Can Democrats Abolish the Filibusterand Should They? – The Bulwark

Until yesterday, Joe Bidens agenda was stalled in the Senate by a primal conflict over power.

The context was negotiations over how the two parties would navigate their 50-50 split. While, as majority leader, Chuck Schumer would control the legislative calendar, he offered to divide committee membership equally under Democratic chairsreplicating the arrangement in 2001 when there was an evenly divided Senate with a Republican vice president. Incredibly, the newly demoted Mitch McConnell responded by demanding that Democrats agree not to abolish the filibuster.

The requirement of a 60-vote supermajority had enabled McConnell to stonewall Barack Obamas legislative agenda. Yet he blithely repackaged it as a lubricant for bipartisanship while striving to re-empower his party, once more, with a legislative stranglehold on another Democratic presidenteffectively requesting that Schumer and his caucus become senatorial castrati.

Unsurprisingly, Schumer declined. Knowing that Schumer could use an arcane maneuver to pass the organizing resolution by a bare majority, McConnell ultimately yielded. But by then he had achieved his goal: moving moderate Democrats from red statesJoe Manchin, Kyrsten Sinema, and Jon Testerto expressly oppose abolishing the filibuster, underscoring the partys divisions and the vulnerability of Bidens agenda.

The unanimous support of Schumers caucus is the mathematical prerequisite for changing the Senates rules and, therefore, abolition. Still, he at least retained the threat should the GOP prove obstructive, and the moderates backed his refusal to cave.

This suggests the possibility, however dim, that scorched-earth opposition could affect their thinkingespecially if it scotches proposals popular with crucial constituencies. As Tester told the New York Times: If all that happens is filibuster after filibuster, roadblock after roadblock, then my opinion may change. This augurs the three-dimensional chess ahead, and the prospects of two different Biden presidencies: consequential or ineffectual.

To be sure, Biden can enact much of his COVID-19 stimulus package through budget reconciliation, a means of passing fiscal measures with a simple majority. But reconciliation has real limitations: It does not apply to most legislation, and on spending measures can be used only once a year. Moreover, turning Bidens stimulus plan into a meaningful package with majority support will prove more than challenging enough.

Beyond that, the GOP can use the filibuster to block major Democratic initiatives. Heres a representative sample: a $15 an hour minimum wage; comprehensive immigration reform; repairing the Voting Rights Act; strengthening the right to join a union; granting statehood to Washington, D.C. and, perhaps, Puerto Rico; enacting ethics and campaign finance reform; curbing gerrymanders; and passing initiatives to combat racial inequities in law enforcement.

Among most Democrats, particularly progressives, these proposals are popular. But query whether their death by filibuster would move red-state moderates to sign on for abolition. It seems equally likely that the artful threat of filibusters could divide the Democratic caucusnot just over the filibuster itself but over what legislative compromises with Republicans, if any, are acceptable.

This prescription could doom much of Bidens agenda, and make McConnell the most powerful minority leader in memory. To reinforce his leverage, yesterday McConnell threatened that Democratic efforts to eliminate the filibuster would destroy any hope of comity and create a legislative wasteland:

But suppose that Republican obstreperousness created a critical mass among Democrats. If they could abolish the filibuster, should they?

As Jonathan V. Last spelled out on Mondayits complicated.

First, the equities. Even without the filibuster, the structure of the Senate itself frustrates popular democracy by giving each state two votes. Due to demographic sorting, the 50 Republican senators represent nearly 42 million fewer people than the 50 Democrats; the 41 Republicans necessary to sustain a filibuster reflect a relative fraction of our populace.

This is a prescription for quashing popular legislation and imposing legislative stasisMcConnells specialty. Given that restructuring the Senate would require a constitutional amendment supported by the very states it overrepresents, the only way of making the Senate less undemocratic is eliminating the filibuster. Those who laud the filibuster as a safeguard against the tyranny of the majority enshrine the tyranny of a minority.

So why should Democrats keep it? First, because legislation which survives the filibuster is more apt to endure. Second, given the advantages which may create a Republican majority two years hence, Democrats could constrain it through the filibuster.

But consider history and human nature. When Democrats tried to filibuster Neil Gorsuch, McConnell and his caucus simply killed the filibuster for Supreme Court nominees. Can anyone seriously argue that McConnell wouldnt once again invoke this nuclear option whenever it suited him?

Moreover, during Trumps presidency Senate Democrats could not use the filibuster to frustrate the GOPs major goals. Republicans tax cuts passed through reconciliation; the slew of judges they confirmed were no longer subject to the filibuster. Given the GOPs general lack of enthusiasm for governance, the filibuster affects them less than Democrats.

In this moment, there is an urgent need for Joe Biden to reinvigorate democracy by making government work for the greater good. If the Democrats dont succeedor at least do their damnedestwhere would that leave us? In the hands of a party which will do its worstor nothingperhaps despoiling Americas last, best chance to do better.

If Democrats garner the votes to kill the filibuster, they should.

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Can Democrats Abolish the Filibusterand Should They? - The Bulwark

University Welcomes Activist and Author Angela Davis for First Distinguished Lecture of 2021 – University of Arkansas Newswire

Submitted by DLC

Outspoken political leader and renowned author Angela Davis is scheduled to deliver the Distinguished Lectures Committee's first lecture of 2021 on Tuesday, February 16 at 7:00 p.m.

Outspoken political leader and renowned author Angela Davis is scheduled to deliver the Distinguished Lectures Committee's first lecture of 2021 at 7 p.m. Tuesday, Feb.16. The lecture will be virtual and a link will be accessible on the Distinguished Lectures Committee's website prior to the event.

For over 50 years, Angela Davis has been recognized as a committed torchbearer in the struggle for economic, racialand gender justice. A professor, activist, and cultural icon, Davis' voice has been and continues to be instrumental to social reform. She is the author of 10 books, including recent works Are Prisons Obsolete? and a collection of essays, Freedom Is a Constant Struggle: Ferguson, Palestine, and the Foundations of a Movement.

"I am not only excited to bring a voice as influential and didactic as Angela Davis to our campus, but to see how her ideas and personal experiences can be applied to our daily lives and our university," saidMichael Fuhrman, vice chair of the Distinguished Lectures Committee.

Davis has taught at a number of American colleges and universities including San Francisco State University, Mills College, and UC Berkeley. She currently serves as the Distinguished Professor Emerita of History of Consciousness and of Feminist Studies at the University of California Santa Cruz. In addition to teaching in the classroom, Davis has shared her expertise and scholarship in lectures throughout the United States, Europe, Africa, Asia, Australia, and South America. Central to her work as an educator are her own experiences as a leading activist of the seventies. Davis' recent activism is dedicated to the dismantling of the prison industrial complex. She founded the prison system abolition organization Critical Resistance in 1997, and she works closely with the abolitionist group Sisters Inside in Queensland, Australia.

This lecture will be moderated by Yvette Murphy-Irby, vice chancellor of diversity and inclusion and professor of social work at the University of Arkansas. Additionally, Murphy-Erby has held former appointments at the University of Arkansas as the director of the School of Social Work in the Fulbright College of Arts and Sciences, director of the Bachelor of Social Work Program, associate director of the School of Social Work, associate dean of social sciences in Fulbright Colleges and interim director for the African and African American Studies Program.

This Distinguished Lecture will be presented as part of "Envisioning Justice: The Current Faces of Social Justice in America,"a virtual conference featuring a series of lectures from experts in racial, religious, and institutional discrimination. The event will be held Feb.16-17 and is co-sponsored by Volunteer Action Center, Associated Student Government, Distinguished Lectures Committee, and Center for Multicultural and Diversity Education. Registration and more information can be found at https://givepul.se/y5ek8d.

The Distinguished Lectures Committee decides which dynamic and pertinent speakers to bring to the University of Arkansas campus. These speaking engagements are completely free to all students. Some of the speakers brought over the past few years have included President George H.W. Bush, CNN anchor Anderson Cooper, soccer star Abby Wambach, author Malcolm Gladwell, scientist Jane Goodall, His Holiness the Dalai Lama, Elie Wiesel, Bill Nyeand John Legend.

This event is sponsored by Distinguished Lectures Committee through the Office of Student Activities and is supported by the Student Activities Fee. For questions or for accommodations due to disability please contact the Office of Student Activities, osa@uark.edu or call 479-575-5255. Distinguished Lectures Committee is a program in the Division of Student Affairs.

About the Division of Student Affairs: The Division of Student Affairs supports students in pursuing knowledge, earning a degree, finding meaningful careers, exploring diversity, and connecting with the global community. We provide students housing, dining, health care resources, and create innovative programs that educate and inspire. We enhance the University of Arkansas experience and help students succeed, one student at a time.

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University Welcomes Activist and Author Angela Davis for First Distinguished Lecture of 2021 - University of Arkansas Newswire

Letter to the editor: Top 10 ways tenure benefits students and all Iowans – Little Village

Many things, large and small, have changed over the last four years. World leaders have come and gone. Important books have been written. Our planet has experienced a pandemic. We have both retired.

But some things dont change. The opening of the Iowa legislative session sees the introduction of a bill by Senator Brad Zaun proposing the abolition of tenure at our states public universities. To date, this years version has advanced from the House education sub-committee to the full committee. Chapters of the American Association of University Professors at all three of Iowas state universities oppose the bill. AAUPs reasons for opposing it remain much as they were four years ago. Here they are as published in February 2017, the top ten ways tenure benefits students and all Iowans:

10. Tenure promotes stability. It enables the development of communities of scholars who devote themselves to the long-term pursuit of new knowledge and ongoing mentoring of students and beginning scholars.

9. Tenure routinizes intensive evaluation of faculty members work. In the American academic community, tenure is a sign that a scholar has completed scholarly work at the highest level. To gain it, emerging scholars willingly undergo a series of grueling reviews of their scholarship, teaching, and service. If successful in earning tenure, they can expect ongoing annual evaluations and intensive periodic post-tenure reviews in order to maintain it.

8. Tenure permits independent inquiry. It ensures an environment in which scholars pursue research and innovation, and arrive at reliable, evidence-based conclusions free from commercial or political pressure.

7. Tenure encourages first-rate teaching. It permits scholars to bring their findings and research methods directly into the classroom, informing and inspiring Iowas future scholars and community leaders.

6. Tenure promotes effective faculty recruitment and retention. Were tenure to be prohibited, Iowa public universities would have a difficult time attracting and retaining the most promising teachers and scholars to work in our state and teach our students.

5. Tenure helps the economy. It is not, as some claim, a job for life. A tenured professor may be discharged for malfeasance or, sometimes, for financial exigency. Yet the security tenure provides is valuable and induces many highly credentialed scholars and professionals to forgo more highly paid employment elsewhere in industry or the private sector to work here in Iowa, teaching our future community leaders.

4. Tenure fosters students creativity and analytical skills. In classrooms led by faculty insulated from commercial and political pressures, students may examine important issues from a variety of perspectives and arrive at conclusions based on information and their own values.

3. Tenure advantages Iowa communities. It encourages scholars to contribute their expertise to the communities in which they live when issues related to their work arise, because they may do so without political or commercial pressures. An example of this could be seen in Flint, Michigan as issues with polluted water arose.

2. Tenure increases the value of Iowa degrees. It enhances the academic standing and economic value of degrees from Iowas public universities in national and international markets. Currently, Iowas universities are of such stature that they attract international attention from leaders of industry and the professions as well as academics. If Iowa were to prohibit tenure and be hampered in its efforts to hire and retain the most promising professors, regard for graduates of Iowas public universities would decline accordingly.

And the Number 1 reason tenure benefits students and all Iowans: Tenure is indispensable to academic freedom. It allows professors the independence to do the best work they are capable of doing without fear that they will be fired for their opinions or conclusions.

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Letter to the editor: Top 10 ways tenure benefits students and all Iowans - Little Village

President ending contracts with federal private prisons a step in the right direction – Fox17

MICHIGAN Tuesday afternoon, President Joe Biden signed an executive order requiring the Department of Justice not to renew contracts with private prisons and facilities. Biden said he did it an effort to address and fix systemic racism in America.

Activist Ed Genesis of Kalamazoo was excited to see it.

I feel hopeful just seeing this, Genesis said during a Zoom interview on Wednesday afternoon. Private prisons was just wrong, period; just for somebody to be able to invest or build something for the pure gain of capitalism.

Years ago, Genesis served an eight-month jail sentence and also did several stints at various halfway homes. Now, hes currently the lead organizer for criminal justice reform on the west side of the state for Michigan United, a nonprofit dedicated to economic and racial justice.

When I first got into the work I would always downplay and say, Well Ive only been to jail, Genesis recalled. The guy that did 35 years, he told me he said, Man, they took your freedom the way they took mine. They just had us in different facilities.

