Readers Write (March 12): Fishing fees, teacher shortages, urban/rural divide and culture, Uber discounts and … – Minneapolis Star Tribune

Since the late 1950s, when my stepdad and I fished what later became the Boundary Waters, I have been an avid outdoorsman and fisher; thus, I feared I would take a significant step down in quality of these experiences when I moved to St. Louis in 1998. I was wrong. From home, I was 50 minutes from Boundary Waters-like experiences, wading a clear, spring-fed stream in the Ozarks, casting for smallmouths, which, though smaller than most in Minnesota, were as feisty; and although I didnt catch walleye or northerns, I did catch rainbow and brown trout bigger than most Minnesota specimens, and large crappies and sunnies. I recently moved back to Minnesota and, after reading in the Star Tribune about proposed fishing license fee increases, thought I would cost comparison, state vs. state, these experiences.

Last year in Missouri, being over 65, I paid nothing for a resident fishing license, just $7 for trout. In Minnesota, I would pay $22, though if 90 (past my life expectancy), I would also be able to fish free (thank you) plus $10 for trout. In Minnesota, I can fish with one line and two over ice. In Missouri, I once calculated that, between pole, jug and trot, I could fish with 23 lines (plus two hands for noodling). And its easier to fish in Missouri. One page in that states fishing regulations book lists all license fees; in Minnesotas, its three pages. Missouris regs book is 48 pages; Minnesotas, 92. Now, Missouri has few natural lakes but many reservoirs and fishable ponds, and though Minnesota, with 12,000-plus lakes, has more fishing opportunities, its probably worthwhile to put all this in perspective.

William Pilacinski, Blaine

TEACHER SHORTAGES

So theyre flaming out. The question, then, is: Why?

The March 5 article on teacher shortages in Minnesota with emphasis on the metro area was interesting, alarming to a point and woefully short of information. The information included the numbers of teaching vacancies posted last month for special education, science and math (more than 200). Statistics included 46 percent leaving the profession since 2008, 15 percent leaving after year one and a three-year retention rate of 55 percent for St. Paul schools. Not a strand of information about why teachers are leaving the profession other than use of the term flaming out. Good solutions require good problem definition. Until the Minnesota Department of Education and the Legislature take a good look at why teachers leave the profession, I would imagine their solutions will be ineffective. Thats a shame for a state that used to be a net exporter of well-qualified teachers.

Alan Briesemeister, Delano

As a former student in a special education teaching program, I believe there is more to the deficit in qualified teachers than stringent licensing requirements. I lost interest in a career as a public school educator once I actually spent time in a classroom. When 15 percent of new teachers leave after one year, we need to look at the education system as a whole.

Our public schools are designed like factories, rather than being a reflection of the communities they serve. Million-dollar, state-of-art facilities with the latest in technology are not what our teachers or children need to succeed. Strict schedules, one-size-fits-all curriculum and an emphasis on indoor work is not helping our national test scores surpass those of other countries, especially Finland. Finnish classrooms emphasize play, creativity, outdoor learning and the arts, according to Timothy D. Walker, an American teacher who moved to Finland and runs the Taught by Finland website.

Minnesota has options for private or charter schools offering a different learning focus, including Montessori programs and arts-focused schools like Da Vinci Academy. However, for new teachers who want a job, these smaller, private programs may not be geographically or financially feasible, or even be hiring. Why cant our public schools evolve? We should be empowering teachers to creatively form their own learning spaces, rather than focusing on fulfilling bureaucratic testing goals. Our kids need art class more than iPads, outdoor learning more than technology, and play time more than work sheets. Lets encourage our local public schools to be more open to hiring teachers who passionately implement different learning tools and unique ideas, rather than alienating those who cant (or wont) conform.

Danielle Wiener, Stacy, Minn.

URBAN/RURAL DIVIDE

At least us country mice know how to dress at the theater

The March 5 commentary Bridging our city mouse/country mouse divide contained some very interesting points. I would question who the hayseeds are, though.

My wife and I, residents of West Central Minnesota, attended The King and I on a recent Saturday night at the beautiful Orpheum Theatre in downtown Minneapolis. We felt overdressed. My wife wore a dress, and I wore a sport coat with a tie. I saw two other ties on men in a crowd of approximately 2,000.

After the play, we noticed some people on the sidewalk taking selfies with the marquee in the background. These hayseeds had dresses and sport coats on and were obviously excited to be at a high-caliber performance.

I wonder what the Lincoln Center touring company thought when they looked out over the audience and saw stocking caps, bluejeans, T-shirts and tennis shoes. And most of those outfits suggested that the wearer had just left a burning house.

Gordy Wagner, Glenwood, Minn.

UBER

Journalists should steer away from pitching its promotions

Shilling for Uber, as occurred in a short item the March 5 Minnesota section, is not appropriate. While noting the companys expansion is one thing, listing its promotion codes is an entirely different and unethical matter. Especially given an earlier article on Ubers lack of ethics (Uber used its app to identify, block law enforcement, March 4). Star Tribune, please revisit your policies and editing.

Christine Soderling, Eagan

TRUMP AND AYN RAND

She would have adored him, and Democrats are obstructionists

When Democrats made a movie about Republican Ayn Rands book, Atlas Shrugged, it was docile, as expected.

Now Ive read Jennifer Burns We just might miss the heartless Ayn Rand (March 5).

After the first three paragraphs, I was done. They were wrong, wrong and again wrong.

Then, for some inexplicable reason, I started back on it, as she was trying to tie Milo Yiannopoulus into the mix.

Well, Ms. Burns, I think Trump is the absolute capitalist outsider Rand would have loved.

My liberal friends are screaming at me every day that Trump is failing (OK Monday through Friday). Well, he doesnt even have his full Cabinet in place sheesh!

Tell Sen. Al Franken to give Trump some breathing room. How can we possibly evaluate his progress when Franken and Sen. Amy Klobuchar havent even voted in his Cabinet?

Rob Godfrey, St. Louis Park

Excerpt from:

Readers Write (March 12): Fishing fees, teacher shortages, urban/rural divide and culture, Uber discounts and ... - Minneapolis Star Tribune

Getting to know: Bill Robbins, with WealthForge – Richmond.com

Title: Chief executive officer of WealthForge, a Henrico County-based firm that operates an online platform that helps businesses connect with investors to raise private-placement capital

Education: University of Richmond, bachelors degree in business administration, 1993, and masters in business administration, 1997

Career: Started as a trading specialist at Wheat First Securities in December 1993 and left as a senior vice president and regional sales manager in December 2005; joined Scott & Stringfellow in January 2006 as CEO of Clearview Correspondent Services and left in December 2015 as the president of BB&T Securities Services; joined WealthForge in December 2015 as chief revenue officer and became CEO in July 2016.

In which part of the metro area do you live? Henrico County

Best business decision: To leave the relative comfort and security of a large corporate employer for the growth opportunity at a startup.

Worst business decision: There are too many to list, but most of them relate to not trusting my instincts and then acting decisively to address an issue.

Mistake you learned the most from: Early in my sales career, I signed up a client (or two) who seemed like they would be lucrative relationships but turned out to be trouble for me and the people who had to directly support them. It helped me understand that demanding a high standard of quality is a business decision that pays off again and again.

What is the biggest challenge/opportunity in the next two to five years: Our challenge is to build on the early success that WealthForge has enjoyed into a scale business that makes a broader impact. A good friend once told me that business is about talent and I agree. We have a great team at WealthForge, so I believe that our biggest opportunity is to continue investing in our team so that we can continue to show the world that our value is growing.

First job after college: The Vanguard trading desk at Wheat First Securities.

If you had to do it all over again, what would you do differently: A million little things, but no major things. Even the failures and frustrations along the way serve a purpose if you can learn from them and grow. I would probably take more care in maintaining some of the relationships I have formed over the course of my career that I have allowed to grow distant over time.

Book/movie that inspired you the most: Atlas Shrugged. I have read it several times at various stages of my life including high school, early in my career and again a few years ago. It began a process that continues today of reading, learning, and critical thinking about how to decide for myself what is important in life.

Favorite/least favorite subject in school: Least favorite was history; favorite was language. I studied Spanish and German.

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Getting to know: Bill Robbins, with WealthForge - Richmond.com

A wry squint into our grim future | Columns | mtstandard.com – Montana Standard

WASHINGTON Although America's political system seems unable to stimulate robust, sustained economic growth, it at least is stimulating consumption of a small but important segment of literature. Dystopian novels are selling briskly Aldous Huxley's "Brave New World" (1932), Sinclair Lewis' "It Can't Happen Here" (1935), George Orwell's "Animal Farm" (1945) and "1984" (1949), Ray Bradbury's "Fahrenheit 451" (1953) and Margaret Atwood's "The Handmaid's Tale" (1985), all warning about nasty regimes displacing democracy.

There is, however, a more recent and pertinent presentation of a grim future. Last year, in her 13th novel, "The Mandibles: A Family, 2029-2047," Lionel Shriver imagined America slouching into dystopia merely by continuing current practices.

Shriver, who is fascinated by the susceptibility of complex systems to catastrophic collapses, begins her story after the 2029 economic crash and the Great Renunciation, whereby the nation, like a dissolute Atlas, shrugged off its national debt, saying to creditors: It's nothing personal. The world is not amused, and Americans' subsequent downward social mobility is not pretty.

Florence Darkly, a millennial, is a "single mother" but such mothers now outnumber married ones. Newspapers have almost disappeared, so "print journalism had given way to a rabble of amateurs hawking unverified stories and always to an ideological purpose." Mexico has paid for an electronic border fence to keep out American refugees. Her Americans are living, on average, to 92, the economy is "powered by the whims of the retired," and, "desperate to qualify for entitlements, these days everyone couldn't wait to be old." People who have never been told "no" are apoplectic if they can't retire at 52. Antibiotic-resistant bacteria are ubiquitous, so shaking hands is imprudent.

Soldiers in combat fatigues, wielding metal detectors, search houses for gold illegally still in private hands. The government monitors every movement and the IRS, renamed the Bureau for Social Contribution Assistance, siphons up everything, on the you-didn't-build-that principle: "Morally, your money does belong to everybody. The creation of capital requires the whole apparatus of the state to protect property rights, including intellectual property."

Social order collapses when hyperinflation follows the promiscuous printing of money after the Renunciation. This punishes those "who had a conscientious, caretaking relationship to the future." Government salaries and Medicare reimbursements are "linked to an inflation algorithm that didn't require further action from Congress. Even if a Snickers bar eventually cost $5 billion, they were safe."

In a Reason magazine interview, Shriver says, "I think it is in the nature of government to infinitely expand until it eats its young." In her novel, she writes:

"The state starts moving money around. A little fairness here, little more fairness there. ... Eventually social democracies all arrive at the same tipping point: where half the country depends on the other half. ... Government becomes a pricey, clumsy, inefficient mechanism for transferring wealth from people who do something to people who don't, and from the young to the old -- which is the wrong direction. All that effort, and you've only managed a new unfairness."

Florence learns to appreciate "the miracle of civilization." It is miraculous because "failure and decay were the world's natural state. What was astonishing was anything that worked as intended, for any duration whatsoever." Laughing mordantly as the apocalypse approaches, Shriver has a gimlet eye for the foibles of today's secure (or so it thinks) upper middle class, from Washington's Cleveland Park to Brooklyn. About the gentrification of the latter, she observes:

"Oh, you could get a facelift nearby, put your dog in therapy, or spend $500 at Ottawa on a bafflingly trendy dinner of Canadian cuisine (the city's elite was running out of new ethnicities whose food could become fashionable). But you couldn't buy a screwdriver, pick up a gallon of paint, take in your dry cleaning, get new tips on your high heels, copy a key, or buy a slice of pizza. Wealthy residents might own bicycles worth $5K, but no shop within miles would repair the brakes. ... High rents had priced out the very service sector whose presence at ready hand once helped to justify urban living."

The (only) good news from Shriver's squint into the future is that when Americans are put through a wringer, they emerge tougher, with less talk about "ADHD, gluten intolerance and emotional support animals."

Speaking to Reason, Shriver said: "I think that the bullet we dodged in 2008 is still whizzing around the planet and is going to hit us in the head." If so, this story has already been written.

More here:

A wry squint into our grim future | Columns | mtstandard.com - Montana Standard

What Is Wrong In Washington? – CleanTechnica

March 9th, 2017 by George Harvey

By the early 1900s, express passenger trains were fast enough that their stopping distances were well over a mile. At such a distance, if the engineer of a train saw something blocking the track ahead, it was usually already too late to stop the train in time to avoid a collision.

Accidents were avoided with signals, which had come into use in the 19th century. An engineer who saw a signal to proceed could have a high degree of confidence that the railroad was clear all the way to the next signal, even though he could not see that far ahead. But if the signal told him to stop, there was often no telling what the problem might be. A train could be stalled. A bridge could be out. There could be a wildfire. Even though many tracks were supposed to carry only trains going in the same direction, in an emergency a train might be coming from the opposite direction.

Let me put a question to you. Suppose someone decided to ignore a signal to stop. Perhaps he wants to keep up with his schedule. Perhaps he suspects the signal was broken. He has a train loaded with passengers, but he ignores their safety because he finds protecting their lives inconvenient. Suppose you were on a train whose operator did this. How would you feel about that?

That image is, unfortunately, where the United States is on climate change, under the Trump administration. It is headed toward a possible wreck, against the signal. In fact, the person at the throttle is making every indication of increasing speed.

Some people take comfort in the idea that the government in Washington is under the control of conservative Republicans, who are acting in good faith for the benefit of the people of this country. As a person who lived most of his life as a conservative Republican, I can assure you that this is not the case.

Conservative Republicans have historically protected the environment. Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant, Theodore Roosevelt, and Richard Nixon all signed acts or orders protecting environments, ecological systems, and species. They were responsible for national parks, wildlife preserves, and the creation of the Environmental Protection Administration (EPA). If they thought science was undecided on an issue, they erred on the side of caution, as Ronald Reagan did when he was confronted with the possibility of a hole in the ozone layer. What we see now is the reverse of this aspect of conservatism.

It is not the only area of traditional thinking that is being assailed. They claim to have Christian values, but attempts to exclude Muslims show clearly that they understand neither the Constitution nor the parable of the Good Samaritan. They do not hold to real conservative ideas on human rights, which many in the party started to abandon in the 1960s, shortly after Eisenhower enforced integration in the schools. They do not show a conservative approach to the empirical use of financial resources, for if they did, they would not be attempting to gut the EPA, which saves the country 10times as much money as it costs. They are not interested in education, which I was taught was necessary foreffective democracy. They are not interested in truth, and, in fact, appear to be horrified by it. Instead, they choose to follow ideology blindly.

