been announced for the R67. And for those who cant wait, there are other electrified Mustang options out there. In addition to Fords officially sanctioned crossover, theres a 536 hp option from Charge Cars that is currently available for reservation. Still, if the thought of more than 800 horses has your tongue wagging, youll probably want to wait.

Read more from the original source:

This 840 HP Electric Mustang Is Built on the Tesla Model S Platform - Robb Report

Tesla Model Y Review: What’s The Verdict After Two Months Of Ownership? – InsideEVs

The Tesla Model Y came to market in March 2020 and has since received plenty of positive reviews. However, those positive reviews mostly point out all the strengths that have come to be expected from Tesla. It has lots of range, it's spacious, its performance is impressive, etc.

On the other hand, there are plenty of reports of quality concerns, which have also come to be expected of Tesla. Based on the above, some folks probably could have almost written the full Model Y review without ever having seen or driven the car. It's consistent with Tesla's products and it appears to be gaining in popularity, which makes sense due to its crossover designation.

Ben Sullinsand his wife Jennie have owned their Tesla Model Y for about two months now. While we've read and watched numerous reviews of the car some first drives, some after a specified period of ownership, some just based on specs and reports we were eager to get not only Ben's take but also his wife's.

This is because Sullins entered the EV space as a hardcore Tesla fan. However, he's transitioned his channel and coverage over the years. Now, he's more focused on family, seemingly more practical (this comes with having children), and less willing to just be a Tesla cheerleader in an attempt to "protect" the company from the naysayers. Sullins has been around long enough now to know that Tesla isn't perfect and that he may be able to help the automaker make improvements. Add in Jennie's very frugal perspective and you've got something that may work to appeal to many families.

Rather than rehashing here, we'll leave the details to Ben and Jennie. We can tell you they love the Model Y overall since it's basically the Tesla they already have (Model 3) but more practical and versatile. With that said, they are dealing with a few issues. The hatch isn't always closing and there have been connectivity problems. Check out the video for more information. Then, scroll down and leave us a comment.

Read the original post:

Tesla Model Y Review: What's The Verdict After Two Months Of Ownership? - InsideEVs

Commentary: Tesla in Austin will benefit San Antonio – San Antonio Express-News

Tesla is coming to Texas.

As a proud San Antonian, I must overcome the urge to put several exclamation points at the end of that sentence. This is the exact opportunity for which our region has been preparing. City, county and private investments in a skilled workforce, supplier networks and international relations have quietly built an environment for the worlds makers to thrive.

Its likely that anyone living in San Antonio since 2003 knows this area is an automotive manufacturing hub. San Antonio has been making everything from taco seasoning to germ-zapping robots for generations. Because we are Military City, U.S.A., youll find standard-issue shoes, helmets, F-18s and military weaponry rolling off our production lines.

This history fuels my passion and has driven much of my career. Ive spent many years in economic development, most recently as Texas secretary of state working to build international relationships and grow economic opportunity for all Texans. Im also in the fortunate position to co-chair the San Antonio Economic Development Foundations International Advisory Council and serve on the organizations executive committee.

In my short time with the organization, weve further developed what was already a robust manufacturing cluster. Weve continued to grow our relationships and position the corridor from Austin, through San Antonio and down to Mexico as an attractive region for the many companies considering reshoring operations to North America.

Of course, our geography gives us an advantage, as does our infrastructure, but our supplier networks and relationships with Canada and Mexico will prove most valuable to future development.

The diversity of goods produced the fact that we manufacture on such a broad spectrum and innovate in the automotive and aerospace sectors speaks to our ability to grow a sector that has been shrinking across the country.

Through the efforts of the SAEDF, SA Works and their partners, were able to better understand what companies need, and ensure our training and education providers teach our labor force the advanced skills to have fulfilling careers producing American-made goods.

Back to Tesla. Some have expressed disappointment with Elon Musks decision to locate in Austin instead of San Antonio. To which I reply: We are always stronger together as a region.

Tesla is building its gigafactory in Austin, which is well within the corridor. This benefits the region. Our regional workforce and supplier network are very attractive. This is an opportunity to think strategically and operate as a mega-region by leveraging the tremendous assets of one of the fastest-growing economies in the country.

We look forward to working with leaders in Travis County to help replicate Bexar Countys success with Toyota as they seek to build a strong manufacturing ecosystem around Tesla. I see nothing but potential to make Central Texas a highly competitive and powerful automotive innovation cluster.