That conversation always stuck with Genesis, he said. He believes that private prisons and other facilities were created for the sole purpose of making money, and it unfairly targeted poor people and communities of color. Those communities then became the face of mass incarceration.

RELATED: Biden outlines plan to promote racial equity, signs EOs aimed at police reform

America makes up just 5 percent of the world population but makes up an alarming close to 26 percent of incarcerated people, he said. The numbers are just ridiculous. Everybody can go to jail.

University of Michigan Ann Arbor Law Professor Margo Schlanger agreed that the number of people in prison is extreme. She said in the 1970s, the overall prison population spiked but has plateaued over the last decade.

Theres now a really broad agreement that that number is too high. You dont have to believe in abolishing prisons to think that some people are doing too much time for crimes that occurred a long time ago, Schlanger said during an interview with FOX 17 Wednesday morning over Zoom. I think the thing that is next is considering whos in prison and whether they really need to be there and trying to be smart about the use of what is a very damaging set of institutions.

While Schlanger applauded President Biden for fulfilling his promise to act on racial equity and criminal justice reform, she stated that the order only impacts private prisons on the federal level.

That level is more privatized than most systems, she said, and its only 10 percent. She added that the order does not cover ICE detainees.

The Bureau of Prisons has really found that its private prisons are less humane, and they provide less appropriate conditions of confinement than the public ones. And so I think its really important that theyre acting on that finding, Schlanger said. This is not the end of mass incarceration. This is not closing the prisons. This is not prison abolition. Its an incremental reform that is carrying out a promise that the administration made during the campaign.

Genesis said hes grateful that Biden signed the order. It motivates him to continue to do his best work. Currently, he and Michigan United are working on ending the school-to-prison pipeline. However, for now, Bidens decision to end contracts with private prisons he sees as a positive step forward.

Just to hear somebody, especially President Joe Biden, who spoke very candidly on the crime bill in the 90s, for him to make this step, it does make me feel hopeful, Genesis said. This is like, OK, yeah, youre making a step in the right direction,' and this is a huge step in the right direction.

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Global Buddhist Network Heralds Entry into Force of Nuclear Ban Treaty – IDN InDepthNews | Analysis That Matters

Viewpoint by Soka Gakkai President Minoru Harada

Following is the text of a press release President Harada welcoming the entry into force of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) on January 22, 2021.

TOKYO (IDN) Together with the members of the Soka Gakkai worldwide, I wholeheartedly welcome the entry into force of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) on January 22, 2021. The entry into force of the TPNW heralds the start of the end of the nuclear era and marks a significant step forward toward the total elimination of nuclear weapons.

I would like to express my deepest respect and appreciation to all those who have struggled for years toward the shared objective of ridding this world of nuclear weapons, including the worlds hibakusha, International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War (IPPNW), the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), and others in the international NGO community.

The Soka Gakkai has long been committed to the prohibition and abolition of nuclear weapons as its social mission and responsibility. Our efforts have been inspired by second Soka Gakkai president Josei Todas declaration, issued on September 8, 1957, calling for the abolition of nuclear weapons and harshly condemning them as a threat to the right of the worlds people to live.

Toda shared the resolve of the first president of the Soka Gakkai, Tsunesaburo Makiguchi, who died in prison having fought for the sake of peace and human rights, never succumbing to pressure from the Japanese military government during World War II.

The spirit of Todas declaration was then inherited by Daisaku Ikeda, third president of the organization, who has denounced nuclear weapons as an absolute evil and dedicated his life to building the foundations for lasting peace. We are determined to continue to work to realize our founding presidents resolve to realize a world free from nuclear weapons.

Under President Ikedas leadership, members of the Soka Gakkai and Soka Gakkai International (SGI) have devoted ourselves to grassroots initiatives to eliminate nuclear weapons, efforts driven by the passion and energy of youthful future leaders.

These efforts, with their consistent focus on one-to-one dialogue, include the organizing of antinuclear exhibitions and symposia, campaigns to collect signatures and the publication of the testimonies of atomic bomb survivors. The SGI has actively collaborated with other NGOs, civil society actors and faith-based organizations (FBOs) around the world toward this common goal. The TPNWs entry into force is the culmination of the long, persistent struggle of citizens from around the world coming together in solidarity. It is our hope and conviction that it will become a significant milestone on the path to nuclear abolition.

Threats to global peace and security are multifaceted and complex. As SGI President Ikeda has repeatedly argued in his annual peace proposals, the world must shift from a traditional state-centred understanding of national security to a more fundamental and authentic approach to security-focused on protecting peoples lives and dignity. From that perspective, it is clear that prohibiting and abolishing nuclear weapons from this world is the surest and most realistic path to lasting security for humankind.

The Soka Gakkai has always placed foremost importance on standing with the people. Japan is the only country to have suffered the wartime use of nuclear weapons. We, therefore, express our strong desire that Japan participate as an observer in the first meeting of States Parties of the TPNW with the goal of creating the conditions that will make its ratification of the treaty possible. Japan should assume a leading role in advancing the prohibition and abolition of nuclear weapons by bridging the deep divisions that now exist between the nuclear-weapon states, nuclear-dependent states and the non-nuclear-weapon states.

The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons represents a pragmatic vision for achieving a world free from nuclear weapons. Along with the legal and institutional establishment of the treaty, it is crucial that its animating spirit and vision be widely disseminated and received. This is a challenging undertaking that must be driven and sustained by hope and faith in the power of the people.

The TPNWs entry into force is the occasion for redoubling our efforts to build global solidarity among people who seek a world without nuclear weapons. As heirs to the spiritual legacy to which our organizations three founding presidents dedicated their lives, the members of the Soka Gakkai will continue to take action and engage in dialogue toward the goal of constructing the defences of peace in the hearts of individuals everywhere. [IDN-InDepthNews 24 January 2021]

Photo: ICAN campaigners protest in Sydney, Australia on 22 January. Credit: Michelle Haywood. Photo (in the text): Minoru Harada | Credit: Keikyo Shimbun

IDN is flagship agency of the Non-profit International Press Syndicate.

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Finding Common Ground Between Abolitionists And U Of I Campus Police – Illinois Newsroom

This is the second installment of a two-part digital series. You can read the first story here.

URBANA On a Friday night in late October of last year, University of Illinois police Officer Kyle Krickovich began his shift at 10 p.m. it would last until 8 a.m. patrolling the east side of the University of Illinois Urbana campus. During the four hours I spent with him, he spotted two students whose car ran out of gas, and helped them push the vehicle into a parking spot. He offered to give them a ride to the gas station, but they declined. Later, he extinguished a large dumpster fire roaring next to an apartment building in Urbana. Around 2 a.m., he pulled over a group of teenagers whose car drove straight through a turn only lane. He wrote the driver a ticket because it was the second time he had been cited for the same offense.

Listen to Illinois Newsroom Reporter Lee Gaines interview experts in alternative forms of justice:

It was an admittedly slow night, Krickovich said. But not all nights are like this. Krickovich recounts a situation in which he was called to assist a victim in a shooting incident near campus.

I put a tourniquet on his leg to, you know, hopefully stop the bleeding and, you know, kind of keep him with us until the ambulance or EMF personnel could get there to take over and get him to the hospital. So thats one of the ones thats like, definitely your hearts pumping and racing, he said.

Krickovich, who is in his mid 20s, has been a UIPD officer for about three years. But some students and community activists at the U of I campus want his job eliminated, and the roughly $8.2 million the department receives annually diverted to other services for students, like mental healthcare and alternative forms of justice. Its a part of a growing national movement to defund campus cops, which has taken root at other institutions in Illinois, Connecticut, California and Michigan. At the U of I, students say campus cops over police students of color, and they dont feel protected or served by the agency. Data obtained via a Freedom of Information Act Request shows that more than half of the people physically taken to jail by UIPD officers between 2016 and 2019 were Black.

Krickovich said this kind of activism isnt new, but he said a lot more people became involved after George Floyd was killed. Floyd, a Black man, was killed by police in Minneapolis last May, sparking global protests and invigorating a police abolition movement on university campuses. When I interviewed him last fall, Krickovich said he hadnt seen the entire cell phone video that a bystander took of a police officer kneeling on Floyds neck until he died. But he said the incident changed the way he thought about his job.

Im just constantly reminding myself that, you know, I got hired, essentially, to work for the people of this community. You know, theyve entrusted me with a very interesting and powerful position, he said.

Krickovich received his basic training for the job at the University of Illinois Police Training Institute (PTI), which serves not only U of I police officers but also recruits from law enforcement agencies around the state. The institute claims to be unique among police training organizations nationwide.

We consider ourselves very progressive, said Michael Schlosser, the director of PTI and a former police officer himself. Weve created a lot of new courses and done things that I think have always been kind of in line with police reform.

Once hired, police recruits including university police officers are mandated to complete 14 weeks of training and pass a final exam at one of seven police academies in Illinois. That training includes a 650-hour curriculum created by the Illinois Law Enforcement Training and Standards Board with an extensive list of subjects, ranging from community and social media relations to crisis intervention, investigations, defensive tactics, officer wellness and 40 hours of scenario based training that includes role playing police-related incidents, among many other topics. And the training doesnt stop there. Once theyve completed basic training, recruits are sent back to their departments where on-the-job training continues, which includes a probation period typically lasting between a year and a half to two years, Schlosser said.

He said the curriculum was updated several years ago to include mandated de-escalation training, which most academies already teach in some form. But Schlosser said theres now an increased focus on training for mental health crises, implicit bias awareness and cultural competency.

He said most police officers are good people who also want reform. Schlosser said most were also infuriated by the killing of George Floyd.

I cant think of any officers in this area that would not have only said, get off their neck, they would have shoved him off his neck, because that benefits both the arrestee and the officers. Its just the right thing to do, he said.

The reforms required are systemic, and run the gamut from being able to fire an officer who has committed harm without intervention from police unions, making sure theyre unable to get a job as a cop elsewhere, to additional training, Schlosser said.

I think its obvious in our society, in America, that we have to own and be aware that every person has certain assumptions, biases and stereotypes, he said. Tackling those implicit biases involves getting to know people from different socioeconomic and racial backgrounds when youre not pulling them over or arresting them. And, of course, through training.

But Schlosser draws the line at abolition. He said he can completely understand and respect peoples views that police should be eliminated, or disarmed or prevented from responding to certain types of incidents. But he said without police, crime will increase.

I just dont understand how you cant have police. But we can do a better job of what that looks like, Schlosser said.

Work with us

UIPD Officer Krickovich said he realized his decision to become a university police officer was the right one while a recruit in training at PTI. Krickovich is in his mid 20s. He grew up in the area going to U of I sporting events with family, and he attended Parkland Community College in Champaign. Krickovich said he completed his bachelors degree at the U of I while working as a civilian for the campus police department part-time. After he decided engineering wasnt the career for him, he said he was inspired by his uncle, a retired deputy with the county sheriffs department, to become a police officer.

While at PTI, Krickovich met other recruits from departments across the state, and it solidified my choice in working for the university, you know, we do things different than maybe a city or like a county would.

Like Schlosser, Krickovich said change is necessary. While he cant support abolition, Krickovich said police, including campus officers, are asked to address too many things, from homelessness to mental health.

You know, we do so much. I dont think the right message is defund us, its work with us. Lets find other money to enact that change.

Krickovich said if police werent responsible for addressing so many of societys and the university communitys problems, then, maybe, you wont need as many officers like him.

No one gets into this job to not help people or to hurt people, you know, thats not what any of us are here to do, Krickovich said. We want to see everyone succeed. And I was a student here, I know what it was like to be a student here. Ive lived in the community for such a long time. This is home.

Foundationally violent

As the movement to abolish campus police gains momentum at campuses across the country, Dylan Rodrguez hopes it doesnt get watered down. Rodrguez is a professor of media and culture studies at the University of California Riverside, and hes also a member of a faculty-led group advocating for the elimination of university police across all UC campuses by this coming fall.

What is interesting to me about the moment were in now is how much traction the term and concept, abolition, actually has with people, he said.

Rodrguez said hes been an abolitionist for the last 25 years. He traces the roots of his activism back to the late 1990s, when he met the author and civil rights activist Angela Davis, who served as one of his graduate school instructors at UC Berkeley. He said she became a mentor. Rodrguez said he began to understand the prison industrial complex as an instrument of genocide against Black and brown communities.

They talked about it in terms of how that structure, how the prison industrial complex and policing, were eliminating entire sectors of their communities. They were destroying families. They were inhibiting, if not exterminating, the capacity to socially reproduce, he recounts.

At its core, Rodrguez said policing is foundationally violent, foundationally anti-Black, foundationally colonialist, misogynist, homophobic and transphobic.