A short look at the group in power in Washington shows that they do not represent the people of the country. They do not even represent traditional Republicans. In fact, they do not even represent big business. What they represent is the small portion of businesses and people that profit from fossil fuel extraction.

To excuse their deeds, many of them look for ideological guidance to the writings of Ayn Rand. And here, I believe, we can see where they have gone wrong. Ayn Rand is taken to be a great proponent of competence, but if you take a critical look at her writings, you can see fairly quickly that neither she nor her protagonists has any idea of what competence is.

Dagny Taggart was a main character of Atlas Shrugged. Early in the book, as an officer of a railroad, she ordered an express train full of passengers to proceed against a signal without any knowledge of why the signal told the train not to proceed. She did not belong in a railroad boardroom because of some ability she might have had. She belonged in prison because she recklessly endangered peoples lives for the sake of a schedule and her own convenience.

Ayn Rand did not understand that competence requires understanding and wisdom, and that means experience and knowledge. She was unable to see that assertive self-assurance, in the absence of wisdom and understanding, is merely a self-promotional form of gross incompetence. So she wrote about things she did not understand, creating horrors that looked attractive to people who also do not understand.

Combining the mindless egotism of Ayn Rand with what is termed a Free Market is having disastrous results. What is meant by Free Market is clearly anything but free, as it provides a framework within which the most powerful forces can exercise their greed without reference to the needs or rights of others. This concentrates power into the hands of a very few. It is a very few that may be competent at organizing a business or engineering takeover of a political system, but it is not made up ofpeople who can competently run a nation full of people in a world in such a crisis as climate change.

Adherence to Rands ideology is sufficiently blind that it ignores virtually all else. While conservative Republicans may claim other important issues on their agenda, hijackers have made it all subject to the free market, and the conservatives have been sufficiently grateful to the hijackers for their partys takeover of the Congress, that they have allowed themselves to be led by them.

This sort of capitalism is very flawed in part because it places the emphasis on the near term typically, next quarters profits. It fails badly at long-term planning. And it fails utterly at putting value on anything that cannot be monetized in the marketplace. The environment only has value if it is in a park that can attract paying visitors. A species only has value if it can be exploited. Science and truth only have value if they contribute to short-term profitability. For the current government in Washington, dignity has no value, honor has no value, and grace has no value. Faith, hope, and charity have given way to the of a religion that can be monetized, the worship of Mammon.

Even as the cost of dealing with climate change is growing, the cost of electricity from wind, solar, and storage is falling to the point where they can compete successfully with natural gas. The question is not, I believe, whether the fossil fuels industry is heading to a derailment, but how many plants, animals, and human beings will be hurt.

A real conservative pays attention to signals.

Buy a cool T-shirt or mug in the CleanTechnica store! Keep up to date with all the hottest cleantech news by subscribing to our (free) cleantech daily newsletter or weekly newsletter, or keep an eye on sector-specific news by getting our (also free) solar energy newsletter, electric vehicle newsletter, or wind energy newsletter.

Tags: American politics, Donald Trump, Global Weirding, Republicans

George Harvey After many years as a computer engineer, George Harvey retired. Now he writes on energy and climate change, maintains a daily blog on the same subjects, and has a weekly hour-long TV show, Energy Week with George Harvey and Tom Finnell.

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What Is Wrong In Washington? - CleanTechnica

Will: A wry squint into our grim future – Daily Commercial

By George Will The Washington Post

WASHINGTON -- Although Americas political system seems unable to stimulate robust, sustained economic growth, it at least is stimulating consumption of a small but important segment of literature.

Dystopian novels are selling briskly Aldous Huxleys Brave New World (1932), Sinclair Lewis It Cant Happen Here (1935), George Orwells Animal Farm (1945) and 1984 (1949), Ray Bradburys Fahrenheit 451 (1953) and Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale (1985), all warning about nasty regimes displacing democracy.

There is, however, a more recent and pertinent presentation of a grim future. Last year, in her 13th novel, The Mandibles: A Family, 2029-2047, Lionel Shriver imagined America slouching into dystopia merely by continuing current practices.

Shriver, who is fascinated by the susceptibility of complex systems to catastrophic collapses, begins her story after the 2029 economic crash and the Great Renunciation, whereby the nation, like a dissolute Atlas, shrugged off its national debt, saying to creditors: Its nothing personal. The world is not amused, and Americans subsequent downward social mobility is not pretty.

Florence Darkly, a millennial, is a single mother but such mothers now outnumber married ones. Newspapers have almost disappeared, so print journalism had given way to a rabble of amateurs hawking unverified stories and always to an ideological purpose. Mexico has paid for an electronic border fence to keep out American refugees. Her Americans are living, on average, to 92, the economy is powered by the whims of the retired, and, desperate to qualify for entitlements, these days everyone couldnt wait to be old. People who have never been told no are apoplectic if they cant retire at 52. Antibiotic-resistant bacteria are ubiquitous, so shaking hands is imprudent.

Soldiers in combat fatigues, wielding metal detectors, search houses for gold illegally still in private hands. The government monitors every movement and the IRS, renamed the Bureau for Social Contribution Assistance, siphons up everything, on the you-didnt-build-that principle: Morally, your money does belong to everybody. The creation of capital requires the whole apparatus of the state to protect property rights, including intellectual property.

Social order collapses when hyperinflation follows the promiscuous printing of money after the Renunciation. This punishes those who had a conscientious, caretaking relationship to the future. Government salaries and Medicare reimbursements are linked to an inflation algorithm that didnt require further action from Congress. Even if a Snickers bar eventually cost $5 billion, they were safe.

In a Reason magazine interview, Shriver says, I think it is in the nature of government to infinitely expand until it eats its young. In her novel, she writes: The state starts moving money around. A little fairness here, little morefairness there. ... Eventually social democracies all arrive at the same tipping point: where half the country depends on the other half. ... Government becomes a pricey, clumsy, inefficient mechanism for transferring wealth from people who do something to people who dont, and from the young to the old which is the wrong direction. All that effort, and youve only managed a new unfairness.

Florence learns to appreciate the miracle of civilization. It is miraculous because failure and decay were the worlds natural state. What was astonishing was anything that worked as intended, for any duration whatsoever. Laughing mordantly as the apocalypse approaches, Shriver has a gimlet eye for the foibles of todays secure (or so it thinks) upper middle class, from Washingtons Cleveland Park to Brooklyn. About the gentrification of the latter, she observes: Oh, you could get a facelift nearby, put your dog in therapy, or spend $500 at Ottawa on a bafflingly trendy dinner of Canadian cuisine (the citys elite was running out of new ethnicities whose food could become fashionable). But you couldnt buy a screwdriver, pick up a gallon of paint, take in your dry cleaning, get new tips on your high heels, copy a key, or buy a slice of pizza. Wealthy residents might own bicycles worth $5K, but no shop within miles would repair the brakes. ... High rents had priced out the very service sector whose presence at ready hand once helped to justify urban living.

The (only) good news from Shrivers squint into the future is that when Americans are put through a wringer, they emerge tougher, with less talk about ADHD, gluten intolerance and emotional support animals.

Speaking to Reason, Shriver said: I think that the bullet we dodged in 2008 is still whizzing around the planet and is going to hit us in the head. If so, this story has already been written.

George Will (georgewill@washpost.com) is a columnist for TheWashington Post.

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Will: A wry squint into our grim future - Daily Commercial

Atlas Shrugged and Ayn Rand’s Morality of Egoism – The Objective … – The Objective Standard

From The Objective Standard, Vol. 7, No. 2.

This essay is part of a compilation ebook, Objectivism, available at Amazon.com.

Authors note: This is an expanded version of a talk Ive delivered on various college campuses over the past several years.

Because of its seemingly prophetic nature with respect to current events, Ayn Rands 1957 novel Atlas Shrugged is receiving more attention and selling at greater volume today than it did when it was first published fifty-five years ago. Thats a good thing, because the ideas set forth in Atlas are crucial to personal happiness, social harmony, and political freedom.

Atlas Shrugged is first and foremost a brilliant suspense story about a man who said he would stop the motor of the world and did. But the book is much more than a great novel. Integrated into the story is a revolutionary philosophya philosophy not for pie-in-the-sky debates or academic word games or preparing for an afterlife, but for understanding reality, achieving values, and living on earth.

Rands philosophy, which she named Objectivism, includes a view of the nature of reality, of mans means of knowledge, of mans nature and means of survival, of a proper morality, of a proper social system, and of the nature and value of art. It is a comprehensive philosophy, which, after writing Atlas Shrugged, Rand elaborated in several nonfiction books. But it all came together initially in Atlas, in which Rand dramatized her philosophyalong with the ideas that oppose it.

While writing Atlas, Rand made a journal entry in which she said, My most important job is the formulation of a rational morality of and for man, of and for his life, of and for this earth.1 She proceeded to formulate just such a morality, and to show what it means in practice.

Tonight, were going to focus on the morality presented in Atlas Shrugged, but I want to do so without spoiling the novel for those of you who havent yet read it. And since it is impossible to say much of substance about Atlas without giving away key elements of its plot and the mystery of the novel, Im going to limit my discussion of the book to a brief indication of its plotwithout giving away anything pivotalafter which Ill discuss Rands morality of egoism directly.

Atlas Shrugged is a story about a future world in which the entire globe, with the exception of America, has fallen under the rule of various Peoples States or dictatorships. America, the only country that is not yet fully socialized, is sliding rapidly in that direction, as it increasingly accepts the ideas that lead to dictatorship, ideas such as self-sacrifice is noble, self-interest is evil, and greedy producers and businessmen have a moral obligation to serve the greater good of society.

Given this cultural climate, the economy becomes increasingly regulated by the government, and the country slides further and further into economic chaos: Factories shut down, trains stop running, businesses close their doors, people starvejust what you would expect if the U.S. government started acting like the government of the USSR.

But then, something strange starts happening. Americas top producersvarious scientists, inventors, businessmen, and artistsstart to disappear. One by one, they simply vanish. And no one knows where theyve gone or why.

Consequently, the supply of goods and servicesfrom scientific discoveries to copper to wheat to automobiles to oil to medicine to entertainmentreduces to a trickle and eventually comes to a halt. Life as Americans once knew it ceases to exist. The country is in ruins.

Where did the producers go and why? Were they killed? Were they kidnapped? Do they return? How is this resolved?

Read the book. Youll be riveted.

As I said, I dont want to give away the story, but I will mention its theme. The theme of Atlas Shrugged is the role of the mind in mans existence. The novel dramatizes the fact that the reasoning mind is the basic source of the values on which human life depends. And this is not only the theme of Atlas; it is also the essence of Rands philosophy of Objectivism: Reasonthe faculty that operates by means of observation, concepts, and logicis the source of all knowledge, values, and prosperity.

In this same vein, the theme of my talk tonight is the role of the mindspecifically your mindin understanding, evaluating, and embracing a moral code.

Suppose you are offered two moral codes from which to chooseand whichever one you choose, you have to live by it for the rest of your life. The first code tells you that your life is supremely importantthat it is properly the single most important thing in the world to you. This code says that you should live a wonderful, joy-filled life, and it provides an abundance of guidance about how to do so: how to make your life great; how to choose your goals, organize your values, and prioritize the things that are important to you; how to succeed in school, in friendships, and in romance; how to choose a career that youll love and how to succeed in it. And so on. In short, this first moral code provides you guidance for achieving a lifetime of happiness and prosperity.

The second moral code offers an entirely different kind of guidance. It tells you not that you should live a wonderful life, not that you should pursue and achieve your goals and valuesbut, rather, that your life is unimportant, that you should sacrifice your values, that you should give them up for the sake of others, that you should abandon the pursuit of personal happiness and accept the kind of life that results from doing so. Thats it. Thats the guidance provided by the second code.

All else being equal, which moral code would you chooseand why?

I suspect that, on serious reflection, you would choose the first code. I further suspect that your reasoning would be something on the order of: Were talking about my life here. If its true that embracing the first code will make my life wonderful, and embracing the second will make it miserable, then this is a no-brainer.

I think thats good reasoning. Lets see if it holds up under scrutiny as we flesh out the respective natures and implications of these two codes.

The first code is Rands morality of rational egoism, which lies at the heart of Atlas Shrugged and is the centerpiece of Objectivism. The second code is the traditional ethics of altruismwhich is the cause of all the trouble in Atlas Shrugged and is the ethics on which we all were raised. In order to be clear about what Rands egoism is, I want to compare and contrast it with altruism. This will serve to highlight the value of Rands ideas and help to dispel potential misconceptions about her views. It will also show how destructive altruism is and why we desperately need to replace it with rational egoismboth personally and culturally. (I will be using the terms egoism and rational egoism interchangeably for reasons that will become clear as we proceed.)

Let me stress that I cannot present the whole of Rands morality in one eveningthat would be impossible. What Im going to do is just indicate its essence, by discussing a few of its key principles. My aim is to show you that there is something enormously important heresomething important to your life and happinessand to inspire you to look further into the subject on your own.

To begin, observe that each of you brought a morality with you tonight. It is right there in your headwhether you are conscious of it or not. Each of you has a set of ideas about what is good and bad, right and wrongabout what you should and shouldnt do. And you refer to these ideas, implicitly or explicitly, when making choices and taking actions in your daily life. Should I study for the test, or cheat on it, or not worry about it? What career should I chooseand how should I choose it? Is environmentalism a good movement or a bad one? What should I do this weekend? How should I spend my time? Whom should I befriend? Whom can I trust? Is homosexuality wrong? Does a fetus have rights? What is the proper way to deal with terrorists?

The answers one gives to such questions depend on ones morality. This is what a morality is: a set of ideas and principles to guide ones choices, evaluations, and actions.

Because as human beings we have to make choicesbecause we have free willa morality of some kind is unavoidable to us. Morality is truly inescapable. Our only choice in this regard is whether we acquire our morality through conscious deliberationor by default, through social osmosis.

If we acquire our morality by default, we will most likely accept the dominant morality in the culture today: altruismthe idea that being moral consists in being selfless. Dont be selfish!Put others first!It is more blessed to give than to receive.Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.Volunteer to serve in your community.Sacrifice for the greater good. And so on.

This is the morality that surrounded all of us growing upand that still surrounds us today. It is the morality taught in church, synagogue, and schooloffered in books, movies, and on TVand encouraged by most parents.