SAEDF is ready for the opportunity, and we need everyone to lean in with us. Even during a pandemic, our leading economic development entity has a healthy pipeline of companies looking to expand or locate in San Antonio. Forty percent of the active projects are in manufacturing, and one-third of those projects are international a direct result of companies such as Toyota, Aisin AW and Navistar investing in our region and people.

Welcome, Tesla. Welcome to the Lone Star State. Come and Make It.

Rolando Pablos is co-chair the San Antonio Economic Development Foundations International Advisory Council.

Read more from the original source:

Commentary: Tesla in Austin will benefit San Antonio - San Antonio Express-News

Teslas Chinese Rivals Are Riding an IPO Boom in the US Despite Political Tensions – Observer

Ever since Tesla sold its first Model S sedan there in 2013, China has been the electric carmakers fastest-growing overseas market and helped the company get through multiple external crises, including the coronavirus pandemic. But as Tesla continues to claim the lions share of Chinas booming EV market, its also facing a crop of homegrown competitors growing just as fastat least by the measure of market value.

Teslas most notable Chinese rival, Nio, for example, has seen an influx of investor interest lately, which pushed the unprofitable startups share price from a dangerous sub-$3 level at the end of 2019 to above $14 as of Wednesday, thanks to strong delivery numbers and a broad market excitement on EV companies triggered by Teslas wild stock jumpthis year so far.

SEE ALSO: Elon Musk Is Rethinking Tesla Cybertruck as Electric Pickup Race Accelerates

Nio went public on the New York Stock Exchange in September 2018. Its stock trajectory is not short of volatility and setbacks, but the recent rebound seems to have encouraged many of its Chinese peers to raise funds in the U.S.

Last week, Chinese EV startup Li Auto made its debut on NASDAQ. Its similarly aged Tesla challenger, Xpeng Motors, has also reportedly filed an IPO in the U.S., per CNBC. The company has decided on which exchange to list shares on.

Ahead of its market debut, CNBC reported that Xpeng has raised $400 million in fresh capital from a slew of powerful investors, including Chinese e-commerce giantAlibaba and the sovereign wealth funds of Qatar and Abu Dhabi.

These aggressive IPOs come at a highly unusual time of rising political and economic tensions between the U.S. and China. In fact, listing Chinese firms on American stock exchanges has been a concern for some investors ever since the 2018 trade war. Still, a record number of Chinese companies have chosen to file IPOs in the U.S. Last year, 28 Chinese companies, including threespecial-purpose acquisition companies, went public on NYSE or Nasdaq, according to Renaissance Capital, which sells IPO-focused exchange-traded funds. The previous year, 33 Chinese firms went public in the U.S., hitting the nine-year high since 2010.

Read more:

Teslas Chinese Rivals Are Riding an IPO Boom in the US Despite Political Tensions - Observer

Confused Labrador wags his tail as Tesla-driving owner abandons it in park and races off – Metro.co.uk

A confused Labrador thought he was going for walkies only for his cruel Tesla driving owner to dump him in a park and drive off (Pictures: Clark County Sheriffs Office)

Distressing surveillance camera footage captured the moment a confused Labrador wagged his tail as its Tesla-driving owner dumped it in a park. The dog was abandoned at Vancouver Park just north of Portland, Oregon earlier this month.

Footage obtained by KOIN showed the pets female owner pull into a parking spot in her gray Tesla Model 3 which retails for a minimum $37,500. She gets out of the luxury electric car and opens the back door to let her dog out.

The animal wags his tail and looks at his owner in anticipation a walk around the beauty spot.

She then tricks the dog into thinking they are doing just that and walks him towards a wooded area, then dashes back to the car before the dog can follow her, and drives off without it.

To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a webbrowser thatsupports HTML5video

Thankfully, the dog was rescued and is now being cared for by I Pawd It Forward animal shelter in Portland.

The animal will be put up for adoption once shelter staff have confirmed it had not been stolen from anyone else who was looking for it.

Clark County Sheriffs Office is investigating the act of abandonment, and have appealed for anyone who recognizes the dog dumper to contact them.

Get in touch with our news team by emailing us atwebnews@metro.co.uk

For more stories like this,check our news page

Link:

Confused Labrador wags his tail as Tesla-driving owner abandons it in park and races off - Metro.co.uk

Lake Travis nonprofit works to reduce animal shelter intake and euthanasia numbers – Community Impact Newspaper

Lake Travis Spay & Neuter Advocacy Program launched in the Lake Travis area in July. (Courtesy Lake Travis Spay & Nueter)

With the high number of unaltered pets in our community, one of the most effective ways to reduce the pet population in the Lake Travis area is by spaying or neutering our pets, Phil Storin said in the release.