In order to address that foundational violence, what you actually need to do is destroy the existing system and recreate the world so its a creative project, he explains.

Collective safety and justice through the lens of abolition looks like a world in which historically marginalized and vulnerable people i.e. Black, indigenous and transgender individuals are prioritized rather than victimized, Rodrguez said.

Rodrguez said college campuses are an excellent place to experiment with new and inclusive forms of justice that attempt to address the conditions that result in crime before it actually happens.

We dont want better reactions to this stuff [from police], we actually want a form of security and community and accountability that addresses the problems at their root, at their cause were talking about institutionalizing that kind of structure

Targeting this kind of activism at the elimination of campus policing is strategically important in the mission to abolish police and the prison industrial complex altogether; colleges and universities are places where the creative side of abolitionist work could actually take root sooner rather than later, Rodrguez said.

Theres an opportunity at these sites to do that work, and to do it in the absence of an armed police force. I think thats at the best of it. Thats what I see happening right now, Rodriguez said.

Repairing harm

I struggled to find any colleges or universities that had actually defunded and disbanded their police forces. However, I found at least two campuses that have changed the way they approach crime and punishment.

The University of Colorado Boulder has used restorative justice since about 2000, although the program has grown significantly in size and scope in recent years. Last year, more than 1,000 students at the campus went through some form of a restorative justice process, according to Tyler Keyworth, the campus director for restorative justice and conflict resolution. Keyworth said the program tackles a range of offenses everything from the use of a fake ID to felony burglary and assault cases. The campus partners with the municipal court system and campus police department, which refer certain cases to the program, along with the campus office of student conduct and conflict resolution.

Keyworth defines restorative justice as a process that engages the people most directly involved with an incident that caused harm, and helping them to talk through what happened in the incident, what harm or impact was caused, and what they can do to make things right to the greatest extent possible.

In order to participate, students have to own up to and take responsibility for whatever it is theyve been accused of, Keyworth said. If someone was impacted by the students actions, theyre invited to participate in the process. Otherwise, the process is staffed by volunteers, who could be students, staff, alumni or residents of Boulder, Keyworth explains.

And then in that process, people are addressing three main things: what happened, what harm or impact was caused, and what can be done to make things right, he said.

Restorative justice is not a replacement for campus police, said Devin Cramer, assistant dean of students at CU Boulder. But the concept has changed the way the community addresses harm for the better, he said.

We have the police, we have the university, we have the city attorneys office and the municipal courts all bought into this concept of repairing harm as opposed to punitive measures like locking people up or excluding them from educational settings. And I think that changes the mindset of everyone whos working in the system, Cramer said.

He said its not a cure-all for the mistrust that may exist between students and their respective campuses, but its proved successful at CU Boulder, and something hed like to see expanded to other institutions.

I think that the more people we can get into a mindset of harm repair instead of punishment, I hope that that would result in systems, you know, improving.

Scholars and activists say a similar but different type of work is needed to fix systemic problems. Its called transformative justice, and students at U of I calling for the abolishment of campus police want to establish the practice on their campus.

Dara Kwayera ImaniBayer is the transformative justice program coordinator at Brown University.

This particular position doesnt exist really anywhere else. It was created by student organizingthe position is very new, even in concept, she said.

Transformative justice is defined by Bayer as a set of practices and principles created by communities that have been impacted by state-sanctioned violence, like LGBTQ, disabled, migrant, indigenous, Black and sex worker communities, as a means to address violence and create positive change in society without perpetuating violence. Transformative justice as a framework also recognizes that institutions, including police, have themselves caused harm, she explains.

Bayer said the program at Brown which began less than 2 years ago includes training a small cohort of students to practice transformative justice in their own communities. It also addresses interpersonal harm on campus through community accountability processes.

Its really about not just addressing an interpersonal dynamic around harm, but seeing how thats connected to the conditions and structures and violence that may have facilitated harm, Bayer said. She said the practice allows communities to solve problems on their terms in ways that arent punitive but constructive.

Bayer acknowledges that transformative justice typically takes place outside the confines of an institution, and its tricky to practice it within the context of a university. But she said its possible, though it requires what she calls radical imagination.

Because weve been told over and over again in our schooling, and just in our dominant society, that this is the way things have to be or this is the only way to address harm or to intervene or keep people safe, quote unquote and obviously thats not the case. We know these systems dont do that.

Radical imagination

Leojae Bleu Steward, a student at the U of I advocating for abolition, said it will take enormous creativity to enact change on this campus.

I mean, the society that were hoping for is one that we havent seen before. So that radical imagination is definitely going to have to come into play when we think of ways that we can include everyone, he said.

UIPD Police Chief Alice Cary said shes open to both approaches particularly the restorative justice model implemented at CU Boulder.

Traditional law enforcement is lagging, and we need something like this thats innovative, and it gives alternatives to offenders. And I think itd be a great idea and a great program to implement here, she said.

Cary said shes also committed to having hard conversation and transparent conversation with students, even those who dont think her job should exist on campus. She said theyve created an outreach program that Cary said is forging those relationships, its providing resources, its, you know, giving presentations and giving the tools that individuals need to protect themselves. Cary said the department is also reevaluating its policies with the help of an advisory committee made up of more than 40 people from the campus community.

In the meantime, Steward and his friend and fellow U of I senior, Latrel Crawford, say they havent changed their minds; they still want campus police abolished.

Policing in itself is rooted in a system of white supremacy, Crawford said. As an African American man who is 21, a law abiding citizen and taxpayer of this nation, in order for me to feel safe and most comfortable, I dont want them around. Period.

Both Steward and Crawford are realists; they know the U of I is years away perhaps even decades from abolishing its police force, and they know defunding the cops wont solve all societys ills.

However, Steward said. We do think that that is an important step towards making this society one for everyone like its supposed to be.

Lee Gaines is a reporter at Illinois Public Media.

Follow Lee on Twitter: @LeeVGaines

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Finding Common Ground Between Abolitionists And U Of I Campus Police - Illinois Newsroom

10 New Books We Recommend This Week – The New York Times

THE SECRET LIFE OF DOROTHY SOAMES: A Memoir, by Justine Cowan. (Harper/HarperCollins, $27.99.) I didnt love my mother, Cowan declares. But this investigation into her mothers life is equal parts memoir and love letter to the difficult, occasionally cruel woman who was not the person she claimed to be: Far from growing up in the wealthy, fox-hunting circles she had always suggested, her mother had in fact been raised in a foundling hospital for the children of unwed women. Cowan is a public interest lawyer accustomed, when taking on a new case, to plunging into a heap of documents and piecing together a narrative, Ellen Barry writes in her review. The propulsive parts of the book come as Cowan uncovers the past that her mother was so intent on hiding.

THE CROOKED PATH TO ABOLITION: Abraham Lincoln and the Antislavery Constitution, by James Oakes. (Norton, $26.95.) In this carefully and rigorously argued book, Oakes describes how the antislavery movement used the federal Constitution to buttress its cause, emphasizing every provision and every clause that could be used on behalf of abolition. Gradually the antislavery advocates accumulated a variety of textual protections for freedom and limitations on slavery, Gordon S. Wood writes in his review. Then they began moving beyond the text of the Constitution to invoke its spirit. In his final and perhaps most original chapter Oakes traces the winding route Lincoln followed in order to get to the 13th Amendment, which abolished slavery in the United States once and for all.

TROUBLED: The Failed Promise of Americas Behavioral Treatment Programs, by Kenneth R. Rosen. (Little A, $24.95.) Rosen experienced a few of the tough-love institutes that he writes about in this searing expos: wilderness camps and therapeutic programs that treat young substance abusers and troublemakers, largely unregulated. Often, he claims, the programs do more harm than good. Rosen approached dozens of former participants before finding people who were willing to open up, and he spent a number of years with each of them to understand them better, Robert Kolker says in his review. This alone turns Troubled into not just a work of extended empathy but a public service; these life stories, taken together, shine a light on an industry that has been able to thrive in darkness.

AMERICA AND IRAN: A History, 1720 to the Present, by John Ghazvinian. (Knopf, $37.50.) This book presents the long, troubled relationship between the United States and Iran in a breezy and supple narrative, replete with poignant anecdotes, to posit convincingly that antagonism between Iran and America is wholly unnecessary. Abbas Milani, reviewing it, applauds Ghazvinian for detailing how there is in the United States a powerful chorus that wants nothing to do with Iran, along with elements in Israel and Saudi Arabia working against normalized relations between the two countries. Milani adds: The book is commendably exhaustive in its effort to expose the machinations of these forces. Even when we disagree with Ghazvinian, the story he offers is delightfully readable, genuinely informative and impressively literate.

CRAFT: An American History, by Glenn Adamson. (Bloomsbury, $30.) Adamson, the former director of the Museum of Arts and Design in New York, has assembled a startlingly original history by examining the mostly unsung artisans who built the country literally by hand from Indigenous and enslaved populations to todays maker movement. That no one has ever previously attempted this may be because when we bother to think about craft at all, it is usually through a gauzy haze, Deborah Needleman writes in her review. Yet Adamson manages to discover making in every aspect of our history, framing it as integral to Americas idea of itself as a nation of self-sufficient individualists. There may be no one better suited to this task.

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10 New Books We Recommend This Week - The New York Times

Framing the Khmer Rouge The Diplomat – The Diplomat

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In Cambodia, the Khmer Rouge have left deep and lasting scars on the land, the people, and the culture. The ultra-communist government killed nearly 2 million people between 1975 and 1979, including most of the countrys intellectuals and artists. As a result, those who initially documented these lasting effects were foreign photographers, but this has slowly begun to change, with Cambodian photographers producing increasingly singular work, often in spite of the lack of access to resources and formal education. How has this change come about? And why is it significant?

The Early Years: Cambodia Through a Foreign Lens

For all its impact on Cambodia and its people, the Khmer Rouge regime has overwhelmingly been framed by images taken by international photojournalists. Seminal work, such as Roland Neveus The Fall of Phnom Penh, captured the entrance of the Khmer Rouges black-clad soldiers into the capital Phnom Penh on April 17, 1975. And there was John Burgess, who found himself on assignment in 1980 with the Washington Post. His images show the rebirth of Phnom Penh, offering a snapshot of the countrys resilience after four years of hell.

Nic Dunlops book The Lost Executioner stands out in its evolution beyond the image. The book chronicles the rise and fall of Comrade Duch, the notorious head of the Khmer Rouge prison S-21. Dunlop weaves a historical account with his own journey to find Duch, who melted back into the Cambodian countryside after the fall of the regime in January 1979. His search for Duch was aided by a photograph of the elusive official, which he showed to individuals as a prompt to conversation. As an image maker, Dunlops use of this portrait as a catalyst to his investigation, rather than a narrow focus on the frame, offers a poignant example of the limitations of photography to convey complex historical narratives.

Get briefed on the story of the week, and developing stories to watch across the Asia-Pacific.

In 1989, about 10 years after the fall of the Khmer Rouge, John Vink entered the country on his first assignment for the French newspaper Liberation. Vink would end up dedicating 16 years to living and working in Cambodia. Vinks work, rooted in an unfaltering drive, has seen him publish a range of books, such as A Question for Land, which covers his in-depth reportage on land rights issues. Indeed, much of his work has been about the question of land, which can be traced back to the Khmer Rouge abolition of land titles and now related to Cambodias politics. I think every aspect I covered after that in Cambodia can somehow be related to those issues, Vink says.

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The Rise of the Cambodian Photographer

Vink is also well-known for the support he has given to the development of young Cambodian photographers like Vandy Rattana, whose work Bomb Ponds show the scars of the land resulting from the illegal bombing of Cambodia during the Vietnam War.

Rattana is one of the new generation of Cambodian photographers, some of whom have banded together in emerging collectives, such as the multidisciplinary Sa Sa Arts, which offers photography courses alongside more established institutions such as the international Angkor Photo Festival. Despite not receiving the benefits of formal training in photography, this young generation has found alternative ways to address through their work the complex issues facing contemporary Cambodia.

One major contrast with foreign photojournalists is that their work is not centered in documentary. Instead, it skips with ease across and beyond photography. Unbound by genre or codes of production, their work feels more immediate.

For example, Lim Sokchanlina responds to a range of questions in both his practice and teaching of photography. His deep interest in how people live and work, and how political decisions change their environment, have fed into the production of his recent work National Road Number 5, an extended series of photographs of houses which have been cut in half to clear the way for a road-widening project. Lina is acutely aware of what has been lost and notes the impact of the Khmer Rouge on Cambodian image making. Its still important to talk about the Khmer Rouge through photography, he says. Its part of who we are and where we come from. I say it through my work but not directly, its far behind the stories but not disconnected.