Interestingly, however, although our culture is steeped in this morality, the actual meaning of altruism, in the minds of most people, is quite vague. Is a doctor acting altruistically when he cares for his patients? Or is he seeking to gain from doing so? Are parents being altruistic when they pay for their childrens education? Or is it in their best interest to do so? Are American soldiers acting altruistically when they defend our freedom? Or is defending our freedom in their self-interest? Are you acting altruistically when you throw a birthday party for your best friend? Or do you do so because he or she is a great value to youand thus, something is in it for you?

What exactly is the difference between self-less action and self-interested action? What is the difference between altruism and egoism?

To understand how each differs from the other, we need to understand the basic theory of each code and what each calls for in practice. To begin clarifying this issue, let us turn first to altruism.

Altruism is the morality that holds self-sacrificial service as the standard of moral value and as the sole justification for ones existence. Here, in the words of altruistic philosopher W. G. Maclagan, is the basic principle: According to altruism, the moral importance of being alive lies in its constituting the condition of our ability to serve ends that are not reducible to our personal satisfactions.2 This means that the moral importance of your life corresponds to your acts of selflessnessacts that do not satisfy your personal needs. Insofar as you do not act selflessly, your life has no moral significance. Quoting Maclagan again, altruism holds that we have a duty to relieve the stress and promote the happiness of our fellows. . . . [We] should discount altogether [our] own pleasure or happiness as such when . . . deciding what course of action to pursue. . . . [Our] own happiness is, as such, a matter of no moral concern to [us] whatsoever.3

Ayn Rand was not exaggerating when she said, The basic principle of altruism is that man has no right to exist for his own sake, that service to others is the only justification of his existence, and that self-sacrifice is his highest moral duty, virtue, and value.4 That is the theoretical meaning of altruism. And the altruistic philosophers know itand state it forthrightly. (Well hear from more of them a little later.)

Now, what does altruism mean in practice? Suppose a person accepts altruism as true and strives to practice it consistently. What will become of his life?

A widely-used college philosophy text gives us a good indication. As I read this passage, bear in mind that this is not someone speaking for or against altruism. This is just a textbook writers depiction of what altruism means in practice.

A pure altruist doesnt consider her own welfare at all but only that of others. If she had a choice between an action that would produce a great benefit for herself (such as enabling her to go to college) and an action that would produce no benefit for herself but a small benefit for someone else (such as enabling him to go to a concert this evening), she should do the second. She should be selfless, considering herself not at all: she should face death rather than subject another person to a minor discomfort. She is committed to serving others only and to pass up any benefits to herself.5

That illustrates the practical meaning of altruismand indicates why no one practices it consistently.

Observe, however, that whether practiced consistently or inconsistently, the basic principle of altruism remains the same: The only moral justification of your existence is self-sacrificial service to others. That some people subscribe to altruism but fail to uphold it consistently does not make their moral code different in kind from that of a person who practices it consistently; the difference is only one of degree. The consistent altruist is acting with a bizarre form of integritythe kind of integrity that leads to his suffering and death. The inconsistent altruist is acting with plain-old hypocrisyalbeit a necessary hypocrisy given his moral code.

And not only is the altruists morality the same in kind; the consequences of accepting it are the same in kind, too. To the extent that a person acts selflessly, he thereby thwarts his life and happiness. He might not die because of it, but he certainly will not live fully; he will not make the most of his life; he will not achieve the kind of happiness that is possible to him.

Have you accepted the principle of altruism? If so, how is it affecting your life?

Have you ever done something for the sake of othersat the expense of what you really thought was best for your own life? For instance: Have you ever accepted an invitation to dine with someone whose company you do not enjoybecause you didnt want to hurt his or her feelings? Have you ever skipped an eventsuch as a ski trip or a weekend at the beach with your friendsin order to spend time with family members youd really rather not see? Have you ever remained in a relationship that you know is not in your best interestbecause you think that he or she couldnt handle the breakup?

Conversely, have you ever felt guilty for not sacrificing for others? Have you ever felt ashamed for doing something that was in your own best interest? For instance, have you felt guilty for not giving change to a beggar on a street corner? Or guilty for pursuing a degree in business or art or something you loverather than doing something allegedly noble, such as joining the Peace Corps?

These are just some of the consequences of accepting the morality of altruism.

Altruism is not good for your life: If you practice it consistently, it leads to death. Thats what Jesus did. If you accept it and practice it inconsistently, it retards your life and leads to guilt. This is what most altruists do.

Rational egoism, as the name suggests, and as we will see, is good for your life. It says that you should pursue your life-serving values and should not sacrifice yourself for the sake of others. Practiced consistently, it leads to a life of happiness. Practiced inconsistentlywell, why be inconsistent here? Why not live a life of happiness? Why sacrifice at all? What reason is there to do so? (We will address the profound lack of an answer to this question later.)

At this point, we can begin to see why Rand called altruism The Morality of Death. To fully grasp why it is the morality of death, however, we must understand that the essence of altruism is not serving others but self-sacrifice. So I want to reiterate this point with emphasis.

Altruism does not call merely for serving others; it calls for self-sacrificially serving others. Otherwise, Michael Dell would have to be considered more altruistic than Mother Teresa. Why? Because Michael Dell serves millions more people than Mother Teresa ever did.

There is a difference, of course, in the way he serves people. Whereas Mother Teresa served people by exchanging her time and effort for nothing, Michael Dell serves people by trading with themby exchanging value for value to mutual advantagean exchange in which both sides gain.

Trading value for value is not the same thing as giving up values for nothing. There is a black-and-white difference between pursuing values and giving them upbetween achieving values and relinquishing thembetween exchanging a lesser value for a greater oneand vice versa.

In an effort to make their creed seem more palatable, pushers of altruism will try to blur this distinction in your mind. It is important not to let them get away with it. Dont be duped!

Altruists claim, for instance, that parents sacrifice when they pay for their children to attend college. But this is ridiculous: Presumably, parents value their childrens education more than they value the money they spend on it. If so, then the sacrifice would be for them to forgo their childrens education and spend the money on a lesser valuesuch as a Ferrari.

Altruists also claim that romantic love requires sacrifices. But this is ridiculous, too: Honey, Id really rather be with another woman, but here I am sacrificially spending my time with you. Or: Id really rather have spent this money on a new set of golf clubs, but instead I sacrificially bought you this necklace for your birthday. Or: Its our anniversaryso Im fixing you your favorite dish for a candlelit dinnereven though Id rather be playing poker with the guys.

Is that love? Only if love is sacrificial.

Altruists also claim that American soldiers sacrifice by serving in the military. Not so. Our non-drafted soldiers serve for a number of self-interested reasons. Here are three: (1) They serve for the same reason that the Founding Fathers formed this countrybecause they value liberty, because they realize that liberty is a requirement of human life, which is the reason why Patrick Henry ended his famous speech with Give me Liberty or give me Death! His was not an ode to sacrifice; it was an ode to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. (2) Our soldiers serve in exchange for payment and educationwhich are clearly in their self-interest. (3) They serve because they are fascinated by military science and want to make a career of itanother selfish motive.

Do some of these soldiers die in battle? Unfortunately, yes. Theirs is a dangerous job. But American soldiers dont willfully give up their lives: They dont walk out on the battlefield and say, Shoot me! Nor do they strap bombs to their bodies and detonate themselves in enemy camps. On the contrary, they do everything they can to beat the enemy, win the war, and remain aliveeven when the Bush and Obama administrations tie their hands with altruistic restrictions on how they can fight.

The point is that a sacrifice is not any choice or action that precludes some other choice or action. A sacrifice is not any old exchange. A sacrifice is, as Rand put it, the surrender of a greater value for the sake of a lesser one or of a non-value.6

Whether or not one is committing a sacrifice depends on what is more important and what is less important to ones life. To make this determination, of course, one must know the relative importance of ones values in regard to ones life. But if one does establish this hierarchy, one can proceed non-sacrificiallyand consistently so.

For example, if you know that your education is more important to your life than is, say, a night on the town with your friends, then if you stay home in order to study for a crucial examrather than going out with your buddiesthat is not a sacrifice. The sacrifice would be to hit the town and botch the exam.

Life requires that we regularly forgo lesser values for the sake of greater ones. But these are gains, not sacrifices. A sacrifice consists in giving up something that is more important for the sake of something that is less important; thus, it results in a net loss.

Altruism, the morality of self-sacrifice, is the morality of personal lossand it does not countenance personal gain. This is not a caricature of altruism; it is the essence of the morality. As arch-altruist Peter Singer (the famed utilitarian philosopher at Princeton University) explains, to the extent that [people] are motivated by the prospect of obtaining a reward or avoiding a punishment, they are not acting altruistically. . . .7 Arch-altruist Thomas Nagel (a philosophy professor at New York University) concurs: Altruism entails a willingness to act in consideration of the interests of other persons, without the need of ulterior motivesulterior motives meaning, of course, personal gains.8

To understand the difference between egoistic action and altruistic action, we must grasp the difference between a trade and a sacrificebetween a gain and a lossand we must not allow altruists to blur this distinction in our mind. Egoism, as we will see, calls for personal gains. Altruism, as we have seen, calls for personal losses.

Now, despite its destructive nature, altruism is accepted to some extent by almost everyone today. Of course, no one upholds it consistentlyat least not for long. Rather, most people accept it as trueand then cheat on it.

All the major religionsChristianity, Judaism, Islamadvocate altruism; their holy books demand it. All so-called secular humanist philosophiesutilitarianism, postmodernism, egalitarianismcall for altruism as well. (Note that secular humanists do not call themselves secular egoists or secular individualists.)

Alter is Latin for other; altruism means other-ism; it holds that you should sacrifice for others. From the Christian, Jewish, and Muslim points of view, the significant others are God and the poor; in the Old Testament, for instance, God says: I command you to be openhanded toward your brothers and toward the poor and needy in your land (Deuteronomy 15:11). From the utilitarian point of view, the other is everyone in general; the utilitarian principle is the greatest good for the greatest number. From the postmodern and egalitarian points of view, the other is anyone with less wealth or opportunity than you have; in other words, the better off you are, the more you should sacrifice for othersthe worse off you are, the more others should sacrifice for you.

Sacrifice. Sacrifice. Sacrifice. Everyone believes it is the moral thing to do. And no philosopher has been willing to challenge this idea.

Except Ayn Rand:

[T]here is one worda single wordwhich can blast the morality of altruism out of existence and which it cannot withstandthe word: Why? Why must man live for the sake of others? Why must he be a sacrificial animal? Why is that the good? There is no earthly reason for itand, ladies and gentlemen, in the whole history of philosophy no earthly reason has ever been given.9

On examination, this is true. No reason has ever been given as to why people should sacrifice for others. Of course, alleged reasons have been given, but not legitimate ones. So lets consider the alleged reasonsof which there are approximately sixeach of which involves a logical fallacy.

1. You should sacrifice because God (or some other voice from another dimension) says so. This is not a reasoncertainly not an earthly one. At best, it is an appeal to authoritythat is, to the authorities who claim to speak for God. Just because a preacher or a book makes a claim does not mean the claim is true. The Bible claims, among other things, that a bush spoke. More fundamentally, this non-reason is an arbitrary claim because there is no evidence for the existence of a god. But even those who believe in a god can recognize the fallacy of appealing to an authority.

2. You should sacrifice because thats the general consensus. This is not a reason but an appeal to the masses. Matters of truth and morality are not determined by consensus. That slavery should be legal used to be the general consensus in America, and is still the consensus in parts of Africa. That did not and does not make it so. Nor does consensus legitimize the notion that you or anyone else should sacrifice or be sacrificed.

3. You should sacrifice because other people need the benefit of your sacrifice. This is an appeal to pity. Even if other people did need the benefit of your sacrifice, it would not follow that this is a reason to sacrifice. More importantly, however, the notion that people need the benefit of your sacrifice is false. What people need is to produce values and to trade them with others who produce values. And to do so, they and others must be free to produce and trade according to their own judgment. This, not human sacrifice, is what human life requires. (Ill touch on the relationship between freedom and egoism a little later.)

4. You should sacrifice because if you dont, you will be beaten, or fined, or thrown in jail, or in some other way physically assaulted. The threat of force is not a reason; it is the opposite of a reason. If the force wielders could offer a reason why you should sacrifice, then they would not have to use force; they could use persuasion instead of coercion.

5. You should sacrifice because, well, when you grow up or wise up youll see that you should. This is not a reason, but a personal attack and an insult. It says, in effect, If you dont see the virtue of sacrifice, then youre childish or stupidas if demanding a reason in support of a moral conviction could indicate a lack of maturity or intelligence.

6. You should sacrifice because only a miscreant or a scoundrel would challenge this established fact. This kind of claim assumes that you regard others opinions of you as more important than your own judgment of truth. It is also an example of what Ayn Rand called The Argument from Intimidation: the attempt to substitute psychological pressure for rational argument. Like the personal attack, it is an attempt to avoid having to present a rational case for a position for which no rational case can be made.

Thats it. Such are the reasons offered in support of the claim that you should sacrifice. Dont take my word for it; ask around. Ask your philosophy professors. Ask a priest or rabbi. You will find that all the reasons offered are variants of theseeach of which, so far from being a reason, is a textbook logical fallacy. (Most even have fancy Latin names.)

Ayn Rand demanded reasons for her convictions. So should we.

She set out to discover a rational moralityone based on observable facts and logic. Rather than starting with the question Which of the existing codes of value should I accept?she began with the question, What are values and why does man need them? This question pointed her away from the established viewsand toward the facts of reality.

Looking at reality, Rand observed that a value is that which one acts to gain or keep. You can see the truth of this in your own life: You act to gain and keep money; you value it. You act to gain and keep good grades; you value them. You act to choose and develop a fulfilling career. You seek to meet the right guy or girl and build a wonderful relationship. And so on.

Looking at reality, Rand also saw that only living organisms take self-generated, goal-directed action. Trees, tigers, and people take actions toward goals. Rocks, rivers, and hammers do not. Trees, for example, extend their roots into the ground and their branches and leaves toward the sky; they value nutrients and sunlight. Tigers hunt antelope, and nap under trees; they value food and shade. And people act to gain their values, such as nutrition, education, a career, romance, and so on.

Further, Rand saw that the ultimate reason living organisms take such actions is to further their life. She discovered that an organisms life is its ultimate goal and standard of valueand that mans life is the standard of moral value: the standard by which one judges what is good and what is evil. Mans lifemeaning: that which is required to sustain and further the life of a human beingconstitutes the standard of moral value.