Through a partnership with Wags Hope & Healing, a Hudson Bend-based animal rescue, LT SNAP offers monthly transportation services to PetPALS, a spay and neuter clinic located in nearby Marble Falls. The service is available for pet owners living within the Lake Travis ISD boundaries for a fee of $30 not including the $95 required for the veterinary procedure, which according to the release can increase a pets lifespan. LT SNAP will meet pet owners at Lake Travis United Methodist Church and accompany the owners dog or cat to the procedure.

More information on the transportation service and registration can be found on the organizations website. 512-971-4676. http://www.laketravissnap.com

Read the original post:

Lake Travis nonprofit works to reduce animal shelter intake and euthanasia numbers - Community Impact Newspaper

Bir Tawil – Wikipedia

Unclaimed land in Africa

Unclaimed land in None

Bir Tawil (; Egyptian Arabic: , romanized:Br awl, lit.'tall water well', [bi twil]) is a 2,060km2 (795.4sqmi) area along the border between Egypt and Sudan, which is uninhabited and claimed by neither country. When spoken of in association with the neighbouring Hala'ib Triangle, it is sometimes referred to as the Bir Tawil Triangle, despite the area's quadrilateral shape; the two "triangles" border at a quadripoint.

Its terra nullius status results from a discrepancy between the straight political boundary between Egypt and Sudan established in 1899, and the irregular administrative boundary established in 1902. Egypt asserts the political boundary, and Sudan asserts the administrative boundary, with the result that the Hala'ib Triangle is claimed by both and Bir Tawil by neither. In 2014, author Alastair Bonnett described Bir Tawil as the only place on Earth that was habitable but was not claimed by any recognised government.[1]

On 19 January 1899, an agreement between the UK and Egypt relating to the administration of the Sudan defined "Soudan" as the "territories south of the 22nd parallel of latitude".[2] It contained a provision that would give Egypt control of the Red Sea port of Suakin, but an amendment on 10 July 1899 gave Suakin to Sudan instead.[2]

On 4 November 1902 the UK drew a separate "administrative boundary", intended to reflect the actual use of the land by the tribes in the region.[2] Bir Tawil was grazing land used by the Ababda tribe based near Aswan, and thus was placed under Egyptian administration from Cairo. Similarly, the Hala'ib Triangle to the northeast was placed under the British governor of Sudan, because its inhabitants were culturally closer to Khartoum.

Egypt claims the original border from 1899, the 22nd parallel, which would place the Hala'ib Triangle within Egypt and the Bir Tawil area within Sudan. Sudan, however, claims the administrative border of 1902, which would put Hala'ib within Sudan, and Bir Tawil within Egypt. As a result, both states claim the Hala'ib Triangle and neither claims the much less valuable Bir Tawil area, which is only a tenth the size, and has no permanent settlements or access to the sea. There is no basis in international law for either Sudan or Egypt to claim both territories, and neither nation is willing to cede Hala'ib. With no third state claiming the neglected area, Bir Tawil is one of the few land areas of the world not claimed by any recognised state. Egypt arguably still administers the territory, but it is not marked as Egyptian on government maps.[3][4]

Bir Tawil is 2,060km2 (795sqmi) in size. The length of its northern and southern borders are 95 kilometres (59mi) and 46 kilometres (29mi) respectively; the length of its eastern and western borders are 26 kilometres (16mi) and 49 kilometres (30mi) respectively. In the north of the area is the mountain Jabal Tawil ( ), with a height of 459 metres (1,506ft). In the east is Jebel Hagar ez Zarqa, with a height of 662 metres (2,172ft). In the south is the Wadi Tawil ( ), also called Khawr Ab Bard.

Bir Tawil's climate is, according to the Kppen climate classification, a very hot desert climate (Bwh). During the summer months, approximately three-quarters of the year, temperatures can exceed 40C (104F), while its hottest three months (JuneAugust) can see it as high as 45C (113F). During the brief winters, however (December and January being its mildest months), Bir Tawil can experience milder temperatures with 26C (79F) as its usual temperature peak.

Because the territory is far from the ocean (being at least 200km (120mi) away from the Red Sea), the diurnal temperature range throughout the region is large, varying from 18 to 20C (32 to 36F), year-round.[5]

Due to its status as de jure unclaimed territory, a number of individuals and organizations have attempted to claim Bir Tawil as a micronation. However, none has been taken seriously by the international community, and due to the remoteness and hostile climate of the region, the vast majority of these claims have been by declarations posted online from other locations. None of these claims, or any others, have been recognized, officially or otherwise, by any government or international organization.[7][8]

Read the original:

Bir Tawil - Wikipedia