The Limitations of Education

Education is a significant part of the development of photography in Cambodia. In 2019, when I launched Buried, a collaboration with a Cambodian-American family and their archive of photos taken before and after the Khmer Rouge period, Lina spoke to me about the legacies of the regimes deleterious effect on education. Our arts education was killed, he says today. We have a fine art school in Phnom Penh, but its very formal and traditional. They use photography as a reference to paint from; photography is not taught as a medium itself.

Cambodia offers several opportunities to study photography, including the Angkor Photo Festival, which started in 2005. Festival director Jessica Lim sees the significance of education being driven by participants in the workshops:

Our evolution has been undoubtedly strongly influenced by the demand of the people we serve and this is through an emphasis on storytelling, but without the formal structures of documentary. When I first joined in 2010, 70 percent of the work being made at the festivals workshops was quite heavily focused on reportage, but now its shifted. We support the photographers through rigorous advice and questioning about themselves, their approach, what they want to express. We give them the space to experiment with storytelling, and a lot of it is about the process. We work with the philosophy of not being consumers of photography but meaningful creators and embrace the idea of individuals being the artists they want to be.

Angkors workshops are clearly working, with photographers such as Kim Hak, whose ongoing series Alive has received both national and international recognition, as well as Neak Sophal, who attracted attention through his compelling and collaborative approach to portraiture.

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And then there is the aforementioned Sa Sa Arts, which was founded in 2008. The collective runs three education programs, including one in photography. Lina teaches the majority, with additional contributions from both Cambodian and international photographers.

Its important that we share knowledge, I teach you what I learn and we all learn from each other, he says. I ask people from a range of artists and makers, so we see how those who are interested in Cambodia and how they reflect on Cambodia.

Trapped Within Ideas

Lina notes that there here has been a recent decline in the number of international photographers coming to Cambodia. He also mentions a great similarity among Cambodia-based foreign photographers and their views of the country. For example, many get trapped in depicting the reality of poverty. But this is not all there is to Cambodia. I dont see this reality of poverty as Cambodia, he says. You need to look at the range of work to gain context on Cambodia.

Linas argument is compelling, but theres no level playing field between Cambodian and foreign photographers. Maybe in part this is what makes the work of Cambodian photographers so intriguing.

While Vinks and Dunlops works stand as examples of an evolving practice, these approaches are lacking in the prevailing tropes of most international image makers in Cambodia.

Its more difficult in the current atmosphere for Cambodians to publicize work which could be critical, the expat photographers fill in the slot and run away with the few assignments that are available, Vink says. Many of the expat photographers I know do give back to the Cambodian photographers. But still, I feel the expat and Cambodian photographers are functioning in two parallel bubbles.

The situation is further complicated by the repetition of visual tropes, as Lina notes.

The discussion of the Khmer Rouge is still important, but the approaches to the subject have been limited. An example of this is Slawek Pliszkas self-published S21, a book of grainy black and white photographs of the Tuol Sleng prison museum, the killing fields of Choeung Ek, portraits of Khmer Rouge victims, and piles of clothes from the mass graves. To some, it perpetuates the victimhood of the portraits, which were taken by Khmer Rouge photographer Nhem En.

There has been much debate on the use and recontextualization of the S21 portraits, such as the Killing Fields book by Chris Riley and Douglas Niven, which published Ens images and has received much criticism. Pliszkas work appears to lack the contextual knowledge of what has come before him, and current debates in photography, specifically about the representation of the Khmer Rouge era.

Nic Dunlop reinforces this point. Time and again, Western photographers fell back on the same visual tropes; the mug shots from Tuol Sleng, the stacks of skulls from Choeung Ek, and portraits of survivors. This was understandable for parachute photographers on deadlines. But this approach didnt invite new ways of thinking about the Khmer Rouge period, he says.

Cambodias Complexities

Making work in and about Cambodia is a complex process which often places a photographer on the fringes, feeling their way through space, history, and memory. Stepping outside Cambodia has always been important for the evolution of my work, as is long-term dialogue, which can occur in any space. But being defined by genre and purely commercial activity does not add to the debate. The current state of representation from international photographers residing in Cambodia is lacking, and an imbalance of possibilities for education, together with the increased ability of international photographers to easily move in and out of the country (at least before COVID-19), has placed local photographers at a disadvantage.

That being said, the ability to speak beyond and around the subject has meant that work like Linas is visually more engaging and a more intelligent representation of what is taking place beneath the surface of a country that, for all its problems, has come a long way since the nightmare of the Khmer Rouge. It also offers a wake-up call, one which could evolve through asking the most basic of questions for Western photographers working in Cambodia, and, indeed, other foreign countries: what is the function of my practice?

Charles Fox is a photographer whose practice centers on Southeast Asia. He currently lectures in Photography at Nottingham Trent University.

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Framing the Khmer Rouge The Diplomat - The Diplomat

We Can Defund The PoliceHere’s How – The Indypendent

Listen here to our interview with Brandon on WBAI.

You might also like: Meet New York Citys Newest Neighborhood: Abolition Park.

Abolitionist Mariame Kaba famously stated, Let this radicalize you rather than lead you to despair. Following her words, I can only comprehend what we have endured in 2020 as a calling to radicalize, to rethink ineffective public safety policy and to revitalize our communities by defunding the police.

2020 was a year that felt like a decade, a time of deep stress and distress, challenges beyond measure, and enormous personal tragedy. I saw my home, New York City, fall into a series of crises, I lost friends and relatives to the pandemic, and I, along with millions of Americans, watched black men murdered on video.

West says it would be pretty easy for City Council to cut the NYPDs annual budget by $2 billion per year.

Beginning in June, after months of lockdown, I was in the streets fighting for Black lives and for the end of the carceral state. I organized with the Free Black Radicals and members of VOCAL-NY at the Occupy City Hall encampment to defund the NYPD. Months later, and only days after a white supremacist insurrection in the capitol, the NYPD brutalized peaceful protestors on MLK Day in that exact same location.

But when I feel despair, as I did during almost the entirety of 2020 and already many times since the start of 2021, I know it is time to turn to action. Whenever asked why Im running for City Council, I speak about my experiences fighting against over-policing and the carceral state. I tell voters that Im running to defund, and to abolish, the NYPD. Having the experiences of an organizer on the streets and as an analyst in the NYC Office of Management and Budget and City Council Finance means that I know it is possible to do these things and to radically re-envision public safety.

So how do we do it? Defunding the NYPD requires being bold and standing up in the budget process and also, critically, to articulate a vision of community safety that is not carceral. We have to do both, and the latter is harder than most people think. We are so used to treating the police and policing as the solutions that they most clearly are not. Even conversations with progressives and leftists, its hard to shake the language and framework around incarceration. But I know we can do it if we are intentional and clear about how we want to do this work.

First, there is a lot we can cut in the next budget. Its pretty easy to make reasonable cuts and hit $2 billion. There is no reason we couldnt hit at least $1 billion last year. Its a shame the outgoing council didnt. Communities United for Police Reform put out a well-researched report last summer showing just how easy it is to slash NYPDs budget by over $1 billion. This includes over $200 million in a hiring freeze and cutting the cadet class, $100 million in removing NYPD from schools and social service-related roles, almost $300 million in for police misconduct settlements/judgments and not firing abusive officers, at least $219 million by reducing the NYPD uniform headcount to FY2014 level, and almost $400 million in cutting bloat like surveillance technology and overtime. Not to mention that if you include all the fringe benefits associated with these positions, it adds up considerably. Critically, it doesnt mean we abandon workers like school safety officers or traffic officers, who are often BIPOC folks. We can and will engage in a just transition as we decarcerate jobs that should never have fallen under NYPDs purview. Police do not keep people safe, but community services and economic stability does.

The other part of this work is creating the vision for the alternative. Many people I talk to cite victims of violence as a rationale for the brutal incarceration of those who engage in forms of violence. But deterrence is just punishment, our basest instinct, and it doesnt work. Incarcerating peopledestroying peoples livesresults in only devastated communities, not safe communities.

No single person can design a perfect system to eliminate violence in all aspects of life in New York tomorrow. But many have done this work for years and we must empower them to begin to build this alternative. In December 2020, Brownsville engaged in a pilot program where the community removed beat cops and instead had community members present in the streets, including non-profits and city agencies setting up booths to offer city resources for folks. There wasnt a single 911 call during that stretch of time. This pilot was just that: a pilot; it was a bubble within the world of a carceral state, with the normal over-policed stretch of the city a few blocks away. But it was a start, and seemingly a success, and we need to engage and fund programs like these and see to it that they are successful.

If we are not laser-focused on Defund and making it the goal of the next class of councilmembers and the next budget, we will not get there. We absolutely can to build on the work that was already done to get to this vision. I have often remarked that if 2020 didnt radicalize you, then you cannot be radicalized. It is for my fellow radicals that I run for City Council in District 39 and why I run to defund the police.

Brandon West is running for City Council in District 39 which encompasses Park Slope, Carroll Gardens and parts of Sunset Park. He is a member of the 6-candidate DSA for the City slate.

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We Can Defund The PoliceHere's How - The Indypendent

Finding ‘the right folks around the table’: BCAP town hall discusses future of Duke policing, housing, student conduct – Duke Chronicle

The student-led Black Coalition Against Policing hosted a virtual town hall on policing and policy enforcement with Duke representatives Wednesday night.

In a brief introduction, Dean of Students John Blackshear and Mary Pat McMahon, vice provost and vice president for student affairs, said that university officials had been meeting with BCAP since July, when the group initially released their demands to disclose, divest and disband.

We are appreciative of the work of [the students], McMahon said. We have a lot of work to do to make the student experience meaningfully inclusive and equitable, and were eager to do that work.

The panel was moderated by Young Trustee Trey Walk, Trinity 19, and featured John Dailey, chief of the Duke University Police Department; Deb LoBiondo, interim dean for residence life; Jeanna McCullers, senior associate dean of students and director of the Office of Student Conduct and Community Standards; and Stelfanie Williams, vice president for Durham and community affairs.

DUPD is in the business of student support, Dailey said.

Dailey said that he was disgusted by the police brutality he observed during summer 2020 and that the deaths of Breonna Taylor, George Floyd and others have been discussed internally. He admitted to being surprised that some students felt unsafe around DUPD officers and that his goal for the department is to identify what safety and security look like for different people.

He added that there should be an easy way for people to have their concerns addressed and said that generally, he believes the University is very open to hearing complaints about systems that arent working. Additionally, he said that sharing information with DUPD, even anonymously, would help the department identify trends. The department receives about 44,000 calls each year, he said.

Dailey asserted that DUPD plays an important role on campus and that being armed is necessary, citing a variety of incidents that have occurred near campus or Duke University Hospital such as robberies and armed individuals. It would certainly be great to be in a place where officers would not need to be armed, he said.

When asked about his stance on police abolitionone of BCAPs goals laid out in its initial statementDailey said that it is not his goal and that he is against police abolition. While he acknowledged that there needs to be changes and that people have been treated unfairly, he underscored the need for policing.

Until society is such that people arent harming each other and that we dont need people to try to resolve difficult situations ... there is work to be done by people like me, Dailey said. Theres certainly other people that can do different types of work. I know violence interrupters were looking at for different things in Durham. Absolutely, we should do that too, and we should all come to the table.

Dailey said many people feel students are safer dealing with the DUPD than the city police. He said that he would hope its better for students to end up in the Office of Student Conduct as opposed to being criminally charged.

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He also said DUPDs relationship with the Durham Police Department is very good and that there is a strong partnership between them.

Dailey also told the panel that DUPDs use-of-force policy was consistent with the reform policies set forth by #8CantWait, a campaign to reduce police killings. The eight policies are de-escalation, creating clear policies on weapon use, banning the use of chokeholds and strongholds, requiring a verbal warning before shooting, not shooting at moving vehicles, intervening in excessive force situations, exhausting all alternatives and comprehensive reporting.

Dailey told The Chronicle in a December email that there have been seven uses of force during an arrest by DUPD officers within the last five years, with most being a push or a grab. During one arrest, he wrote, an officer used pepper spray after being bitten by the person under arrest.

In the end, we are here to support this institution and this institutions mission, he said at the town hall. Duke does not exist to have a police department. It exists for education, research and healthcare.

He said the department has been working to increase data collection to build trust. The department currently has 160 employees, with 46% being people of color and 30% being women, Dailey said. In 2019, DUPD stopped 82 people in traffic stops, of which 50% were white and 32% were Black. Dailey asserted that within those stops, the department does not disproportionately stop Black people for minor reasons and that he is comfortable with those numbers.

There were no arrests involving use of force in 2020, Dailey wrote in December. Additionally, the department has used dashcams since 2005 and body cameras since 2015, Dailey wrote.