Now, the validation of the principle that life is the standard of value has a number of aspects, and we dont have time to consider all of them tonight. For our purposes here, I want to focus briefly on just a few.

By pursuing the question Why does man need values?Ayn Rand kept her thinking fact-oriented. If man needs values, then the reason he needs them will go a long way toward establishing which values are legitimate and which are not. If man doesnt need values, well, then, he doesnt need themand there is no point in pursuing the issue at all. What Rand discovered is that man does need valuesand the reason he needs them is in order to live. Life, she discovered, is the ultimate goal of our actions; life is the final end toward which all our other values are properly the means.

Granted, because we have free will we can take antilife actionsand, as we have seen, altruism senselessly calls for us to do just that. But the point is that we dont need to take antilife actions, unless we want to diein which case, we dont really need to take any action at all. We dont need to do anything in order to die; if thats what we want, we can simply stop acting altogether and we will soon wither away.

If we want to live, however, we must pursue life-serving valuesand we must do so by choice.

Free will enables us to choose our values. This is what gives rise to the field of morality. Morality is the realm of chosen values. But whatever our choices, these facts remain: The only reason we can pursue values is because we are alive, and the only reason we need to pursue values is in order to live.

This two-pronged principle of Rands philosophy is essential to understanding how the Objectivist morality is grounded in the immutable facts of reality: (1) Only life makes values possiblesince nonliving things cannot pursue values; and (2) only life makes values necessarysince only living things need to pursue values.

Observing reality, we can see that this is true: A rock doesnt have values. It cant act to gain or keep things; it just stays stillunless some outside force, such as a wave or a hammer, hits and moves it. And it doesnt need to gain or keep things, because its continued existence is unconditional. A rock can change formsfor instance, it can be crushed and turned to sand, or melted and turned to liquidbut it cannot go out of existence. The continued existence of a living organism, however, is conditionaland this is what gives rise to the possibility and need of values. A tree must achieve certain endsor else it will die. Its chemical elements will remain, but its life will go out of existence. A tiger must achieve certain ends, too, or it will meet the same fate. And a personif he is to remain alivemust achieve certain ends as well.

The Objectivist ethicsrecognizing all of thisholds human life as the standard of moral value. It holds that acting in accordance with the requirements of human life is moral, and acting in contradiction to those requirements is immoral. It is a fact-based, black-and-white ethics.

Now, combining the principle that human life is the standard of moral value with the observable fact that people are individualseach with his own body, his own mind, his own lifewe reach another principle of the Objectivist ethics: Each individuals own life is his own ultimate value. This means that each individual is morally an end in himselfnot a means to the ends of others. Accordingly, he has no moral duty to sacrifice himself for the sake of others. Nor does he have a moral right to sacrifice others for his own sake. On principle, neither self-sacrifice nor the sacrifice of others is moral, because, on principle, human sacrifice as such is immoral.

Human life does not require people to sacrifice themselves for the sake of others; nor does it require people to sacrifice others for their own sake. Human life simply does not require human sacrifice; people can live without giving up their minds, their values, their lives; people can live without killing, beating, robbing, or defrauding one another.

Moreover, human sacrifice cannot promote human life and happiness; it can lead only to suffering and death. If people want to live and be happy they must neither sacrifice themselves nor sacrifice others; rather, they must pursue life-serving values and respect the rights of others to do the same. And, given the role of morality in human life, in order to do so, they must accept the morality that advocates doing so.

In a sentence, the Objectivist ethics holds that human sacrifice is immoraland that each person should pursue his own life-serving values and respect the rights of others to do the same. This is the basic principle of rational egoism. And the reason it sounds so good is because it is good; it is right; it is true. This principle is derived from the observable facts of reality and the demonstrable requirements of human life. Where else could valid moral principles come from? And what other purpose could they serve?

We can now see why Ayn Rand said, The purpose of morality is to teach you, not to suffer and die, but to enjoy yourself and live. Morality, properly conceived, is not a hindrance to a life of happiness; rather, it is the means to such a life.

So let us turn to the question of how to enjoy yourself and live. If that is the right thing to do, then whataccording to the Objectivist ethicsis the means to that end?

First and foremost, in order to live and achieve happiness, we have to use reason. Hence the technically redundant word rational in rational egoism. Reason is our means of understanding the world, ourselves, and our needs. It is the faculty that operates by means of perceptual observation and conceptual abstractionby means of our five senses and our ability to think logically, to make causal connections, and to form principles.

It is by means of reason that we identify what things are, what properties they have, and how we can use them for our life-serving purposes. For example, it is by the use of reason that we learn about plants, soil, the principles of agriculture, and how to produce food. It is by means of reason that we learn about wool, silk, and how to make looms and produce clothing. It is by means of reason that we learn the principles of chemistry and biology and how to produce medicine and perform surgery; the principles of engineering and how to build homes and skyscrapers; the principles of aerodynamics and how to make and fly jumbo jets; the principles of physics and how to produce and control nuclear energy. And so on.

On a more personal level, it is by means of reason that we are able to develop fulfilling careers, to engage in rewarding hobbies, and to establish and maintain good friendships. And it is by means of reason that we are able to achieve success in romance.

Since this last is perhaps less obvious than the others, lets focus on it for a minute.

To establish and maintain a good romantic relationship, you have to take into account all the relevant facts pertaining to that goal. To begin with, you have to know what kind of relationship will actually be good for your life; you were not born with this knowledge, nor do you gain it automatically. To acquire it, you have to observe reality and think logically. Further, you have to find someone who suits your needs and lives up to your standards. To do so, you have to judge peoples characters and qualities accuratelywhich requires reason. Once found, you have to treat the person justlyas he or she deserves to be treated. To do this, you have to understand and apply the principle of justice (which we will discuss shortly). Your means of understanding and applying it is reason.

To succeed in romance, you have to discover and act in accordance with a lot of facts and principles. You must think and act rationally. If you choose a lover irrationally, or treat your lover irrationally, then your love life will be doomed. Im sure you all know of people who approach relationships irrationallyand what the results are.

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Atlas Shrugged and Ayn Rand's Morality of Egoism - The Objective ... - The Objective Standard

A vision of a grim future – Bluefield Daily Telegraph

Although Americas political system seems unable to stimulate robust, sustained economic growth, it at least is stimulating consumption of a small but important segment of literature. Dystopian novels are selling briskly Aldous Huxleys Brave New World (1932), Sinclair Lewis It Cant Happen Here (1935), George Orwells Animal Farm (1945) and 1984 (1949), Ray Bradburys Fahrenheit 451 (1953) and Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale (1985), all warning about nasty regimes displacing democracy.

There is, however, a more recent and pertinent presentation of a grim future. Last year, in her 13th novel, The Mandibles: A Family, 2029-2047, Lionel Shriver imagined America slouching into dystopia merely by continuing current practices.

Shriver, who is fascinated by the susceptibility of complex systems to catastrophic collapses, begins her story after the 2029 economic crash and the Great Renunciation, whereby the nation, like a dissolute Atlas, shrugged off its national debt, saying to creditors: Its nothing personal. The world is not amused, and Americans subsequent downward social mobility is not pretty.

Florence Darkly, a millennial, is a single mother but such mothers now outnumber married ones. Newspapers have almost disappeared, so print journalism had given way to a rabble of amateurs hawking unverified stories and always to an ideological purpose. Mexico has paid for an electronic border fence to keep out American refugees. Her Americans are living, on average, to 92, the economy is powered by the whims of the retired, and, desperate to qualify for entitlements, these days everyone couldnt wait to be old. People who have never been told no are apoplectic if they cant retire at 52. Antibiotic-resistant bacteria are ubiquitous, so shaking hands is imprudent.

Soldiers in combat fatigues, wielding metal detectors, search houses for gold illegally still in private hands. The government monitors every movement and the IRS, renamed the Bureau for Social Contribution Assistance, siphons up everything, on the you-didnt-build-that principle: Morally, your money does belong to everybody. The creation of capital requires the whole apparatus of the state to protect property rights, including intellectual property.

Social order collapses when hyperinflation follows the promiscuous printing of money after the Renunciation. This punishes those who had a conscientious, caretaking relationship to the future. Government salaries and Medicare reimbursements are linked to an inflation algorithm that didnt require further action from Congress. Even if a Snickers bar eventually cost $5 billion, they were safe.

In a Reason magazine interview, Shriver says, I think it is in the nature of government to infinitely expand until it eats its young. In her novel, she writes:

The state starts moving money around. A little fairnesshere, little more fairnessthere. ... Eventually social democracies all arrive at the same tipping point: where half the country depends on the other half. ... Government becomes a pricey, clumsy, inefficient mechanism for transferring wealth from people who do something to people who dont, and from the young to the old which is the wrong direction. All that effort, and youve only managed a new unfairness.

Laughing mordantly as the apocalypse approaches, Shriver has a gimlet eye for the foibles of todays secure (or so it thinks) upper middle class, from Washingtons Cleveland Park to Brooklyn.

The (only) good news from Shrivers squint into the future is that when Americans are put through a wringer, they emerge tougher, with less talk about ADHD, gluten intolerance and emotional support animals.

Speaking to Reason, Shriver said: I think that the bullet we dodged in 2008 is still whizzing around the planet and is going to hit us in the head. If so, this story has already been written.

George Will writes for theWashington Post Writers Group. Email him atgeorgewill@washpost.com.

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A vision of a grim future - Bluefield Daily Telegraph

Meredith Jorgensen – KCCI Des Moines

Meredith Jorgensen is News 8s Lancaster County reporter.

She joined the News 8 team in July 2003. Merediths goal is to tell the stories of the people of the Susquehanna Valley. She covered the tornado in Campbelltown, Lebanon County, and the Amish School Shooting and the Empire Building Collapse in Lancaster County.

Meredith has won several Associated Press awards and was nominated for an Emmy Award in 2010.

She grew up in St. James, Long Island, N.Y. After graduating from Smithtown High School, she attended Ithaca College in upstate New York, where she majored in broadcast journalism.

She spent a semester in London and interned at NBC'S London bureau. Before joining News 8, Meredith worked for Blue Ridge Cable in Ephrata, anchoring "CNN Headline News Local Edition." Shes a member of the Society of Professional Journalists.

Meredith makes her home in Lancaster, with her husband Chris and their dogs, Barlie and Molly. Throughout high school and college, she was an avid cross country runner, hurdler and heptathlete.

But Meredith has recently found sitting down to be quite enjoyable.

Her favorite movies are "The Departed" and "When Harry Met Sally."

Her favorite books are "Atlas Shrugged" by Ayn Rand and Chelsea Chelsea Bang Bang by Chelsea Handler.

She looks forward to meeting many of you in the months and years to come. Please e-mail her at mjorgensen@hearst.com.

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Meredith Jorgensen - KCCI Des Moines

Doctor Who: Is Regeneration a Fundamentally Abusive Act by The Doctor? – Houston Press

Wednesday, March 8, 2017 at 7 a.m.

Screencap: "The Day of The Doctor"

Heres a dark thought I recently had while contemplating the upcoming end of Peter Capaldi as The Doctor that is almost certainly going to make my Christmas needlessly sad this year: is the act of regeneration a fundamentally abusive one? I dont mean that in a fan way, how we all (rightfully) go on and on about the damage that the show does to us emotionally. I mean in a canonical sense, one that the players experience within the narrative.

Suicide and the threat of suicide are one of the many classifications of emotional abuse. The latter as a means of control, but the former as a means of revenge. Theres a classic example in literature when in the pages of Atlas Shrugged a minor character I dont feel like Googling the name of commits suicide in the bed of a woman who declined his romantic invitations. On her wedding day, no less. The object was clearly to hurt, and real world examples are not hard to find. The phrase, you made me do this sends chills down many peoples spines for a reason.

Of course, the question of whether the regeneration of The Doctor is death as we would understand it is complicated, but for the sake of argument lets take Ten at his word and assume that a new man saunters off with the life of The Doctor while the old one is gone. Lets look at some of those deaths.

Several can be ruled irrelevant to my question. Seven, Eight and the War Doctor died alone and bereft of companions, the last one intentionally so. The Second Doctor also, I feel, should not count in this as he, alone of all The Doctors, actively opposed regeneration and his companions were mindwiped (yes, I know the continuity arguments, but stay focused). The Meta-Crisis Tenth Doctor is also not included in this list for obvious reasons.

But what of the rest?

Almost no Doctor prepares his companions for the process. Ben and Polly were baffled at the change of the First Doctor to the Second. Peri was the same for the Fifth to the Sixth, as was Rose from the Ninth to the Tenth. To these young women (and one man), their dearest friend had been killed, and now they were forced to accept another in his place on his terms. Viewed in a certain light, that is really, really gaslighty, even if we look at things from The Doctors point of view. Nine even went to the trouble to record a farewell primer (which doesnt exactly hurt the suicide analogy), but never thought to mention he might regenerate until the last possible minute.

Even with Clara Oswald, who is ostensibly the only companion present at a non-Meta Crisis regeneration that had to have known the concept even existed, theres something so cruel in it. She literally begs of him, please dont change, even though the change is the end of the weak old man shed met earlier and the start of new adventures.

The simple answer to all of this is that The Doctor is kind of a thoughtless git, and I dare anyone to argue THAT particular point with me. The obvious aside, I see three possible motivations in The Doctors cavalier attitude towards his own death and the emotional damage it inflicts on those he loves (Eight at one point remarks hes going through bodies as if he owns a particularly dangerous bicycle).

The first is that he is constantly hoping to spare them the pain. This rather flies in the face of logic for the Tenth Doctor and his farewell tour, particularly when you consider the guilt Wilfred Mott must have felt at The Doctors sacrifice. Hell, go beyond that to the famous instance of Six trying to kill Peri in his post-regeneration madness, the woman Five had died to save. Having been an apostle of this funny pop culture religion for many moons, I dont think this one has legs.

The second is my original premise. Regeneration is a final act of emotional abuse by The Doctor on those who circumstances have ended his current incarnation. Its a petty moment of hurt amidst all the nobility The Doctor is an avatar for, or maybe

Its a lesson, albeit a very painful one. One of the last things Eleven says as he hallucinates Amy in front of Clara is that Amy was the first face that face ever saw, and Clara immediately becomes the first face Twelve ever sees. Our actions, in The Doctors grasp of time, both save and doom the world. Meeting Amy and Clara were both the trajectory of Elevens life and the catalysts of his final death.