Dailey acknowledged at the town hall that there were certain situations where armed officers did not need to respond, such as EMS calls, noise complaints and student disputes.

My transition into [being director of OSC] was very much framed by issues of race, identity and equity, McCullers said. She adopted her current role June 1, and her goals are to increase consistency in adjudicating cases, revisit how campus partners engage with students and be more proactive.

McCullers said that one shortcoming of OSC is boxing ourselves into what we think student conduct is, and that it should first and foremost be a source of student support. She pointed to the fact that out of 2,000 student conduct cases in the previous academic year, under five went through the formal conduct process.

Instead, most students go through adaptable conflict resolutions, which involve reflection and conversation. Most commonly, students referred to OSC go through faculty-student resolutions. In the case that a resolution fails or conduct is more severe, the student will go through the formal conduct process.

In comparison, the most recent statistics from 2017-18 published by OSC state that 71% of cases of alleged misconduct were handled via these informal means. Before this process even begins, the office attempts to identify interim interventions, such as providing support or taking reactive measures like suspension or no-contact orders.

McCullers added that students of color are not disproportionately represented in OSCs aggregate data, making up around 10% of overall reports. She said that every year, the office partners with an outside organization that sends a survey to students to help the office revamp its policies and practices. However, McCullers acknowledged that OSC doesnt have data on whether there is disproportionality in how students are affected by disciplinary measures.

McCullers emphasized that OSC is always looking for where there is discretion in the process and establishing checks and balances to that discretion. For example, she said that OSC is thinking about bringing more diversity of voices and thought into the Student Conduct Board selection process, as well as increasing data sharing and transparency with campus partners.

Wherever theres discretion, theres potential for bias, she said.

McCullers touched on the process of responding to hate and bias, which is the same as other violations but with additional measures. When a hate incident is reported to OSC, campus entities including the Office of Institutional Equity, DUPD and HRL are notified.

One area where students can weigh in, she said, is determining how to deal with systemic community harm.

I dont have to have seen the incident or been present to experience it in the same way that someone else may have, she said.

McCullers also addressed Dukes pickets, protests and demonstrations policy, which a student, in a question to the panel, claimed criminalized student activists who wish to better the University. She said that OSC has not held any student accountable under the policy under her tenure or even probably before then.

Were fully aware of the tension between what the university policy is in our book versus what students may want to do and how they express themselves to national events, she said. What they should know is that were right there with them.

Dailey added that there is a balance to be struck between allowing protesters and allowing others to have the opportunities provided by the University.

When something interrupts that, something has to happen, he said. What we hope happens is different levels of control, starting with self control, next might be peer control, administrative control and the last thing we want is police having to be involved.

Dailey cited the example of police intervention during students protesting Palantir Technologies at the 2019 TechConnect career fair. He said that neither self nor peer control worked, and when administrative response by Student Affairs also didnt work, police had to get involved to allow university operations to continue.

McCullers added that this semester, OSC is putting together a policy review committee composed of students, staff and faculty for the Duke Community Standard to look and revisit our policies and practices. Students who want to weigh in about the pickets, protests and demonstrations policy should reach out to her, McCullers said.

Dailey said that he hopes the policy review process may allow for a more satisfying response next time.

LoBiondo said that one of her goals upon arriving at Duke in 1996 was to enhance the diversity of the housing team, and this remains one of her goals today. Increasing diversity among graduate residents, resident assistants and residence coordinators is one area that LoBiondo believed could be improved.

HRL also relies on a cultural fluency committee, created after a 2015 incident in which a noose was hung on the Bryan Center Plaza.

This is in addition to incorporating core values of intersectionality and equity into the housing experience, which includes the introduction of the Foundations of Equity training for first-year students and improvement of the RA training model.

RAs undergo exercises during initial training and throughout the semester to ensure theyre properly equipped to handle a variety of issues, LoBiondo said. This includes being aware of social justice issues, white privilege and microaggressions.

Students raised concerns about RAs being in a position to police other students, and LoBiondo said that RAs are taught to engage with students in an authentic way but to avoid putting themselves in danger. She stated that RAs only contact police if there are health and safety concerns.

We dont want our undergraduate RAs put in harms way, she said. The police is an important partner for us particularly as it relates to health and safety and higher-risk things.

The Next Generation 2.0 Living and Learning Committee is also a vehicle for equity in housing, LoBiondo said, as it aims to decrease the footprint of Interfraternity Council and National Panhellenic Conference housing on Abele Quad and create greater inclusivity in housing.

Weve never had gathering spaces for our [National Pan-Hellenic Council] or [Multicultural Greek Council] groups, she stated. The National Pan-Hellenic Council is the umbrella organization for historically Black fraternities and sororities.

Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Inc. had a living space previously, LoBiondo said, but lost it after being unable to fill beds. In contrast, IFC and Panhel organizations have consistently had more space.

She also briefly commented on the random roommate policy for first-years, saying that the policy was wonderful but that housing hadfallen short in ensuring students were prepared to have authentic conversations with people of different backgrounds.

Williams said its so important that during a students tenure at Duke, that they have to be involved and a part of Durham so they get to experience it for themselves. She emphasized the importance of getting to know Durham for ourselves and to contribute positively to Durham.

We are residents of the Durham community and we can join together with the members of the broader community who have lived experience and expertise to share as well, she said. The skills and understanding that you will gain from being involved in Durham will serve you for the rest of your lives.

She added that many of the contemporary leaders in Durham are affiliated with Duke, demonstrating the connectivity and the opportunity that students have to contribute.

Addressing Dukes complex relationship with Durham, Williams emphasized that Durham and Community Affairs works through neighborhood partnerships to support the interests of residents in particularly the twelve neighborhoods that surround the University. The goal is to recognize issues that residents see as a priority and to identify resources or other ways Duke can convene the right folks around the table to solve issues, she said.

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Finding 'the right folks around the table': BCAP town hall discusses future of Duke policing, housing, student conduct - Duke Chronicle

Empireland by Sathnam Sanghera and Slave Empire by Padraic X Scanlan review – The Guardian

In the endless catalogue of British imperial atrocities, the unprovoked invasion of Tibet in 1903 was a minor but fairly typical episode. Tibetans, explained the expeditions cultural expert, were savages, more like hideous gnomes than human beings. Thousands of them were massacred defending their homeland, knocked over like skittles by the invaders state-of-the-art machine guns. I got so sick of the slaughter that I ceased fire, wrote a British lieutenant, though the Generals order was to make as big a bag as possible. As big a bag as possible killing inferior people was a kind of blood sport.

And then the looting started. More than 400 mule-loads of precious manuscripts, jewels, religious treasures and artworks were plundered from Tibetan monasteries to enrich the British Museum and the Bodleian Library. Countless others were stolen by marauding troops. Sitting at home watching the BBC antiques show Flog It one quiet afternoon in the early 21st century, Sathnam Sanghera saw the delighted descendant of one of those soldiers make another killing 140,000 for selling off the artefacts his grandfather had come across in the Himalayas.

Its a characteristically instructive vignette in Empireland, Sangheras impassioned and deeply personal journey through Britains imperial past and present. The empire, he argues, still shapes British society its delusions of exceptionalism, its immense private and public wealth, the fabric of its cities, the dominance of the City of London, even the entitled and drunken behaviour of British expats and holidaymakers abroad. Yet the British choose not to see this: wilful amnesia about the darker sides of imperialism may be its most pernicious legacy.

Among other things, it allows the British to deny their modern, multicultural identity. Moving effortlessly back and forth between history and journalism, Sanghera connects the racial violence and discrimination of his childhood in 1970s and 80s Wolverhampton with the attitudes and methods previously used to impose empire and white supremacy across the world and still perpetuated in British fantasies of global leadership.

Along the way, he tackles the racist myopia that allows present-day Britons to fantasise that black and brown people are aliens who arrived without permission, and with no link to Britain, to abuse British hospitality. On the contrary, imperial citizens have been enriching British life for centuries. The pioneering author and entrepreneur, Sake Dean Mahomed (1759-1851), invented the curry house. William Cuffay, the child of a freed West Indian slave and a white woman, helped lead Londons Chartist movement for greater democracy then, after being transported, became a political organiser in Australia.

Millions of others fought for Britain in the second world war alone, 200,000 Indian soldiers were killed, wounded, or captured while serving in allied campaigns. More than 10% of the UKs current population (including a staggering 44% of the NHSs medical staff) is non-white. All this is because for centuries white Britons colonised nations all over the world proclaiming their intimate, familial allegiance while invading, occupying, plundering, humiliating and killing their peoples on a massive scale to benefit British wealth and self-esteem. We are here because you were there.

Without getting bogged down in definitions, calculations or complicated comparisons, Empireland also manages to convey something of the sheer variety of imperial experiences over four centuries, and the limits of broad-brush explanations. Most of Britains wealth probably came from non-imperial trade. Imperial control was made possible by the collaboration of indigenous rulers and groups. Other nations have similarly problematic histories. And theres a long history of Britons themselves criticising, not celebrating, the full, gut-wrenching horror of imperial violence and racism.

But to make too much of such qualifications would be to miss the essential point. Both deliberately and unconsciously, the empire was one of the biggest white supremacist enterprises in the history of humanity, and it still corrupts British society in countless ways. Sangheras unflinching attempt to understand this process, and to counter the cognitive dissonance and denial of Britains modern imperial amnesia, makes for a moving and stimulating book that deserves to be widely read.

So does Padraic Scanlans engrossing and powerful Slave Empire: How Slavery Built Modern Britain, a detailed exposition of how Britain profited from slavery for 200 years, and then used its abolition to justify another century or more of imperial violence and capitalist exploitation.

Its a different kind of book: straight history, no memoir, a scholarly rather than a journalistic argument. Yet its propelled by a similar, urgent frustration with the amnesiac myths of Britains supposedly glorious imperial heritage.

In the popular imagination, Britains abolition of the slave trade in 1807, and of slavery itself after 1833, was a great victory of good over evil, a national sacrifice that wiped out the stain of its slaveholding past. By voluntarily casting off the sin of slavery, the empire was transformed into a beacon of righteousness, and flourished thereafter as a global leader of antislavery and free trade, not bondage.

In the age of Brexit, thats the proud, inspiring history that many Britons love to rehearse. As Scanlan shows, its not a recent invention: its rooted in the vision of the antislavery movement itself. But its deeply misleading. Inspired by the classic West Indian critiques of CLR James and Eric Williams, and synthesising a mass of recent scholarship, Slave Empire presents a series of much more uncomfortable truths.

For one thing, the mass enslavement and exploitation of Africans by Europeans was never incidental or separable from the rise of global trade and empire: it was one of the central mechanisms through which these things were achieved. Slavery itself was an ancient practice. But there had never been anything like the vast slave plantations created in the Americas, especially on the islands of the Caribbean. By the late 18th century, these enormous, brutal, ecologically destructive enterprises had become the hub of a huge, profitable, interdependent web of money, commerce, power and territory, stretching both eastwards across the Atlantic, to Europe and West Africa, and north and south, into the mainland colonies of America.

From the forced labour of the millions of enslaved people who were worked to death on such factory-farms, white Britons and other Europeans created not just a booming international market in sugar, tobacco and rice, but a heavily capitalised imperial economy of shipping, banking, insurance, manufacturing, commodity trading and military expenditure. Even the fine white sugar that Jamaican planters themselves consumed was the product of raw materials grown and processed in the Caribbean, shipped to London, refined by sugar bakers in England, and then transported all the way back across the ocean to be retailed in the West Indies.

Nor did slavery die just because enlightened Britons turned against it. The abolitionist vision was deeply hierarchical, racist and paternalist freedom was something to be gradually earned by blacks and benevolently bestowed by whites. Enslaved people themselves had very different ideas. Long before white Britons took up their cause, they fought fiercely and unremittingly against their bondage.

All over the West Indies, throughout the later 17th and 18th centuries, large numbers of escaped and rebelling slaves waged continual guerrilla warfare on white settlers. In the early 19th century, three major insurrections in Barbados in 1816, British Guyana in 1823, and Jamaica in 1831-32 helped force the hands of the British. Abolition was partly an attempt to prevent black people from emancipating themselves and capturing valuable British territories by force as the rebel slaves of Frances main colony had done when they established the free republic of Haiti in 1804.

Whats more, ending slavery didnt stop the gigantic system of trade and exploitation it had spawned. On the contrary, it was meant to enhance it. The British government paid out colossal sums to compensate slaveowners but nothing to enslaved people themselves. Instead, the law abolishing slavery forced them to continue to labour for years on their existing plantations, as unpaid apprentices.

Abolitionists presumed that freed slaves would work harder, making plantations more profitable. When the price of Caribbean sugar fell, it was their laziness that was blamed. When they had the temerity to demand better wages, thousands of other dark-skinned workers were shipped in as indentured labourers from China, India, and Africa, to take their place as they were to countless other new British plantations around the world. Free labour and free trade were incompatible with slavery, but not with the continued exploitation and global trafficking of low-paid workers.

As Scanlan points out towards the end of this rich and thought-provoking book, 19th-century British capitalists continued to invest heavily in slaveholding enterprises overseas. They funded and insured many of the banks, railroads, steamships, and plantations of the American south. Britains cotton industry grew into its largest and most valuable industrial sector by processing much of the raw material produced by Americas slaves. At one point, the livelihood of nearly one in five Britons depended on it. In almost every respect, the free trade empire was less a repudiation than a continuation of the empire of slavery. Its time to embrace a more honest understanding of its manifold legacies.

Empireland: How Imperialism Has Shaped Modern Britain by Satnam Sanghera is published by Viking (18.99); Slave Empire: How Slavery Built Modern Britain by Padraic X Scanlan is published by Robinson (25). To order copies go to guardianbookshop.com. Delivery charges may apply.

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Empireland by Sathnam Sanghera and Slave Empire by Padraic X Scanlan review - The Guardian

Books To Add To Your Reading List In 2021 – WBUR

One of the best things about starting a new year is compiling a new book list. So many gems dropped in 2020 and even more are slated to publish in 2021. Whether you're into nonfiction, fantasy or YA, we've put together this list of books we think would be a good addition to your "To Read" list. We want to thank GrubStreet's Writers of Color group for their local book selection suggestions!

Set in the fictional town of Bellport, Massachusetts, the novel follows the stories of multiple characters searching for their way forward.Bellport, a slowly dying, industrial town, doesn't seem to have much to offer but the characters in "The Talking Drum" are determined to see their dreams come to fruition.

Family secrets are uncovered in this memoir from Johnson recounting her family history. Decades ago, Johnson's white mother ran away to be with Johnson's Black father. What Johnson didn't know is that her mother orchestrated her own disappearance when she ran away. "Say I'm Dead" is a compelling tale about the legacy of racism in America, family and the power of love.

Even if you're not a fan of hip-hop, the impact of the genre on global culture is undeniable. ARTery contributor and music journalist Candace McDuffie lays out 50 rappers whose music and careers shifted the trajectory of hip-hop and the world at large. With beautiful graphics, this book is perfect for you if you love music and want to learn more about the stories behind the artists.

This young adult novel follows the story of Frankie Green, a young man growing up in Jamaica. Where he's from, people don't always make it out so when Frankie gets a scholarship, he thinks it's his ticket out. A series of unfortunate events gets in the way of his escape and he ends up working for his uncle's gang to pay off medical debt. Will Frankie ever make it out?

This book published at the beginning of the year but I've only just been able to get around to reading it. The story revolves around Willis Wu, a self-described "Generic Asian Man" with a penchant for acting and film. From his room in Chinatown, he dreams of making it big in the film industry. But are there more roles for him than just the "Kung Fu Guy?" As Willis embarks on his own personal journey, he unearths much more about Chinatown and his family in the process.

Haenyeo arefemale deep-sea divers, a tradition born in the Korean province of Jeju. With little equipment, haenyeo dive up to 30 meters and can hold their breath for up to three minutes. Junja, a young girl, is the most recent indoctrinated haenyeo in her family but she's still struggling to find herself in the aftermath of World War II. Her mother, also a successful haenyeo, dies suddenly after a diving trip and Junja finds her entire world out of whack. Armed with guidance from her cunning grandmother, Junja begins to carve out her own place, in love and in life.

This follow-up to Thomas' 2017 hit "The Hate U Give" takes us back to the Garden Heights neighborhood, but 17 years earlier than the events that unfolded. Mav is a young, charismatic man with plans of making it big with his girlfriend by his side. To make ends meet, he deals drugs for the King Lords. But things get complicated when his girlfriend gets pregnant. "Concrete Rose" tackles issues like Black masculinity and fatherhood as Mav figures out how to define himself in a world determined to box him in.

Are you one of those people who like a good dystopian fiction novel? This is one for you. Hernandez tells the tale of a not-so-distant world in which people of marginalized identities, including people of color, disabled and LGBTQ folks, are interned in labor camps. However, the emergence of a hero could disrupt the power structures that be and upend everything.

Since the resurgence of protests after the deaths of George Floyd and Breonna Taylor, there have been calls to get rid of the carceral state, including prisons, jails and the police department. For those new to abolition work, these concepts can sound counter-intuitive or difficult to grasp. Kaba, whose Twitter is full of resources and information on abolition, lays out abolitionist principles, shows us how we can transform harm and the way we view justice and, even more importantly, how we ordinary people are the change agents we've been waiting for.

Separated by a vast distance in a future where the world is heavily polluted, sisters Cee and Kasey have their work cut out for them. Cee is stranded alone, with only an android, on a remote island. Kasey, a STEM prodigy, lives in Earth's last remaining unpolluted city. But she's disillusioned with the moral bankruptcy of those living inside. Will these two sisters ever reunite?

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Books To Add To Your Reading List In 2021 - WBUR

DOL Issues New Tip Regulations: Will 2020 Be The Last Year Of 80/20? – Lexology

Seyfarth Synopsis: Just before the holidays, the Department of Labors Wage-Hour Division issued its final pay regulations governing tipped employees. The final regulations, which were published December 22, 2020 and will be effective March 1, 2021, provide a ray of hope in what was an otherwise miserable 2020 for hospitality employers. The regulations codify the abolition of the 80/20 tip credit rule and guide the circumstances in which back-of-the-house employees can be included in tip pools. The regulations explicitly exclude managers and supervisors from taking a share of employees tips. In 2021, hospitality employers will have to watch how the courts interpret these regulations.

The End Of The 80/20 Rule?

The main course in the DOLs regulations, and one for which hospitality employers have grown hungry, is the end of the 80/20 rule at least from the DOL. The 80/20 rule has had a somewhat complicated recipe. As those familiar with the tip credit know, an employer can pay certain employees who receive tips from customers a wage below the minimum wage. This practice is permitted on the theory that the tips employees receive from customers will more than make up the difference. But doing so requires an employer to meet some technicalities, including that this tip credit can be taken only for the hours the employee spends working in a tipped occupation. So, for example, a server at a hotels restaurant can be paid the tip credit for the hours they spend as a server, but not for the hours they spend at the hotel as a maintenance employee. More difficult questions emerge, however, when the server spends part of their time on duties related to server duties, but that do not produce tips, such as cleaning or setting tables. Under DOL regulations, tipped employees are allowed to perform related duties occasionally, but the DOLs regulations have never defined those two terms.

To fill the plate, the DOL issued some opinion letters and then in 1988 the DOLs Field Operations Handbook an operations manual made available to investigators ultimately determined that a tipped employee could spend no more than 20% of their time on related duties (which remained undefined) and remain eligible to be paid under the tip credit. In other words, an employee would have to spend 80% of their time performing tipped job duties. The 80/20 dual jobs rule remained a little-known side dish until more than a dozen years ago, just after wage-hour collective and class litigation began its boom. As can be imagined, tip credit litigation blew up as well, with many cases generating seven-figure settlements centering on whether restaurant servers side work is a related duty and what percentage of time servers spend performing those duties.

In November 2018, the DOL sought to abolish the 80/20 rule through an opinion letter and a field assistance bulletin. In its place, the DOL explained that an employer may take a tip credit for time when an employee in a tipped occupation performs related non-tipped duties either contemporaneously with or for a reasonable time immediately before or after performing tipped duties. Under this rule, the DOL explained, when a tipped employee engages in a substantial amount of separate, non-tipped-related duties, such that they have effectively ceased to be engaged in a tipped occupation, the tip credit is no longer available. Further, the DOL defined related duties by stating that a non-tipped duty is presumed to be related to a tip-producing occupation if it is listed as a task of the tip-producing occupation in the Occupational Information Network O*NET.

Beginning in early 2019, however, as Seyfarth previously reported, district courts largely have refused to give it deference and have clung to the 80/20 rule. Several of them reasoned that the opinion letter and field assistance bulletin did not provide persuasive reasons for an abrupt change in position after decades of the 80/20 rule. Strangely, these district courts instead have chosen to defer to the no-longer-effective 80/20 rule, or have imposed it as a matter of judicial fiat.

Therefore, in the late 2019, the DOL issued a proposed regulation and then, last week, published final regulations that hopefully will be the death blow to the 80/20 rule. In doing so, the DOL largely restated, with some minor tweaks, the guidance from its November 2018 opinion letter and field assistance bulletin. Perhaps responding to some of the criticism of district courts, the DOL in these regulations sought to explain why it was abandoning the 80/20 rule. For example, among other reasons, it stated:

An employer of an employee who has significant non-tipped related duties which are inextricably intertwined with their tipped duties should not be forced to account for the time that employee spends doing those intertwined duties. Rather, such duties are generally properly considered a part of the employees tipped occupation, as is consistent with the statute.

It remains to be seen if district courts will defer to this guidance now that the DOL has officially codified the rule. They should, as this guidance is reasonable and went through lengthy notice-and-comment rulemaking. Further, employers must be mindful that some states (e.g, Connecticut, New Jersey) have enacted their own versions of the 80/20 rule, in which employers in those states will need to follow regardless of the DOLs new rule.

Back-of-House Staff May Collect Tips In Mandatory Nontraditional Tip Pools

In addition, the DOLs regulations also address amendments to the FLSA made in the Consolidated Appropriations Act of 2018. The new regulations do not change longstanding regulations that apply to employers that take a tip credit under the FLSA. Employers that claim a tip credit must ensure that a mandatory traditional tip pool includes only workers who customarily and regularly receive tips. Under the new regulations, however, employers that do not claim a tip credit may now implement mandatory, nontraditional tip pools. In this scenario, tip pools may include employee who do not customarily and regularly receive tips, including back-of-house employees that may not be customer-facing, such as cooks and dishwashers.

Managers and Supervisors: Keep Your Hands Off Employees Tips!

The new regulations also explicitly prohibit managers and supervisors from keeping employees tips for any purposeeven in a nontraditional tip pool situation during which the employer does not take a tip credit and back-of-house employees are permitted to take a share of tips. In order to prevent employers from keep[ing] tips, the new regulations require employers who collect tips and redistribute them through a mandatory tip pool to redistribute the tips no less often than when it pays wages to avoid penalties. The regulations also require employers who collect tips and redistribute them through a mandatory tip pool to keep records of the same even if the employer does not take a tip credit.

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DOL Issues New Tip Regulations: Will 2020 Be The Last Year Of 80/20? - Lexology

ICE in Dems crosshairs as Biden heads to WH – Boston Herald

Last month, anillegal immigrant from El Salvador wanted back home for murder was deported via ICE Air after being caught in Framingham.

Will such arrests be few and far between under a Biden administration?

Abolish ICE has been a rallying cry on the left for several years, partly in response to President Trumps immigration policies, and partly due to the progressive penchant for viewing illegal immigration as more of a faux pas than a crime. Hence the politically correct term undocumented.

Biden himself has not called for the agencys abolition, but he has vowed to reverse many of Trumps immigration policies. And Vice President-elect Kamala Harris, while also not asserting that ICE should be abolished, had this to say about the agency: I think theres no question that weve got to critically re-examine ICE and its role and the way that it is being administered and the work it is doing, she told MSNBC. And we need to probably think about starting from scratch.

Harris has alsocompared the agency to the Ku Klux Klan.

As the Washington Times reported, Harris told ICE chief Ronald Vitello in a 2018 Senate hearing there was a perception that his personnel were using fear and intimidation in the same way the KKK did.

I thought it was totally unprofessional, unfair, Vitello told the Times. She can say whatever she wants about me personally, but she was trying to tar the whole agency. I think it was a disgrace.

Vitello said that if Biden and Harris won, CBPs in a world of hurt. ICE is going to be in a world of hurt if these two prevail.

And as the past month or so has taught us, there are many cooks throwing elbows in the kitchen.

New York Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez has wasted no time in finding fault with centrist Bidens Cabinet picks. She commands media attention, as well as that of the progressive wing of the party.

Abolishing ICE isnt a radical thing to do, its a humane thing to do, she tweeted.

Sen. Elizabeth Warren, though passed over so far for a post in Bidens administration, is nonetheless a player on Capitol Hill. She too, is no fan of ICE, posting on Facebook in 2018We need to rebuild our immigration system, start by replacing ICE.

Biden will face pressure to make radical reforms and America will face the fallout.

The December deportee, Marvin Alexander Figueroa-Mazariego, 40, was flown back to El Salvador.