It hurts the ones we love to die, to be no more. Whether there is a Doctor is often immaterial to the fact of whether there is YOUR Doctor. The Doctor, who is unique among Time Lords for actually seeming to care who exactly he is during his incarnations, actually makes meaning of the span each inhabits. As such, he can only hook his fleeting mortality to ours by, well, dying. He dies to show us how life matters, even if that death is cruel.

Theres a literary convention based off a world religion that describes this concept perfectly, but I cant for the life of me recall it at the moment. Something about some resurrecting dude from a place that sounds like Gallifrey, but isnt.

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Doctor Who: Is Regeneration a Fundamentally Abusive Act by The Doctor? - Houston Press

How Conservatives Begat Trump, and What to Do About It – The … – The Objective Standard

In the wake of Donald Trumps ascent to dominance in the GOP, conservative leaders blame Republicans for the calamity. But they shouldnt.

Before we turn to why they shouldnt, consider why they do.

There are many reasons Donald Trump is the presumptive Republican presidential nominee, writes Dennis Prager, but the biggest reason is this: The majority of Republicans are not conservative.

David French observes that the party of Lincoln is in ruins, calls for conservatives to stay firm in their opposition to Trump, and scolds GOP leaders for supporting this reprehensible man.

Jay Cost says the Republican party of 2016 is a spectacular failure:

Lacking sufficient organization and largely bereft of vigilant leaders, it has proven itself incapable of refining and enlarging public views around a principled commitment to the national interest. It is little wonder that a demagogic, ill-informed outsider like Trump is on the cusp of capturing its most important nomination. The party lacks the strength to resist him.

And Matt Walsh chastises Trump-supporting Republicans who

turned out in droves for a left-wing vulgarian who, when hes not bragging of his adultery or fantasizing about dating his daughter or mocking POWs and the disabled, has taken to perpetuating conspiracy theories about how his former opponents father killed JFK.

Underscoring the insanity of supporting this mess of a man, Walsh recalls that Trump said himself, he could shoot someone in the middle of the street and these people would still follow himand, nevertheless, millions of Republicans have voted for him. There is no complaining now, Walsh concludes:

We cant whine about our demise. We chose it. Well, some of us did not choose it, yet we live in a country where millions of our fellow Americans did . . . And here we are. Thanks, Republicans.

Thats an indication of where conservatives are placing the blame.

First, let me acknowledge a kernel of truth in what these conservatives say: Every Republican who has supported or voted for Donald Trump is partly to blame for the political ascent of this repulsive, power-lusting opportunist. During the primaries, Republicans had the alternative of supporting and voting for Ted Cruz, a flawed but essentially good candidate, whose ideas and positions on the most pressing issues of the day were infinitely better than anyone elses in the race. So, shame on Republicans who had the means of knowing this, yet supported Trump (or anyone else) instead of Cruz.

But the political rise of Trump is not merely the fault of Republicans. It is also, and more so, the fault of conservativesespecially conservative leaders, both old and new.

The seminal act of conservative culpability in this regard took place in 1957, shortly after the publication of Ayn Rands Atlas Shrugged.

In the pages of her revolutionary novel, Rand had handed conservatives, and the world in general, an observation-based, demonstrably true philosophy that, in addition to providing principled guidance for choosing and pursuing life-serving values at the personal level, also provides a rock-solid foundation for supporting and defending freedom and capitalism at the political level. This book was a godsend to everyone who loves life, loves America, and wants to advance the ideal of a government dedicated to protecting individuals rights to life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness.

What did conservatives do with this gift? They shat on it.

Two months after Atlas was published, William F. Buckleys popular conservative magazine, National Review, ran a review of the book, penned by ex-communist Whittaker Chambers. The reason for the scare quotes around the word review in the previoussentence is that it was not a review but a lie. A big lie. Indeed, it was and remains an unsurpassed (although often aspired to) model of intellectual dishonesty, injustice, malice.

The screed claimed, among myriad additional lies, that From almost any page of Atlas Shrugged, a voice can be heard, from painful necessity, commanding: To a gas chambergo!

To those who have read Atlas, that one claim is sufficient to convey the jaw-dropping depths of dishonesty involved in the so-called review. For those who havent read Atlas, Ill indicate briefly, without spoiling the plot of the novel, how obscenely dishonest this claim and the entire review it represents are.

Atlas is a story about the role of reason in human lifeabout the fact that the individuals reasoning mind is his only means of knowledge and his basic means of livingabout the principle that each individual is an end in himself, not a means to the ends of othersand about the principle that being moral consists in using ones mind to pursue ones life-serving values while respecting the rights of others to do the same.

Among the countless ways in which these ideas are vividly depicted and illustrated in Rands thousand-page novel, the heroes of Atlas take an oath, which they all uphold unwaveringly: I swearby my life and my love of itthat I will never live for the sake of another man, nor ask another man to live for mine.

As part of their commitment to living by this oath, the heroes call for a government that does one thing and one thing only: protects the rights of all individuals by banning physical force and fraud from social relationships so that everyone can act on his own judgment, produce goods and services, trade them with others by mutual consent to mutual advantage, and flourish in a land of liberty.

Also as part of their commitment to living by the principle that no one should ever sacrifice or be sacrificed for anyone, the heroes in Atlas, time and again, refuse to cooperate with government officials or unscrupulous businessmen who seek to violate anyones rights for any reason in any way whatsoever.

From this book, the reviewer for National Review heard a voice commanding: To a gas chambergo?

He did not. He lied.

He lied to discredit Ayn Rand and Atlas Shrugged. He lied to stop people from reading her work or taking her ideas seriously. And William F. Buckley and the editorial staff at National Review not only published this big lie and stood by it in 1957; they also have republished it repeatedly since then, most recently just a few years ago.

Following this initial conservative big lie about Rands ideas, similarly malicious treatments of Rand and her philosophy became the modus operandi of the leaders of the conservative movement. To this day, with few exceptions (Ted Cruz being one), if conservative leaders dont ignore Rands ideas (as Dennis Prager, Jay Cost, and Matt Walsh do), they misrepresent her ideas (as Daniel Flynn, Roger Scruton, Anthony Daniels, Andrew Klavan, Bill Whittle, and countless others do).

With their commitment to ignoring or maligning Rand and her philosophy of rational egoism, individual rights, and laissez-faire capitalism, leaders of the conservative movement have decisively severed themselves and their movement from any affiliation with the one philosophy that could support freedom, capitalism, and the American republic.

Before we turn to the results of such evasions and malice, lets briefly consider the motivations behind them.

If youre a professional intellectual (e.g., a philosopher, an economist, a journalist, or a political talk show host), and if your aim is to defend capitalism, and if an extremely careful thinker writes books with titles such as Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal and The New Left: The Anti-Industrial Revolution, might you have a professional responsibility to examine this thinkers arguments and to determine whether her views are true and worth sharingor false and in need of (honest) dismantling?

Why, then, have conservative intellectuals chosen instead to ignore or misrepresent Rands ideas? Why wont they consider the principles of her philosophy, take them straight, represent them accurately, and either acknowledge that they are trueor explain where Rand erred?

Here, we can only speculate. But I think the answer is rather straightforward.

Almost to a man, conservative intellectuals seek to anchor capitalism in religion, faith, and altruism. Rand, however, sawand demonstratedthat doing so is impossible. She showed that capitalism, the political-economic system of individual rights and self-interest, can be supported only by a morality of individual rights and self-interestnamely, rational egoism. Rand further sawand demonstratedthat for a morality to be valid, it cannot be derived from supernature via revelation or faith; rather, it must be derived from actual nature via observation and logic. And Rand not only demonstrated these (and many related) truths; she did so with such clarity and concretization that there is no way to analyze her works and point out where she erred in any substantial or fundamental waywhich is why no one has.

So, people who desperately want Rand to have erred about what is necessary to defend freedom and capitalismand who are unwilling to face the fact that she got these matters righthave two choices: (1) They can ignore her ideas; or (2) They can misrepresent them and thus appear to have acknowledged and dismissed her ideas, while actually having dismissed strawmen.

Why are conservatives unwilling to face the fact that Rand got these issues right? Again, we can only speculate, but, given the nature of Rands ideas along with uncontroversial facts about conservatives, the answer appears clear.

Rands philosophy opposes religious dogma and exposes it as baseless; thus, conservatives who are unwilling to challenge religious dogma cannot bring themselves to give her ideas a fair hearing. Conservatives, by and large, were taught, from Sunday school onward, that reason cant deliver the deepest, most important truthsonly faith can. They were taught that being moral consists in obeying Gods commandments, that selflessness is good and selfishness is evil, that we are our brothers keeper, that we must be openhanded toward the poor and needy, that we know all of this because the Bible tells us soand that none of this is to be challenged.

Well, Rand challenges all of it. And she not only challenges it; she also disproves itby proving (or demonstrating) the contrary in each respective area. For instance:

Conservatives who encounter Rands demonstrations and proofs are thus faced (implicitly or explicitly) with questions such as:

And conservatives answers to such questionsin conjunction with their willingness or unwillingness to face the scoffs and scorn that likely will come their way if they embrace the truths Rand discovereddetermine whether they (a) choose to embrace or at least grapple with her ideasor (b) choose between ignoring or misrepresenting them.

Again, this is speculation. But I cant think of another plausible explanation for why so many conservativesand virtually all conservative leaderseither ignore or misrepresent Rands ideas. (If you know of another plausible explanation, let me know.)

Now, how has the conservatives dismissal of Rands ideas paved the way for the political ascent of Donald Trump?

To answer that, we need only answer the question: What happens when the leaders of a political movement ostensibly dedicated to defending individual rights, freedom, and capitalism ignore the only demonstrably true moral and philosophic foundation for those valuesand, instead, pretend that such values can be defended by means of religion, faith, and altruism?

The answer is: They fail. And they leave a vacuum where the philosophic defense of capitalism should be.

Here we need not speculate, because its simple historic record.

During the past several decades, when conservative-championed political representatives have held office in the White House or Congress or both, they have (in the aggregate) increased government intervention in the economy, increased regulatory burdens on businesses, increased government spending, increased taxation, increased the size and scope of the welfare state, and generally increased rights violations by the government. (For examples of all of this, see The American Right, the Purpose of Government, and the Future of Liberty; The Republicans Opportunity to Restore America . . . and Their Obstacle; Altruism: The Moral Root of the Financial Crisis; The Creed of Sacrifice vs. The Land of Liberty; The Rise of American Big Government: A Brief History of How We Got Here; and The Decline and Fall of American Conservatism.)

Well, when conservative leaders through their representatives in government expand rights-violating policies for decades on end, what do the citizens who were counting on those leaders to constrain government and reduce spending and cut taxes come to think of the ideas behind the movement? Naturally, they come to the conclusion that the ideas arent practical, dont work, and need to be replaced.

Replaced with what?

The answer to that is wide open and depends on what is available and easily digestible when the rebellion begins.

Most Americans are not professional intellectuals. They are not philosophers, economists, journalists, or political talk show hosts. Rather, they run or work in restaurants, doctors offices, tech companies, or countless other kinds of businesses that provide the material goods and services we need in order to live and prosper. In other words, Americans have areas of specialization, and they dont have time to investigate and grapple with every philosophic, economic, or political theory someone claims is true. They count on professional intellectuals to do the heavy lifting in those areas and to convey the essentials in laymans terms so that chefs, waitresses, doctors, and engineers can understand them sufficiently for their purposes. Just as professional intellectuals count on doctors to treat cancer and to explain the essentials of that process in laymans terms, and just as professional intellectuals count on engineers to make electronic devices and to explain in laymans terms how they work, so too doctors, engineers, chefs, and the like count on professional intellectuals to do their job. Its called division of labor.

But conservative intellectuals havent done their job. They havent identified and conveyed the essential ideas and principles necessary to support and defend freedom, capitalism, and America. Theyve chosen instead to ignore or misrepresent those ideas so as to avoid scoffs, scorn, or having to reconsiderwhat they learned in Sunday school. (Thank God the Founders werent conservatives.) And because conservative intellectuals failed to do their job for decades, those who had been counting on them to do their job went looking for someone else to professionally defend freedom, capitalism, and America.

Who did they find?

Well, when Americans looked around to see who might be offering new ideas about how to limit government to its proper function of protecting rights, they saw no professional intellectuals with such ideas. What about Ayn Rands ideas and the handful of professionals who advocate them? Intellectuals from both the progressive left and the religious right had already discredited Rands ideas in the minds of their readers and listeners. Ayn Rand? Isnt she the materialist who says its morally wrong to help other people? Well, thats all I need to know about her and her philosophy. And: Wasnt Rands big book Atlas Shrugged about why men of ability should send lesser people to gas chambers? Thats monstrous. How could anyone even consider her ideas?

So freedom-loving Americans saw no professional intellectuals prepared to defend individual rights, capitalism, and America on solid ground. And they were not about to turn to that horrible Rand person.

Where did they turn?

They looked past professional intellectuals. They looked for a problem-solver of a completely different variety. They looked for someone who is not a conservative but nevertheless is pro-freedom, pro-business, pro-capitalism, anti-left, and maybe even politically incorrect to boot. They looked for someone in the public eye who will say it like it is and cut deals and make America great again.

Enter Donald Trump.

Unlike conservatives, who drone incessantly about Judeo-Christian ethics and the virtues of sacrifice and humility, Trump is a bold, brash, money-loving businessman. Sure, hes crudebut thats good, Republicans figured, because it makes the left apoplectic. And, yes, hes inconsistentbut thats OKtoo, Republicans figured, because hes a pragmatic, reality-oriented businessman who gets things done. And, best of all, they figured, Trump is not a conservativeso hes not going to retry those godforsaken conservative principles that have failed for decades on end to make America great again. Hes going to ditch principles and do what worksand thats what we want.

In short, Trump-supporting Republicans see him as a new, bold, non-conservative problem solverand as a big middle finger to the conservative leaders who have repeatedly let them down. Conservatives, these Republicans have said, Youre fired! Were hiring Trump!

Some may say my analysis is oversimplified. It is not. Nor does it exonerate Trump supporters. They are partly to blame for this nightmare. But conservative intellectuals bear the lions share of responsibility.

That conservative leaders havefor nearly sixty yearsignored or maligned the one philosophy that can support and defend individual rights, capitalism, and the American ideal is an observable fact. That conservatives could have embraced Rands philosophy and used it as a rock-solid foundation for their efforts to establish and maintain a rights-protecting government and a free society is clear as day to anyone who reads Rands work. And that the failure of conservative leaders to do so paved the way forand indeed necessitatedthe rise of someone to fill the void is a matter of natural law: In political philosophy, as in physics, nature abhors a vacuum.

Donald Trump is now the standard-bearer for the Republican Party because when conservative leaderswho, by their chosen profession, had a responsibility to identify, convey, and apply a viable philosophy to support rights, freedom, and capitalismwere handed a philosophy that clearly could do so, they ignored or maligned it. And they did so for decades.

Republican presidential candidate Trump is a product of conservative leaders evasions. Hes their Frankenstein. Hes their fault.

Have other factors contributed to the rise of Trump? Yes, many other factors have. But conservatives evasions are the fundamental cause. If conservative leaders had embraced rather than ignored or misrepresented Ayn Rands ideas, conservative efforts to defend freedom, capitalism, and the American ideal would have been anchored in an irrefutable moral and philosophical foundation; thus, America would now beor would at least be headed in the direction ofthe rights-protecting republic it is supposed to be. In such a context, a vulgar opportunist such as Trump couldnt garner political support from any sizable portion of the population. Instead, hed be using the best words to complain about the difficulty of cutting deals without the coercive power of eminent domain.

So the point here is not that no other factors have contributed to the political ascent of Trump. Rather, the point is that the fundamental cause of his ascent is the evasions of conservative leaders.

What is the solution to this problem?

There is no quick fix. Conservatives evasions have plunged America deep into a swamp of unprincipled politics and philosophic confusion. The only way out of the muck is by means of a new movement led by new intellectuals. The intellectuals needed for this movement are those who are willing to look at reality, to think for themselves, and to embrace and convey the philosophical, moral, and political ideas that actually support a system of individual rights, freedom, and capitalism.

In other words, the solution is for new intellectuals to do what conservative intellectuals should have done but have refused to do ever since 1957: Read Ayn Rands works, see whether her ideasmake sense, and, if they do, embrace them and use them to argue for a return to the American ideal of a government that does one thing and only one thing: protects rights.

Those who want to learn about Ayn Rands ideas can profitably start almost anywhere in her corpus. If you like fiction, you might start with We The Living, The Fountainhead, or Atlas Shrugged. If you prefer nonfiction, maybe start with Philosophy: Who Needs It, or The Virtue of Selfishness, or Capitalism: The Unknown Ideal.

If you want a quick overview of Objectivism, see What is Objectivism? For an article-length primer on Rands morality of self-interest, see Atlas Shrugged and Ayn Rands Morality of Egoism. And for a systematic presentation of her theory of rights, see Ayn Rands Theory of Rights: The Moral Foundation of a Free Society.

Wherever you start, know this: Rands ideas challenge the fundamental ideas youve been taught about philosophy, religion, morality, rights, and politics. And bear in mind that Rand is the first to point out that you should not accept her ideasor anyones ideasunless they make sense to you. As she puts it: The most selfish of all things is the independent mind that recognizes no authority higher than its own and no value higher than its judgment of truth.

But if you give her ideas a hearingrather than listen to conservatives who misrepresent them as a matter of courseI think youll see that they make sense, that they are grounded in perceptual reality, and that they support freedom, capitalism, and the American ideal like nothing youve encountered before.

If you do come to see that Rands ideas are sound, you can then join the movement that should have been soaring since 1957 but that conservative leaders chose to cripple with their dishonestythe movement dedicated to supporting individual rights, freedom, and capitalism by reference to the observation-based moral and philosophical foundations on which these values depend: the Objectivist movement.

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How Conservatives Begat Trump, and What to Do About It - The ... - The Objective Standard

Trump’s ‘libertarianism’ endangers the public | GantNews.com – Gant Daily

Republicans are friendly to business and suspicious of regulations. They want minimal government as a matter of principle. But there is another group that wants to shrink government: professional criminals who hate cops. They want no interference when they hurt people.

President Trumps recent executive order, titled Reducing Regulation and Controlling Regulatory Cost, speaks the language of the principled libertarians, but its beneficiaries are likely to be the thugs.

The order prohibits any agency from issuing any new regulation unless it also repeals two regulations that cost as much as the new one. Costs mean the cost of complying with the regulation. The harms that were the reason for the regulation dont count at all.

David Dana and Michael Barsa observe the implications of Trumps order. The Department of Interior created a set of new regulations in response to the 2010 Deepwater Horizon disaster, in which BP spilled nearly 5 million barrels of oil into the Gulf of Mexico. It was the largest marine oil spill in history, and, Dana and Barsa wrote, it cost nearly $9 billion for lost fisheries and $23 billion for lost tourism, not to mention the catastrophic effects on marine life and birds. Yet under the presidents order, the only costs that matter are those to the oil companies. Costs to the public and to the environment are completely ignored. The regulations arent cheap; the cost to the industry has been estimated at hundreds of millions. But thats peanuts compared to the costs of another spill.

Trump is a big fan of Ayn Rand. Like her fictional hero John Galt in Atlas Shrugged, he wants to free business from the heavy hand of government. But this is an oddly distorted libertarianism, in which Rands villains masquerade as her heroes: those who talk most of liberty are the looters and moochers.

Conservatives worry about regulatory capture: the danger that regulators will abandon the public interest at the behest of regulated industries, keeping prices high and stifling competition. The solution is to get rid of regulation: the state should butt out and let the market operate. Theres no doubt that capture has sometimes happened. A notorious example is the Civil Aeronautics Board: after it was abolished in 1985, airline competition intensified and prices plunged.

There is, however, another way in which unworthy special interests can seize control of government. They can work to cripple regulation, so that they can hurt and defraud people. Libertarian rhetoric has turned out to be a rich resource for them.

Barack Obama is actually a better libertarian than Trump. He spent years teaching at the University of Chicago, where the idea of regulatory capture was developed. That had an impact: when he was President, he demanded (following a principle laid down by Ronald Reagan!) that any new regulations survive rigorous cost-benefit analysis. That immunizes regulations from capture, and makes sure that regulators take account of just what worries Trump, the cost to businesses. The overall net value benefits minus costs of Obamas regulations was upward of $100 billion.

Trump, on the other hand, has replaced cost-benefit analysis with cost analysis. Benefits are ignored. This isnt even business-friendly. The Deepwater Horizon oil spill destroyed hundreds of well-functioning businesses. On the other hand, the businesses that were crushed were small and had nothing like BPs political connections.

Theres room for reasonable disagreement with Obamas regulations. The calculation of both costs and benefits inevitably involves some guesswork. The cumulative effect of regulation can hamper businesses. The big difference between Trump and the standard conservatives critique of Obama is that Trumps executive order holds, as a matter of principle, that benefits dont matter. Consumer fraud, tainted food, pollution, unsafe airplanes and trains, epidemic disease all have to be put up with, if stopping them would increase the costs of regulation.

Trumps new regulatory reforms show a persistent pattern. One targets a rule that requires retirement advisers to put clients interests ahead of their own. Conflicts of interest in retirement advice, for example steering clients into products with higher fees and lower returns, costs American families an estimated $17 billion a year. You can understand why some parts of the financial industry hated the rule. That $17 billion was going into someones pocket, and that someone finds libertarian rhetoric right handy.

The Libertarian Party, which got more than 4 million votes in the last presidential election, is enthusiastic about the order. It shouldnt be. The order is a deep betrayal of libertarianism, which holds that people should do what they want as long as they dont hurt anyone else.

Freeing businesses to hurt people is not libertarian. The libertarians at least, the ones who dont see through Trump are being played. If the crippling of the state allows economic behemoths to do whatever they like to others, then what libertarianism licenses, in the garb of liberty, is the creation of a new aristocracy, entitled to hurt the commoners. This is just a different kind of mooching and looting.

It is a new road to serfdom. It reinforces the prejudices of those on the left who repudiate capitalism. The libertarians who embrace it, thinking that they are thereby promoting freedom, are useful idiots, like the idealistic leftists of the 1930s whose hatred of poverty and racism led them to embrace Stalin. John Galt is a sap.

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Trump's 'libertarianism' endangers the public | GantNews.com - Gant Daily

George F. Will: Slouching into dystopia – Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

By George F. Will

WASHINGTON Although Americas political system seems unable to stimulate robust, sustained economic growth, it at least is stimulating consumption of a small but important segment of literature. Dystopian novels are selling briskly Aldous Huxleys Brave New World (1932), Sinclair Lewis It Cant Happen Here (1935), George Orwells Animal Farm (1945) and 1984 (1949), Ray Bradburys Fahrenheit 451 (1953) and Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale (1985), all warning about nasty regimes displacing democracy.

There is, however, a more recent and pertinent presentation of a grim future. In her 13th novel, The Mandibles: A Family, 2029-2047, published last spring,Lionel Shriver imagined America slouching into dystopia merely by continuing current practices.

Ms. Shriver, who is fascinated by the susceptibility of complex systems to catastrophic collapses, begins her story after the 2029 economic crash and the Great Renunciation, whereby the nation, like a dissolute Atlas, shrugged off its national debt, saying to creditors: Its nothing personal. The world is not amused, and Americans subsequent downward social mobility is not pretty.

Florence Darkly, a millennial, is a single mother, but such mothers now outnumber married ones. Newspapers have almost disappeared, so print journalism had given way to a rabble of amateurs hawking unverified stories and always to an ideological purpose. Mexico has paid for an electronic border fence to keep out American refugees. Her Americans are living, on average, to 92, the economy is powered by the whims of the retired, and, desperate to qualify for entitlements, these days everyone couldnt wait to be old. People who have never been told no are apoplectic if they cant retire at 52. Antibiotic-resistant bacteria are ubiquitous, so shaking hands is imprudent.

Soldiers in combat fatigues, wielding metal detectors, search houses for gold illegally still in private hands. The government monitors every movement, and the IRS, renamed the Bureau for Social Contribution Assistance, siphons up everything, on the you-didnt-build-that principle: Morally, your money does belong to everybody. The creation of capital requires the whole apparatus of the state to protect property rights, including intellectual property.

Social order collapses when hyperinflation follows the promiscuous printing of money after the Renunciation. This punishes those who had a conscientious, caretaking relationship to the future. Government salaries and Medicare reimbursements are linked to an inflation algorithm that didnt require further action from Congress. Even if a Snickers bar eventually cost $5 billion, they were safe.

In a Reason magazine interview, Ms. Shriver says, I think it is in the nature of government to infinitely expand until it eats its young. In her novel, she writes:

The state starts moving money around. A little fairnesshere, little more fairness there. ... Eventually social democracies all arrive at the same tipping point: where half the country depends on the other half. ... Government becomes a pricey, clumsy, inefficient mechanism for transferring wealth from people who do something to people who dont, and from the young to the old which is the wrong direction. All that effort, and youve only managed a new unfairness.

Florence learns to appreciate the miracle of civilization. It is miraculous because failure and decay were the worlds natural state. What was astonishing was anything that worked as intended, for any duration whatsoever. Laughing mordantly as the apocalypse approaches, Ms. Shriver has a gimlet eye for the foibles of todays secure (or so it thinks) upper middle class, from Washingtons Cleveland Park to Brooklyn. About the gentrification of the latter, she observes:

Oh, you could get a facelift nearby, put your dog in therapy, or spend $500 at Ottawa on a bafflingly trendy dinner of Canadian cuisine (the citys elite was running out of new ethnicities whose food could become fashionable). But you couldnt buy a screwdriver, pick up a gallon of paint, take in your dry cleaning, get new tips on your high heels, copy a key, or buy a slice of pizza. Wealthy residents might own bicycles worth $5K, but no shop within miles would repair the brakes. ... High rents had priced out the very service sector whose presence at ready hand once helped to justify urban living.

The (only) good news from Ms. Shrivers squint into the future is that when Americans are put through a wringer, they emerge tougher, with less talk about ADHD, gluten intolerance and emotional support animals.

Speaking to Reason, Ms. Shriver said: I think that the bullet we dodged in 2008 is still whizzing around the planet and is going to hit us in the head. If so, this story has already been written.

George F. Will is a syndicated columnist for The Washington Post (georgewill@washpost.com).

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George F. Will: Slouching into dystopia - Pittsburgh Post-Gazette

Jennifer Burns: Ayn Rand is dead liberals are going to miss her – WatertownDailyTimes.com

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By JENNIFER BURNS

Special to the Washington Post

STANFORD, Calif. Ayn Rand is dead. Its been 35 years since hundreds of mourners filed by her coffin (fittingly accompanied by a dollar-sign-shaped flower arrangement), but it has been only four months since she truly died as a force in American politics.

Yes, there was a flurry of articles identifying Rand lovers in the Trump administration, including Rex Tillerson and Mike Pompeo; yes, Ivanka Trump tweeted an inaccurate Rand quote in mid-February. But the effort to fix a recognizable right-wing ideology on President Donald Trump only obscures the more significant long-term trends that the election of 2016 laid bare. However much Trump seems like the Rand hero par excellence a wealthy man with a fiery belief in, well, himself his victory signals the exhaustion of the Republican Partys romance with Rand.

In electing Trump, the Republican base rejected laissez-faire economics in favor of economic nationalism. Full-fledged objectivism, the philosophy Rand invented, is an atheistic creed that calls for pure capitalism and a bare-bones government with no social spending on entitlement programs such as Social Security or Medicare. Its never appeared on the national political scene without significant dilution. But there was plenty of diluted Rand on offer throughout the primary season: Marco Rubio, Rand Paul, Carly Fiorina and Ted Cruz all espoused traditional Republican nostrums about reducing the role of government to unleash American prosperity.

Yet none of this could match Trumps full-throated roar to build a wall or his protectionist plans for American trade. In the general election, Trump sought out new voters and independents using arguments traditionally associated with Democrats: deploying the power of the state to protect workers and guarantee their livelihoods, even at the cost of trade agreements and long-standing international alliances. Trumps economic promises electrified rural working-class voters the same way Bernie Sanders excited urban socialists.

Where Rands influence has stood for years on the right for a hands-off approach to the economy, Trumps America first platform contradicts this premise by assuming that government policies can and should deliberately shape economic growth, up to and including punishing specific corporations. Likewise, his promise to craft trade policy in support of the American worker is the exact opposite of Rands proclamation that the essence of capitalisms foreign policy is free trade.

And theres little hope that Trumps closest confidants will reverse his decidedly anti-Randian course. The conservative Republicans who came to power with Trump in an almost accidental process may find they have to exchange certain ideals to stay close to him.

True, Paul Ryan and Mike Pence have been able to breathe new life into Republican economic and social orthodoxies. For instance, in a nod to Pences religious conservatism, Trump shows signs of reversing his earlier friendliness to gay rights. And his opposition to Obamacare dovetails with Ryans long-held ambitions to shrink federal spending.