Were very grateful that together with our HSI partnersthis dangerous fugitive who sought to avoid justice in his home country was removed from New England, said Todd M. Lyons, Field Office Director, ERO Boston.

Lyons added: We remain committed to seeking out and removing any illegally present criminal fugitives who think they can evade the law. Our focus will always be on those who continue to pose a potential threat by hiding in our communities in Massachusetts.

Catching criminal fugitives, staving off threats to public safety, arresting drug and weapons smugglers and confiscating kilos of fentanyl these are the things that ICE does.

If progressives get their way in undermining and diluting ICE operations, they will throw up serious roadblocks to any efforts to build back better.

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ICE in Dems crosshairs as Biden heads to WH - Boston Herald

Fitter and Happier? Work after the Coronavirus – Merion West

Of all changes that have already been made to mitigate the threat of the deadly virus, the way we work has arguably undergone the biggest transformation.

Editors note: The following is a lightly edited version of the postscript from Al Binns forthcoming book The Incredibly Strange Creatures: Or How I Learned to Stop Being a Mixed-Up Zombie and Survive Modern Work!!?. Some of the statistics and figures cited have been updated so as to be current.

While editing this book, the world has been faced with an unprecedented disaster, one whose ongoing and conceivably lasting impact cannot be ignored. On December 31, 2019 the first cases of the flu-like illness, later known as COVID-19, were detected in Wuhan, China. In the months that have followed, the virus has evolved into a global pandemic with at least 83 million cases and approximately 1.8 million deaths. The alarming eruption of the virus has led many to draw comparisons to a wealth of post-apocalyptic fiction including the American medical disaster film Outbreak and even Emily St. John Mandels award-winning novel Station Eleven, in which a virulent new strain of influenza wipes out 99% of the earths population. While the similitude drawn to these dystopian narratives has seemingly prepared us for a level of devastation akin to that caused by Mandels Georgia flu, the extent to which this novel contagion will affect human life is not yet known. Amid the uncertainty about our future with the virus, what is certain is that, by the time this book is published, the world at-large will be a very different place.

Of all changes that have already been made to mitigate the threat of the deadly virus, the way we work has arguably undergone the biggest transformation. The sanctioned lockdowns and subsequent economic downturn have ravaged the retail and hospitality sectors, with millions of people already losing their jobs in the onset of a financial plight set to eclipse the Great Depression. For the past several months, those who have been fortunate enough to escape redundancy and the stasis of the federal pandemic unemployment compensation programor, indeed, other such temporary wage subsidy schemeshave been faced with making the substantial adjustment to working exclusively from home.

Formerly understood as a euphemism for sending a few emails then kicking back to watch daytime televisiona medium previously reserved for students and the long-term unemployedworking from home has long since been considered the Shangri-La of modern work. Sold as part of a utopian vision of the future, teleworking is broadly understood as a consequential step in the natural evolution towards the end of work. The roots of such lore can be found in the work of John Maynard Keynes, who in 1930 predicted that in the next century technology would have advanced sufficiently to allow workers to only work 15-hour weeks. Today, as we are faced with a global pandemicand with video conferencing software like Zoom and Microsoft Teams facilitating our enforced working from home statusit feels as though we have taken a meaningful step towards this Keynesian prophecy. Certainly, in light of what has already been discussed [in this book], whether it be the zombification and lack of self-worth experienced through the simulation of pointless work or the slow erosion of character and identity suffered through the ever-transient job market, the idea of relocating to the sanctuary of the home, even for the purpose of work, on first blush can only be understood as a welcomed reprieve.

The apparent benefits of this new normal were illuminated, for example, in a recent tweet by one banking firm:

Getting up later, Wearing whatevers comfy. No awkward lift chats. No bants. No fake laughing at bad jokes. Seeing your first family. No fighting over the temperature. No drama. No water coolers in sight. Working from bed. Not getting stressed about your commute or the weather. An office isnt a home. Do what works best for you.

However, while the pandemics novel imposition of exclusively working from home may appear as a precognition of a utopian future rushing in, this romantic account of teleworking fails to address the dark underbelly of our homes and workplaces permanently becoming one. Before the virus hit, the digital revolution had already been well theorized as facilitating and perpetuating the pervasiveness of modern work, seeing our employment assume a near omnipresence and enslaving us into a zombie-like existence. Nevertheless, while our work has long since followed us home at night, it has ostensibly remained localized to a device. Prior to the pandemic, work permeated the home through a phone that could be simply switched off or a laptop that could repose in a bag, out of sight. Of course, in 24-hour capitalism these options seldom present themselves as such, though they have at least remained physically possible. Significantly, with the hastened move towards remote working, this ubiquity has intensified as work itself has become manifest, inhabiting the same physical space as our homelives. In a very literal sense for some, the dinner table and the desk have become one.

In returning to the books central thesis on rediscovering Aristotelian virtue ethics as an antidote to the sickness of modern work, I argue that the transition to working from home full-time should not be embraced as a step towards the end of work, thus creating the ideal conditions for practicing the virtues and ultimately achieving our telos, eudaimonia. Rather, it should be rejected as a covert shift towards a life completely without leisure. After all, it is not the home that is seeping into work; conversely, it is our occupations that are visibly punctuating our abodes. Indeed, as our homelives are overcome with work, the time for leisure (and, significantly, that for practicing the virtues) is absorbed into an incessant and boundless working life, making the concept of worker happiness invariably strange, if not impossible.

Starkly, the fallout from this new working arrangement has already been felt. Since the start of the pandemic, the issue of work-related mental health has become more and more prominent, with a near 50% rise in mental distress reported by employees when compared with the time period between 2017 and 2019. Much of this could be attributed to the move towards working from home, which has been credited with enabling the length of the working day to increase. These initial statistics have sparked early but serious concerns, with some predicting that as well as being faced with an impending recession and mass unemployment, we are also heading into an unprecedented mental health crisis.

As the line between home and work becomes physically impossible to discern, the pursuit of happiness appears decidedly futile. Frustrated by our inescapable occupations, the question of self-actualization is rendered moot, as we endeavor to simply survive the pandemic and the changes it has brought to our employment. In light of this troubling thought, we may consider the soft supportive tone of the aforementioned banking firms tweet to become modulated into a cold computer speech: something reminiscent of the synthesized voice from Radioheads musique concrte track Fitter Happier, reminding us that these new arrangements have made us more productive.

With the abrupt transition to remote working leading to a significant increase in mental health issues, workers have begun to long for a return to the workplace; perversely pining for the awkward lift chats and stressful commutes that they previously dreaded. Consequently, with this U-turn comes the realization that teleworking is not the crucial step towards an end to work we had longed for; rather it can be understood as the opposite, the beginning of a truly endless and inescapable life of work. By extension, this realization depressingly calls into question whether the abolition of work is the inevitability Keynes seemingly promised.

In the face of this dystopian reality, it is unsurprising that workers are favoring a retreat to the workplace. However, if we make the permanent return to office, the danger is that we will once again stop talking about work-related mental health and, instead, simply count ourselves lucky to have a job. It is of grave concern that mass unemployment, the exacerbated levels of poor mental health as a result of the pandemic, and the associated failed working from home experiment will mask the inherent issues of modern work and make the extent of our pre-pandemic despair seem trivial, even acceptable. Amid the euphoria of such a reprieve, we may forget that before the pandemic work-related mental health was a significant issue, plaguing three in five of us at some point during our working lives. With this in mind, I suggest that it is now more important than ever that, wherever one works (whether it be in the office, the call center, the service counter, in the creative industries, on the retail show-floor or in the backroom of a warehouse), it is imperative that we keep talking about work-related mental health. We must continue to fight for structure and stability and the abolition of zero-hour contracts. Critically, in face of these new challenges, it is essential that we maintain a concerted effort to establish clear physical and mental barriers between home and work, if we are to avoid the ways of the mixed-up zombie.

Al Binns holds a masters degree in philosophy by research from Nottingham Trent University. He is the debut author of The Incredibly Strange Creatures: Or How I Learned to Stop Being a Mixed-Up Zombie and Survive Modern Work!!? (2021), forthcoming from ZerO Books. He can be reached on Twitter@Tsunami__Life

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Fitter and Happier? Work after the Coronavirus - Merion West

‘Abolish the Senedd because we can’t win Welsh elections’ says Tory website – Nation.Cymru

The Senedd. Picture by Senedd Cymru.

A Tory website has published an article calling for the abolition of the Senedd because the party cant win elections in Wales.

Michael Evans argues in Prydain Review that devosceptism is the inescapable future for his party because the idea that a Conservative Welsh Government is possible is a shallow lie.

He said that the Conservatives cannot win enough constituency seats to get an outright majority and that a deal between the party and Plaid Cymru was not possible.

Mr Evans also claimed that any Tory who tells you otherwise is disrespecting you and insulting your intelligence.

The Welsh Conservatives currently have 11 seats out of 60 in the Senedd, and would need to win 31 for an outright majority, which is an increase of 20.

Devosceptic

Mr Evans said: When faced with devosceptic opinions, there is a stock answer given by the leadership. It goes like this: Yes, devolution hasnt worked for 20 years, but thats Labours fault. We can make it work with a Welsh Conservative Government.

As Henry Hill has pointed out, this is a distinction without a practical difference. But it is also a dishonest position that diminishes those who trot it out.

Devolution is not just the Welsh Government, but the Senedd. And the Senedds electoral system is semi-proportional. Even Labour has never won an outright majority. A Tory who tells you that the Welsh Conservatives can win outright is lying to you, disrespecting you and insulting your intelligence.

The Additional Member System incorporates first past the post constituency results with the Dhondt method for allocating the 20 regional seats. In English, this means that the more constituencies you win, the fewer regional members you get.

The Conservative vote is fairly evenly spread across the five Senedd regions, meaning that their road to a majority has to be based on constituencies only.

This would be extremely tough even if it was just a first past the post election with the 40 constituency seats; in that scenario the Senedd Conservatives would need to improve on the successful 2019 Westminster tally. But with the Additional Member System it is impossible.

To win an outright majority, the Welsh Conservatives would need to increase their number of constituency wins from 6 to 31. This means that to get to a majority of just one, their must win seats would include Llanelli, Torfaen, Caerphilly, Neath, Ceredigion, Newport East, Ogmore and Islwyn.

When theyve never even won the Vale of Glamorgan at an Assembly election, one can see that the suggestion of winning all those seats is beyond absurd.

No coalition

He added: And there will be no coalition, not that the suggestion of one would assuage devosceptic concerns about devolution in any case. Plaid Cymru has ruled out a coalition with the Welsh Conservatives.

There is no scenario, other than being the larger partner in a coalition, that would be more preferable to Plaid than holding the Senedd balance and forcing a Labour minority government to dance to its tune.

There will be no Tory majority, and there will be no Tory-Plaid deal. There is a dawning realisation across the Party that the Welsh Conservatives cannot win. That devolved politics is a cul-de-sac for the Party.

The implication of this for the devolution debate in the Conservative Party is simple. Conservative MSs point to every problem with the Welsh Government, but have no viable solution. They cant win. They cant change anything. So solutions will be sought elsewhere.

Difficult questions are coming, and nobody is going to be fobbed off with the shallow lie that a Welsh Conservative government is possible.

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'Abolish the Senedd because we can't win Welsh elections' says Tory website - Nation.Cymru

US film featuring A-bomb survivor Setsuko Thurlow to hit Hiroshima theater on Jan. 22 – The Mainichi

A scene from the U.S. documentary film "The Vow From Hiroshima." (C) 2019 Not Just a Survivor Film, LLC

HIROSHIMA -- A U.S. documentary film featuring Setsuko Thurlow, a Hiroshima atomic bomb survivor who has dedicated herself to the nuclear weapons abolition movement, is set to hit the screen in this city on Jan. 22.

"The Vow From Hiroshima" focuses on 88-year-old Thurlow's life from her young days to the 2017 Nobel Peace Prize awarded to the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), for which she gave an acceptance speech along with the ICAN's executive director that December. The start of the film's run at the Hatchoza theater in Hiroshima's Naka Ward will coincide with the day the United Nations Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons takes effect.

The film depicts Thurlow's memories of her days at what is now Hiroshima Jogakuin Junior & Senior High School and her atomic bomb experience, her marriage and move to Canada, where she got involved in the antinuclear movement and has lived ever since. The documentary also shows her witnessing the adoption of the nuclear weapons ban treaty at the United Nations in July 2017.

The film' American director, Susan Strickler, co-produced the work with Mitchie Takeuchi, the granddaughter of the director of Hiroshima Red Cross Hospital at the time of the August 1945 U.S. atomic bombing of Hiroshima. Her mother is also an atomic bomb survivor. The movie portrays how Takeuchi, a resident of New York, came to face up to her family's bombing experiences through her exchanges with Thurlow.