Even so, there is little evidence that either Pence or Ryan would have survived a Republican primary battle against Trump or fared well in a national election; their fortunes are dependent on Trumps. And the president won by showing that the Republican base and swing voters have moved on from the traditional conservatism of Reagan and Rand.

What is rising on the right is not Randian fear of government but something far darker. It used to be that bright young things like Stephen Miller, the controversial White House aide, came up on Rand. In the 1960s, she inspired a Trump movement of young conservatives determined to subvert the GOP establishment, drawing in future bigwigs such as Alan Greenspan.

Her admirers were powerfully attracted to the insurgent presidential campaign of Barry Goldwater, whom Rand publicly supported. They swooned when she talked about the ethics of capitalism, delegitimizing programs like Medicare and Medicaid as immoral. They thrilled to her attack on the draft and other conservative pieties. At national conferences, they asked each other, Who is John Galt? (a reference to her novel Atlas Shrugged) and waved the black flag of anarchism, modified with a gold dollar sign.

Over time, most conservatives who stayed in politics outgrew these juvenile provocations or disavowed them. For example, Ryan moved swiftly to replace Rand with Thomas Aquinas when he was nominated in 2012 for vice president, claiming that the Catholic thinker was his primary inspiration (although it was copies of Atlas Shrugged, not Summa Theologiae, that he handed out to staffers).

But former Randites retained her fiery hatred of government and planted it within the mainstream GOP. And it was Rand who had kindled their passions in the first place, making her the starting point for a generation of conservatives.

Now Rand is on the shelf, gathering dust with F.A. Hayek, Edmund Burke and other once-prominent conservative luminaries. Its no longer possible to provoke the elders by going on about John Galt. Indeed, many of the elders have by now used Randian references to name their yachts, investment companies and foundations.

Instead, young insurgent conservatives talk about race realism, argue that manipulated crime statistics mask growing social disorder and cast feminism as a plot against men. Instead of reading Rand, they take the red pill, indulging in an emergent internet counter-culture that reveals the principles of liberalism rights, equality, tolerance to be dangerous myths. Beyond Breitbart.com, ideological energy on the right now courses through tiny blogs and websites of the Dark Enlightenment, the latter-day equivalent of Rands Objectivist Newsletter and the many libertarian zines she inspired.

Once upon a time, professors tut-tutted when Rand spoke to overflow crowds on college campuses, where she lambasted left and right alike and claimed, improbably, that big business was Americas persecuted minority. She delighted in skewering liberal audience members and occasionally turned her scorn on questioners. But this was soft stuff compared with the insults handed out by Milo Yiannopoulos and the uproar that has greeted his appearances. Rand may have accused liberals of having a lust for power, but she never would have called Holocaust humor a harmless search for lulz, as Yiannopoulos gleefully does.

Indeed, the new ideas on the right have moved away from classical liberalism altogether. American conservatives have always had a mixed reaction to the Western philosophical tradition that emphasizes the sanctity of the individual.

Religious conservatives, in particular, often struggle with Rand because her extreme embrace of individualism leaves little room for God, country, duty or faith. But Trump represents a victory for a form of conservatism that is openly illiberal and willing to junk entirely the traditional rhetoric of individualism and free markets for nationalism inflected with racism, misogyny and xenophobia.

Mixed in with Rands vituperative attacks on government was a defense of the individuals rights in the face of a powerful state. This single-minded focus could yield surprising alignments, such as Rands opposition to drug laws and her support of legal abortion. And although liberals have always loved to hate her, over the next four years, they may come to miss her defense of individual autonomy and liberty.

Ayn Rand is dead. Long live Ayn Rand!

Jennifer Burns is an associate professor of history at Stanford University and a research fellow at the Hoover Institution. 2017 Washington Post.

See more here:

Jennifer Burns: Ayn Rand is dead liberals are going to miss her - WatertownDailyTimes.com

Is Ayn Rand still relevant 35 years on from her death? – The Adam Smith Institute (blog)

Though she died in 1982, huge numbers of people still come to Ayn Rand through her novels The Fountainhead and Atlas Shrugged and their lives are changed as a result. No wonder. These novels assert the nobility of using your mind to reach your full potential. They make self-belief cool.

Rands heroes are individualists who live by their own creative talentsexisting for no one else, nor asking others to exist for them. They are rebels against the establishment and its ways. They do not conform to social norms, but stand by their own vision and truth: a vision built on their own values and a truth built on fact and reason, not on the false authority of others. They are the creative minds who discover new knowledge, who innovate, drive progress and consequently benefit all humanity.

But minds cannot be forced to think. Creativity, and therefore human progress, depends on people being free to think and act in pursuit of their own values. That is a powerful case for liberty, values, mind, reason, creativity, entrepreneurship, capitalism, achievement, heroism, happiness, self-esteem and pride. And against the life-destroying consequences of coercion, extortion, regulation, self-sacrifice, altruism, wishful thinking and refusing to use ones mind.

Nowhere do Rands ideas change more lives than in her adopted United States, where her novels tap into the American ideals of self-reliance and individualism. In the early 1990s, a decade after her death, a survey by the Library of Congress and the Book of the Month Club rated Atlas Shrugged as the most influential book after the Bible. Today, Rands ideas are taught in colleges across America and discussed in academic and popular journals. Institutes and groups have been set up to promote her ideas.

Her ideas are accelerating in other English-speaking countries too, such as the UK (where 20,000 Rand books are sold each year), Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and India, where English is widely spoken. Even Indian footballers and Bollywood stars acknowledge her influence on their lives.

Beyond the English-speaking countries, Sweden, a country of just 9.5m people, leads the world in Google searches for Ayn Rand. About 25,000 copies are bought each year in Rands native Russia, another 13,000 a year in Brazil, 6,000 in Spain and 1,000 each in Japan and Bulgaria. Even in China, some 15,000 Rand books are bought each yeara number which, given that countrys economic and intellectual awakening, can only increase.

All this gives Rand a significant impact on the political debate. In the United States, many of those she inspired rose into public office. Former US Federal Reserve chairman Alan Greenspan (1926-) was an early member of Rands inner circle. Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas (1948-) shows his new clerks The Fountainhead movie. Politicians such as former Congressman Ron Paul (1935-), his son, Senator Rand Paul (1965-) and House Speaker Paul Ryan (1970-) cite Rand as an influence. Even President Ronald Reagan (1911-2004) described himself as an admirer of Ayn Rand.

Nor is this only a US phenomenon. Annie Lf (1983-), leader of Swedens Center Party and former Enterprise Minister, helped launch the Swedish translation of The Fountainhead, calling Rand one of the greatest thinkers of the 20th Century. Rands ideas were praised by the reformist Prime Minister of Estonia, Mart Laar (1960-), and influenced Australias Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser (1930-2015), along with many other past or current political leaders.

What other novels have had such an impact on events, more than half a century after their publication? And what other novelist?

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Is Ayn Rand still relevant 35 years on from her death? - The Adam Smith Institute (blog)

George Will: A wry squint into our grim future – NewsOK.com

GEORGE F. WILL Washington Post Writers Group Published: March 5, 2017 12:00 AM CDT

WASHINGTON Although America's political system seems unable to stimulate robust, sustained economic growth, it at least is stimulating consumption of a small but important segment of literature. Dystopian novels are selling briskly Aldous Huxley's "Brave New World" (1932), Sinclair Lewis' "It Can't Happen Here" (1935), George Orwell's "Animal Farm" (1945) and "1984" (1949), Ray Bradbury's "Fahrenheit 451" (1953) and Margaret Atwood's "The Handmaid's Tale" (1985), all warning about nasty regimes displacing democracy.

There is, however, a more recent and pertinent presentation of a grim future. Last year, in her 13th novel, "The Mandibles: A Family, 2029-2047," Lionel Shriver imagined America slouching into dystopia merely by continuing current practices.

Shriver, who is fascinated by the susceptibility of complex systems to catastrophic collapses, begins her story after the 2029 economic crash and the Great Renunciation, whereby the nation, like a dissolute Atlas, shrugged off its national debt, saying to creditors: It's nothing personal. The world is not amused, and Americans' subsequent downward social mobility is not pretty.

Florence Darkly, a millennial, is a "single mother" but such mothers now outnumber married ones. Newspapers have almost disappeared, so "print journalism had given way to a rabble of amateurs hawking unverified stories and always to an ideological purpose." Mexico has paid for an electronic border fence to keep out American refugees. Her Americans are living, on average, to 92, the economy is "powered by the whims of the retired," and, "desperate to qualify for entitlements, these days everyone couldn't wait to be old." People who have never been told "no" are apoplectic if they can't retire at 52. Antibiotic-resistant bacteria are ubiquitous, so shaking hands is imprudent.

Soldiers in combat fatigues, wielding metal detectors, search houses for gold illegally still in private hands. The government monitors every movement and the IRS, renamed the Bureau for Social Contribution Assistance, siphons up everything, on the you-didn't-build-that principle: "Morally, your money does belong to everybody. The creation of capital requires the whole apparatus of the state to protect property rights, including intellectual property."

Social order collapses when hyperinflation follows the promiscuous printing of money after the Renunciation. This punishes those "who had a conscientious, caretaking relationship to the future." Government salaries and Medicare reimbursements are "linked to an inflation algorithm that didn't require further action from Congress. Even if a Snickers bar eventually cost $5 billion, they were safe."

In a Reason magazine interview, Shriver says, "I think it is in the nature of government to infinitely expand until it eats its young." In her novel, she writes:

"The state starts moving money around. A little fairness here, little more fairness there. ... Eventually social democracies all arrive at the same tipping point: where half the country depends on the other half. ... Government becomes a pricey, clumsy, inefficient mechanism for transferring wealth from people who do something to people who don't, and from the young to the old which is the wrong direction. All that effort, and you've only managed a new unfairness."

Florence learns to appreciate "the miracle of civilization." It is miraculous because "failure and decay were the world's natural state. What was astonishing was anything that worked as intended, for any duration whatsoever." Laughing mordantly as the apocalypse approaches, Shriver has a gimlet eye for the foibles of today's secure (or so it thinks) upper middle class, from Washington's Cleveland Park to Brooklyn. About the gentrification of the latter, she observes:

"Oh, you could get a facelift nearby, put your dog in therapy, or spend $500 at Ottawa on a bafflingly trendy dinner of Canadian cuisine (the city's elite was running out of new ethnicities whose food could become fashionable). But you couldn't buy a screwdriver, pick up a gallon of paint, take in your dry cleaning, get new tips on your high heels, copy a key, or buy a slice of pizza. Wealthy residents might own bicycles worth $5K, but no shop within miles would repair the brakes. ... High rents had priced out the very service sector whose presence at ready hand once helped to justify urban living."

The (only) good news from Shriver's squint into the future is that when Americans are put through a wringer, they emerge tougher, with less talk about "ADHD, gluten intolerance and emotional support animals."

Speaking to Reason, Shriver said: "I think that the bullet we dodged in 2008 is still whizzing around the planet and is going to hit us in the head." If so, this story has already been written.

George Will's email address is georgewill@washpost.com.

WASHINGTON POST WRITERS GROUP

Continued here:

George Will: A wry squint into our grim future - NewsOK.com

Will: Novel posits scary view of current course – The Columbian

A A

George F. Will

Although Americas political system seems unable to stimulate robust, sustained economic growth, it at least is stimulating consumption of a small but important segment of literature. Dystopian novels are selling briskly Aldous Huxleys Brave New World (1932), Sinclair Lewis It Cant Happen Here (1935), George Orwells Animal Farm (1945) and 1984 (1949), Ray Bradburys Fahrenheit 451 (1953), and Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale (1985), all warning about nasty regimes displacing democracy.

There is, however, a more recent and pertinent presentation of a grim future. Last year, in her 13th novel, The Mandibles: A Family, 2029-2047, Lionel Shriver imagined America slouching into dystopia merely by continuing current practices.

Shriver, who is fascinated by the susceptibility of complex systems to catastrophic collapses, begins her story after the 2029 economic crash and the Great Renunciation, whereby the nation, like a dissolute Atlas, shrugged off its national debt, saying to creditors: Its nothing personal. The world is not amused, and Americans subsequent downward social mobility is not pretty.

Florence Darkly, a millennial, is a single mother but such mothers now outnumber married ones. Newspapers have almost disappeared, so print journalism had given way to a rabble of amateurs hawking unverified stories and always to an ideological purpose. Mexico has paid for an electronic border fence to keep out American refugees. Her Americans are living, on average, to 92, the economy is powered by the whims of the retired, and, desperate to qualify for entitlements, these days everyone couldnt wait to be old. People who have never been told no are apoplectic if they cant retire at 52. Antibiotic-resistant bacteria are ubiquitous, so shaking hands is imprudent.

Soldiers in combat fatigues, wielding metal detectors, search houses for gold illegally still in private hands. The government monitors every movement and the IRS, renamed the Bureau for Social Contribution Assistance, siphons up everything, on the you-didnt-build-that principle: Morally, your money does belong to everybody. The creation of capital requires the whole apparatus of the state to protect property rights, including intellectual property.

Social order collapses when hyperinflation follows the promiscuous printing of money after the Renunciation. This punishes those who had a conscientious, caretaking relationship to the future. Government salaries and Medicare reimbursements are linked to an inflation algorithm that didnt require further action from Congress. Even if a Snickers bar eventually cost $5 billion, they were safe.

In a Reason magazine interview, Shriver says, I think it is in the nature of government to infinitely expand until it eats its young. In her novel, she writes:

The state starts moving money around. A little fairness here, little more fairness there. Eventually social democracies all arrive at the same tipping point: where half the country depends on the other half. Government becomes a pricey, clumsy, inefficient mechanism for transferring wealth from people who do something to people who dont, and from the young to the old which is the wrong direction. All that effort, and youve only managed a new unfairness.

Visit link:

Will: Novel posits scary view of current course - The Columbian

Jennifer Burns: Randian philosophy losing cachet among modern conservatives – Norwich Bulletin

Jennifer Burns

Ayn Rand is dead. Its been 35 years since hundreds of mourners filed by her coffin (fittingly accompanied by a dollar-sign-shaped flower arrangement), but it has been only four months since she truly died as a force in American politics. Yes, there was a flurry of articles identifying Rand lovers in the Trump administration, including Rex Tillerson and Mike Pompeo; yes, Ivanka Trump tweeted an inaccurate Rand quote in mid-February. But the effort to fix a recognizable right-wing ideology on President Donald Trump only obscures the more significant long-term trends that the election of 2016 laid bare. However much Trump seems like the Rand hero par excellence a wealthy man with a fiery belief in, well, himself his victory signals the exhaustion of the Republican Partys romance with Rand.

In electing Trump, the Republican base rejected laissez-faire economics in favor of economic nationalism. Full-fledged objectivism, the philosophy Rand invented, is an atheistic creed that calls for pure capitalism and a bare-bones government with no social spending on entitlement programs such as Social Security or Medicare. Its never appeared on the national political scene without significant dilution. But there was plenty of diluted Rand on offer throughout the primary season: Marco Rubio, Rand Paul, Carly Fiorina and Ted Cruz all espoused traditional Republican nostrums about reducing the role of government to unleash American prosperity.

Yet none of this could match Trumps full-throated roar to build a wall or his protectionist plans for American trade. In the general election, Trump sought out new voters and independents using arguments traditionally associated with Democrats: deploying the power of the state to protect workers and guarantee their livelihoods, even at the cost of trade agreements and long-standing international alliances. Trumps economic promises electrified rural working-class voters the same way Bernie Sanders excited urban socialists. Where Rands influence has stood for years on the right for a hands-off approach to the economy, Trumps America first platform contradicts this premise by assuming that government policies can and should deliberately shape economic growth, up to and including punishing specific corporations. Likewise, his promise to craft trade policy in support of the American worker is the exact opposite of Rands proclamation that the essence of capitalisms foreign policy is free trade.

And theres little hope that Trumps closest confidants will reverse his decidedly anti-Randian course. The conservative Republicans who came to power with Trump in an almost accidental process may find they have to exchange certain ideals to stay close to him. True, Paul Ryan and Mike Pence have been able to breathe new life into Republican economic and social orthodoxies. For instance, in a nod to Pences religious conservatism, Trump shows signs of reversing his earlier friendliness to gay rights. And his opposition to Obamacare dovetails with Ryans long-held ambitions to shrink federal spending. Even so, there is little evidence that either Pence or Ryan would have survived a Republican primary battle against Trump or fared well in a national election; their fortunes are dependent on Trumps. And the president won by showing that the Republican base and swing voters have moved on from the traditional conservatism of Reagan and Rand.

What is rising on the right is not Randian fear of government but something far darker. It used to be that bright young things like Stephen Miller, the controversial White House aide, came up on Rand. In the 1960s, she inspired a rump movement of young conservatives determined to subvert the GOP establishment, drawing in future bigwigs such as Alan Greenspan. Her admirers were powerfully attracted to the insurgent presidential campaign of Barry Goldwater, whom Rand publicly supported. They swooned when she talked about the ethics of capitalism, delegitimizing programs like Medicare and Medicaid as immoral. They thrilled to her attack on the draft and other conservative pieties. At national conferences, they asked each other, Who is John Galt? (a reference to her novel Atlas Shrugged) and waved the black flag of anarchism, modified with a gold dollar sign.

Over time, most conservatives who stayed in politics outgrew these juvenile provocations or disavowed them. For example, Ryan moved swiftly to replace Rand with Thomas Aquinas when he was nominated in 2012 for vice president, claiming that the Catholic thinker was his primary inspiration (although it was copies of Atlas Shrugged, not Summa Theologiae, that he handed out to staffers). But former Randites retained her fiery hatred of government and planted it within the mainstream GOP. And it was Rand who had kindled their passions in the first place, making her the starting point for a generation of conservatives.

Now Rand is on the shelf, gathering dust with F.A. Hayek, Edmund Burke and other once-prominent conservative luminaries. Its no longer possible to provoke the elders by going on about John Galt. Indeed, many of the elders have by now used Randian references to name their yachts, investment companies and foundations.

Instead, young insurgent conservatives talk about race realism , argue that manipulated crime statistics mask growing social disorder and cast feminism as a plot against men. Instead of reading Rand, they take the red pill, indulging in an emergent internet counter-culture that reveals the principles of liberalism rights, equality, tolerance to be dangerous myths. Beyond Breitbart.com, ideological energy on the right now courses through tiny blogs and websites of the Dark Enlightenment, the latter-day equivalent of Rands Objectivist Newsletter and the many libertarian zines she inspired.

Once upon a time, professors tut-tutted when Rand spoke to overflow crowds on college campuses, where she lambasted left and right alike and claimed, improbably, that big business was Americas persecuted minority. She delighted in skewering liberal audience members and occasionally turned her scorn on questioners. But this was soft stuff compared with the insults handed out by Milo Yiannopoulos and the uproar that has greeted his appearances. Rand may have accused liberals of having a lust for power, but she never would have called Holocaust humor a harmless search for lulz, as Yiannopoulos gleefully does.

Indeed, the new ideas on the right have moved away from classical liberalism altogether. American conservatives have always had a mixed reaction to the Western philosophical tradition that emphasizes the sanctity of the individual. Religious conservatives, in particular, often struggle with Rand because her extreme embrace of individualism leaves little room for God, country, duty or faith. But Trump represents a victory for a form of conservatism that is openly illiberal and willing to junk entirely the traditional rhetoric of individualism and free markets for nationalism inflected with racism, misogyny and xenophobia.

Mixed in with Rands vituperative attacks on government was a defense of the individuals rights in the face of a powerful state. This single-minded focus could yield surprising alignments, such as Rands opposition to drug laws and her support of legal abortion. And although liberals have always loved to hate her, over the next four years, they may come to miss her defense of individual autonomy and liberty. Ayn Rand is dead. Long live Ayn Rand!

Jennifer Burns is an associate professor of history at Stanford University and a research fellow at the Hoover Institution.

The rest is here:

Jennifer Burns: Randian philosophy losing cachet among modern conservatives - Norwich Bulletin

Washington Post Op-ed: Ayn Rand is dead. Liberals are going to miss her. – Salt Lake Tribune

In electing Trump, the Republican base rejected laissez-faire economics in favor of economic nationalism. Full-fledged objectivism, the philosophy Rand invented, is an atheistic creed that calls for pure capitalism and a bare-bones government with no social spending on entitlement programs such as Social Security or Medicare. It's never appeared on the national political scene without significant dilution. But there was plenty of diluted Rand on offer throughout the primary season: Marco Rubio, Rand Paul, Carly Fiorina and Ted Cruz all espoused traditional Republican nostrums about reducing the role of government to unleash American prosperity.

Yet none of this could match Trump's full-throated roar to build a wall or his protectionist plans for American trade. In the general election, Trump sought out new voters and independents using arguments traditionally associated with Democrats: deploying the power of the state to protect workers and guarantee their livelihoods, even at the cost of trade agreements and long-standing international alliances. Trump's economic promises electrified rural working-class voters the same way Bernie Sanders excited urban socialists. Where Rand's influence has stood for years on the right for a hands-off approach to the economy, Trump's "America first" platform contradicts this premise by assuming that government policies can and should deliberately shape economic growth, up to and including punishing specific corporations. Likewise, his promise to craft trade policy in support of the American worker is the exact opposite of Rand's proclamation that "the essence of capitalism's foreign policy is free trade."

And there's little hope that Trump's closest confidants will reverse his decidedly anti-Randian course. The conservative Republicans who came to power with Trump in an almost accidental process may find they have to exchange certain ideals to stay close to him. True, Paul Ryan and Mike Pence have been able to breathe new life into Republican economic and social orthodoxies. For instance, in a nod to Pence's religious conservatism, Trump shows signs of reversing his earlier friendliness to gay rights. And his opposition to Obamacare dovetails with Ryan's long-held ambitions to shrink federal spending. Even so, there is little evidence that either Pence or Ryan would have survived a Republican primary battle against Trump or fared well in a national election; their fortunes are dependent on Trump's. And the president won by showing that the Republican base and swing voters have moved on from the traditional conservatism of Reagan and Rand.

What is rising on the right is not Randian fear of government but something far darker. It used to be that bright young things like Stephen Miller, the controversial White House aide, came up on Rand. In the 1960s, she inspired a rump movement of young conservatives determined to subvert the GOP establishment, drawing in future bigwigs such as Alan Greenspan. Her admirers were powerfully attracted to the insurgent presidential campaign of Barry Goldwater, whom Rand publicly supported. They swooned when she talked about the ethics of capitalism, delegitimizing programs like Medicare and Medicaid as immoral. They thrilled to her attack on the draft and other conservative pieties. At national conferences, they asked each other, "Who is John Galt?" (a reference to her novel "Atlas Shrugged") and waved the black flag of anarchism, modified with a gold dollar sign.

Over time, most conservatives who stayed in politics outgrew these juvenile provocations or disavowed them. For example, Ryan moved swiftly to replace Rand with Thomas Aquinas when he was nominated in 2012 for vice president, claiming that the Catholic thinker was his primary inspiration (although it was copies of "Atlas Shrugged," not "Summa Theologiae," that he handed out to staffers). But former Randites retained her fiery hatred of government and planted it within the mainstream GOP. And it was Rand who had kindled their passions in the first place, making her the starting point for a generation of conservatives.

Now Rand is on the shelf, gathering dust with F.A. Hayek, Edmund Burke and other once-prominent conservative luminaries. It's no longer possible to provoke the elders by going on about John Galt. Indeed, many of the elders have by now used Randian references to name their yachts, investment companies and foundations.

Instead, young insurgent conservatives talk about "race realism ," argue that manipulated crime statistics mask growing social disorder and cast feminism as a plot against men. Instead of reading Rand, they take the "red pill", indulging in an emergent internet counter-culture that reveals the principles of liberalism rights, equality, tolerance to be dangerous myths. Beyond Breitbart.com, ideological energy on the right now courses through tiny blogs and websites of the Dark Enlightenment, the latter-day equivalent of Rand's Objectivist Newsletter and the many libertarian 'zines she inspired.

Once upon a time, professors tut-tutted when Rand spoke to overflow crowds on college campuses, where she lambasted left and right alike and claimed, improbably, that big business was America's persecuted minority. She delighted in skewering liberal audience members and occasionally turned her scorn on questioners. But this was soft stuff compared with the insults handed out by Milo Yiannopoulos and the uproar that has greeted his appearances. Rand may have accused liberals of having a "lust for power," but she never would have called Holocaust humor a harmless search for "lulz," as Yiannopoulos gleefully does.

Indeed, the new ideas on the right have moved away from classical liberalism altogether. American conservatives have always had a mixed reaction to the Western philosophical tradition that emphasizes the sanctity of the individual. Religious conservatives, in particular, often struggle with Rand because her extreme embrace of individualism leaves little room for God, country, duty or faith. But Trump represents a victory for a form of conservatism that is openly illiberal and willing to junk entirely the traditional rhetoric of individualism and free markets for nationalism inflected with racism, misogyny and xenophobia.

Mixed in with Rand's vituperative attacks on government was a defense of the individual's rights in the face of a powerful state. This single-minded focus could yield surprising alignments, such as Rand's opposition to drug laws and her support of legal abortion. And although liberals have always loved to hate her, over the next four years, they may come to miss her defense of individual autonomy and liberty. Ayn Rand is dead. Long live Ayn Rand!

- - -

Burns is an Associate Professor of History at Stanford University and a Research Fellow at the Hoover Institution.

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Washington Post Op-ed: Ayn Rand is dead. Liberals are going to miss her. - Salt Lake Tribune

A wry squint into our grim future – MyDaytonDailyNews.com – MyDaytonDailyNews

WASHINGTON Although Americas political system seems unable to stimulate robust, sustained economic growth, it at least is stimulating consumption of a small but important segment of literature. Dystopian novels are selling briskly Aldous Huxleys Brave New World (1932), Sinclair Lewis It Cant Happen Here (1935), George Orwells Animal Farm (1945) and 1984 (1949), Ray Bradburys Fahrenheit 451 (1953) and Margaret Atwoods The Handmaids Tale (1985), all warning about nasty regimes displacing democracy.

There is, however, a more recent and pertinent presentation of a grim future. Last year, in her 13th novel, The Mandibles: A Family, 2029-2047, Lionel Shriver imagined America slouching into dystopia merely by continuing current practices.

Shriver, who is fascinated by the susceptibility of complex systems to catastrophic collapses, begins her story after the 2029 economic crash and the Great Renunciation, whereby the nation, like a dissolute Atlas, shrugged off its national debt, saying to creditors: Its nothing personal. The world is not amused, and Americans subsequent downward social mobility is not pretty.

Florence Darkly, a millennial, is a single mother but such mothers now outnumber married ones. Newspapers have almost disappeared, so print journalism had given way to a rabble of amateurs hawking unverified stories and always to an ideological purpose. Her Americans are living, on average, to 92, the economy is powered by the whims of the retired, and, desperate to qualify for entitlements, these days everyone couldnt wait to be old. People who have never been told no are apoplectic if they cant retire at 52.

The government monitors every movement and the IRS, renamed the Bureau for Social Contribution Assistance, siphons up everything, on the you-didnt-build-that principle: Morally, your money does belong to everybody.

Social order collapses when hyperinflation follows the promiscuous printing of money after the Renunciation. This punishes those who had a conscientious, caretaking relationship to the future.

In her novel, she writes:

The state starts moving money around. A little fairness here, little more fairness there. Government becomes a pricey, clumsy, inefficient mechanism for transferring wealth from people who do something to people who dont, and from the young to the old which is the wrong direction. All that effort, and youve only managed a new unfairness.

Laughing mordantly as the apocalypse approaches, Shriver has a gimlet eye for the foibles of todays secure (or so it thinks) upper middle class, from Washingtons Cleveland Park to Brooklyn. About the gentrification of the latter, she observes:

Oh, you could get a facelift nearby, put your dog in therapy, or spend $500 at Ottawa on a bafflingly trendy dinner of Canadian cuisine (the citys elite was running out of new ethnicities whose food could become fashionable). But you couldnt buy a screwdriver, pick up a gallon of paint, take in your dry cleaning, get new tips on your high heels, copy a key, or buy a slice of pizza. Wealthy residents might own bicycles worth $5K, but no shop within miles would repair the brakes. High rents had priced out the very service sector whose presence at ready hand once helped to justify urban living.

The (only) good news from Shrivers squint into the future is that when Americans are put through a wringer, they emerge tougher.

Speaking to Reason, Shriver said: I think that the bullet we dodged in 2008 is still whizzing around the planet and is going to hit us in the head. If so, this story has already been written.

Read the original here:

A wry squint into our grim future - MyDaytonDailyNews.com - MyDaytonDailyNews