During a preview screening held at the end of November 2020, Thurlow, Takeuchi and Strickler addressed the audience via online video. Thurlow said with deep emotion, "Happy moments are occurring at a surprisingly fast pace, such as the Nobel Peace Prize for ICAN and the nuclear weapons ban treaty being set to come into effect. I wished I could've reported these developments to my schoolmates who perished that fateful day. We can move the world if we strive together."

Director Strickler expressed her hope that the movie will work to change the position of the Japanese government, which has not ratified the nuclear weapons ban treaty, with grassroots power. Meanwhile, co-producer Takeuchi commented, "I hope this film will provide an opportunity for us to think about what we can do."

(Japanese original by Noboru Ujo, Hiroshima Bureau)

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US film featuring A-bomb survivor Setsuko Thurlow to hit Hiroshima theater on Jan. 22 - The Mainichi

5 Facts to Help You With the Bridgerton Backstory – Lifehacker Australia

If you, like me, absolutely smashed through Bridgerton on Netflix, you were probably left wondering about a few things and went down a rabbit hole of what really happened?! afterwards. Well, here are a few gems to help you sort the fact from fiction.

Sorry to be the party pooper, but Bridgerton is not a true story. The Netflix series is based on the historical romance novels by Julia Quinn. So, inspired by what life was like centuries ago, but with a heavy layer of fantasy added. Think of it like Jane Austen meets Mills & Boon. Its a similar story with Outlander, which is based on the saucy novels by Diana Gabaldon. Although if the time travelling in Outlander didnt serve as a tip-off to its fiction status for you, we have bigger issues to deal with.

Bridgerton is set in the early 19th century during the Georgian era (because King George III was on the throne). For some context of the mood in England at the time, the Abolition of the Slave Trade Act became law in 1807, making the slave trade illegal throughout the British Empire, but it took 20 years to get through parliament.

Yep. Old mate was officially delusional. So much so that his son, also George, a.k.a. Prince of Wales, acted as regent for nine years until King George III died in 1830.

Ok, so this issue has been a heated debate since the 1940s when Joel Augustus Rogers, a.k.a. J.A. Rogers, wrote Sex and Race Volume 1. Queen Charlotte was born Sophia Charlotte of Mecklenburg-Strelitz in 1744, and many portraits of her point to her African heritage. Frontline investigated the issue, reporting that Charlotte was directly descended from Margarita de Castro y Sousa, a Black branch of the Portuguese Royal House. But even though Charlottes great-great-great-great-granddaughter is the current Queen, Elizabeth II, the British Royal family has seemingly never gone on the record to clarify the matter. And we probably shouldnt hold our breath waiting tbh.

Women who did work back then were pretty much limited to domestic services (shout out to Daphnes ladys maid, Rose, who schools the poor Duchess in sex ed) or the textiles industry (like Bridgertons dressmaker, Genevieve, and her dubious French accent). It wasnt until the Industrial Revolution later in the 1800s that women had more options for work, but the conditions were woeful. So back in Bridgerton times, a proper ladys prime job was to marry well and procreate. Hence why Lady Whistledown is absolutely living her best life, earning her own coin incognito.

Side note: when Ive had a bad day, I go and watch the 2005 Pride and Prejudice (much quicker than the 6-hour BBC series) to remind myself that I am not Charlotte forced to marry the awful Mr Collins because she is a burden on her family. Perspective is everything. Youre welcome.

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5 Facts to Help You With the Bridgerton Backstory - Lifehacker Australia

3 COVID trends predicted to stick around for the long-term – Smart Property Investment

As the world adjusts to the new norm, property investors who want to outperform the market will need to adapt to new consumer demands, a property expert has said.

According to Pure Propertys founder and director, Paul Glossop, three key trends have emerged in the property market during the COVID-19 pandemic, which are likely to continueafter the health crisis.

The property investor highlighted the growing trend of Australian workers using their home as an office, with COVID-19 forcing Australians to adapt to working from home.

Before COVID-19, working from home was, for most, a one or two-day-a-week occurrence at best and done at an individual employee level, Mr Glossop said.

The recent events have seen this change, and it is now generally commonplace to work full-time from home.

He explained that this means new home owners will be focused on extra rooms and extra space as they continue to use their home as an office.

The director also said consumer preferences have changed, with lifestyle locations becoming a premium as workersspend less time in the office.

More and more people are thinking about where they want to live in a post-COVID-19 world that made areas with connectivity to social hubs, transport, schooling and, above all, space (inside and out) more appealing than ever, Mr Glossop explained.

This will lead to a continued push to value above proximity to office towers.

Finally, Mr Glossop believes incentives for first home buyers to get into the market are likely to be accommodating for the foreseeable future.

With incentives for first home buyers at record highs and the proposed abolition of stamp dutyin many states, first home buyers will be out in force, upgraders will also become far more active, seeking larger houses with more amenities (pools, extra rooms for work-from-home options, cafes, beaches waterway access), Mr Glossop concluded.

Investors will also make a comeback towards the second half of the year as the responsible lending laws are proposed to be amended by April 2021.

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3 COVID trends predicted to stick around for the long-term - Smart Property Investment

Five things the Legislature can do to make Pennsylvanians’ lives measurably better in 2021 | John L. Micek – Pennsylvania Capital-Star

In just a few days, lawmakers in the state House and Senate will be sworn into office, kicking off a two-year legislative session that, if past is prologue (and it almost always is), will be replete with bridge and bypass renamings, votes to declare June the official month of something-or-other, and plenty of partisan sound and fury signifying nothing much at all.

But if 2020, for all its horror, pain, trauma and frustration taught us anything at all, its that government, when it functions at its best, can move swiftly and reasonably efficiently to do the most good for the largest number of people.

As I observed back in April, congressional authorization of the CARES Act was an affirmation that government can move affirmatively to make peoples lives measurably better. And once that door was thrown open, there are fewer excuses not to do it again.

Its also a truism that the Legislature, whose mitts are in almost every sector of life here in the Commonwealth, is best-positioned to improve the lives of nearly 13 million Pennsylvanians as the level of government thats closest to the people.

And, as my friend and colleague Jan Murphy, of PennLive, reported earlier this week, lawmakers did just that, as they enacted a law cracking down on human trafficking, among other measures. As the Capital-Stars Stephen Caruso reported back in July, lawmakers also approved, and Gov. Tom Wolf signed, a suite of police training and hiring reforms that were a first step on a much longer road.

So as the 203 members of the House and 50 members of the Senate get ready to return to work in 2021, here are a few modest suggestions on how they can best channel their energies to do the maximum amount of good right away.

Republicans who control the General Assembly spent much of 2020 squabbling with the Wolf administration over its pandemic management policies. By years end, that squabbling had devolved into a series of pointless and time-wasting veto override votes and mask-less and symbolic rallies that failed to produce measurable change. And given the choice during Novembers budget debate, lawmakers who pleaded for assistance to business owners socked by the pandemics economic ravages, instead opted to spend the states remaining $1.3 billion in CARES Act money to backfill state police, corrections officers and public health employees salaries, the Capital-Stars Stephen Caruso reported at the time.

In December, Democrats in the state Senate rolled out an ambitious, $4 billion, debt-funded relief proposal that would, among other things, provide nearly $2 billion in enhanced unemployment benefits and aid to businesses. A few weeks later, two Democratic lawmakers in the state House proposed a $200 million grant program, funded through the states Rainy Day Fund, for restaurant and bar owners struggling under the weight of indoor dining restrictions and rising case loads.

While its true that Congress has approved, and President Donald Trump has signed, a $900 billion stimulus program, lawmakers should treat that federal action as the beginning, rather than the end, of the good they can do for Pennsylvania.

Republicans have spent much of the past six weeks bleating about non-existent fraud in races that not only saw them safely re-elected, but also resulted in GOP wins in two of the three statewide row offices. Imagine if they put as much energy into solving a problem that actually exists.

Pennsylvania hasnt executed anyone since Philadelphia torture-killer Gary Heidnik went willingly to the death chamber in 1999. A moratorium on executions imposed during the first year of Gov. Tom Wolfs administration brought the states already grinding and expensive machinery of death to a complete halt. And as a new report by the Death Penalty Information Center makes clear, executions nationwide fell to historic lows during the pandemic as public opinion continued to turn against societys ultimate sanction. And policymakers listened. Colorado, for instance, became the 22nd state to abolish capital punishment, this year.

There is no question now that the death penalty is racist and classist, with with almost half the defendants executed in 2020 being people of color, and 76 percent of the executions were for the deaths of white victims. There is also a profound innocence problem, as the DPIC report makes clear: Five people were exonerated from death row in 2020, bringing the number of people exonerated from death row to 172 since 1973. In each of the five cases, prosecutorial misconduct contributed to the wrongful conviction, researchers found.

Last session, the unlikely pair of Rep. Chris Rabb, a Black progressive from Philadelphia, and Frank Ryan, a white conservative from Lebanon County, partnered on an abolition bill. Capital punishment remains the last criminal justice reform blindspot in a General Assembly that has taken some admirable steps to fix a broken system. For all practical purposes, Pennsylvania does not have the death penalty. There should be no issue, save for a lack of political courage, in getting rid of a non-functioning statute.

I mean, cmon, if New Jersey can do it and itll give Lt. Gov. John Fetterman one less thing to tweet about. Senate Republicans could take that, and the roughly $600 million in revenue gleaned from legalization, and declare a win.

Quick can you rattle off the names of the appellate judges you voted for in 2019? Can you even name four members of Pennsylvanias Superior or Commonwealth Courts? Im guessing no which just underlines the inanity of our current system of electing judges, which forces allegedly impartial jurists to raise money and wage nearly information-free campaigns for office, where the real beneficiaries are members of the trial bar and deep-pocketed corporate interests and not the voters.

Now, theres real movement afoot to make a bad system even worse with a GOP-backed effort to amend the state constitution to elect judges by region, rather than statewide. Critics warn that such a change would result in a dangerously politicized court system, WHYY-FM reported this week.

The lack of strict mapping criteria, in the proposal, or any protections for racial and language minorities combined with a total lack of transparency in the mapping process amounts to an open invitation to legislators to engage in partisan gerrymandering in order to increase the likelihood that candidates of their political party will be elected to the courts, Patrick Beaty, of the good government group Fair Districts PA, wrote in a Dec. 6 op-Ed for the Capital-Star.

If lawmakers are going to expend the energy on the rightfully difficult process of amending the states foundational document, their attention would be better directed to a proposal by Senate Judiciary Committee Chairwoman Lisa Baker, R-Luzerne, that would open a two-year window for civil litigation filed by the adult survivors of childhood sexual abuse. The proposed amendment won approval in the House and Senate in this years legislative session. Another round of approval in the 2021 session would put it before the voters as early as next springs primary election.

If the intent is to do the most good for the most people, Bakers proposed amendment, which would impact thousands of people statewide, is the obvious priority over a nakedly political amendment that no one, save partisans and special interests, is crying out to have passed.

Ive always been a huge fan of Hubert Humphreys maxim that the moral test of government is how that government treats those who are in the dawn of life, the children; those who are in the twilight of life, the elderly; and those who are in shadows of life, the sick, the needy, and the handicapped.

So even as many Pennsylvania school districts struggled to tame rising pension costs and deal with stagnant tax revenues, the state also saddled them with shouldering the rising cost of educating students living with disabilities without giving them the financial assistance to handle it, a new report concludes.

The states 501 school districts boosted their special education spending by $2 billion between 2009 and 2019, but state aid during that same period grew by just $110 million, concludes the Dec. 3 report by the Education Law CenterandPA Schools Work, citing the most recent state data.

The state budget approved in November includes more than $1.1 billion in funding for special education programs. Because of the pandemic, the line item is funded at the same level as it was in the 2019-20 fiscal year.

Advocateshave complained for years that the state is underfunding special education, and have called for the funding formula to be updated to provide a more level playing field for students with special needs.

In 2019, a joint analysis by theEducation Law CenterandResearch for Action, a policy research group in Philadelphia, concluded that the formula does not accurately account for district poverty. As a result, state special education funding does not fulfill its intended purpose of addressing funding disparities resulting from differences in local wealth.

Analysts argued that the state neededannual funding increases of $100 million a year or more to keep pace with rising costs. This is a debate that should be moved to the front of the queue in 2021.

As I also noted in April, merely reopening after the pandemic isnt enough. This new time calls for a reset on everything. The dawning of a new year offers just such an opportunity. The 253 members of the General Assembly should not squander it.

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Five things the Legislature can do to make Pennsylvanians' lives measurably better in 2021 | John L. Micek - Pennsylvania Capital-Star