Resident calls for council to be abolished over high costs and lack of work – The Northern Echo

A MARSKE resident has called for the abolition of his local parish council.

Peter Finlinson claims Saltburn, Marske and New Marske Parish Council is not representative as less than two thirds of its members have stood for election, the remainder having been co-opted onto the council.

Mr Finlinson also said the council was not accountable for the money it collected and spent through its parish precept, and attendance by members was in decline.

He said: Parish councils have been dissolved in other parts of the country and savings made.

There are five parish councils across the borough with a combined budget of more than 500,000.

The 80-year-old, a former civil engineer, addressed an annual assembly of the parish council and said a poll of residents living in the parish was required to determine their views.

But the proposal did not win any formal support.

Mr Finlinson was told that all members of the council were hard-working and how regular audits took place.

A statement on behalf of the parish council and its chairman, Councillor Stan Glover said: The overwhelming view of those members of the public who spoke was that the parish council was doing a good job in supporting local groups and that its abolishment would be detrimental to the parish.

Mr Finlinsons proposal received no support from those present and there was no suggestion of it being seconded, so it failed on that basis without the requirement for a vote.

Peter Finlinson, of Marske

Local electors can petition the principal council in their area in this case Redcar and Cleveland for a review to consider the abolition or dissolution of a parish council.

Meanwhile, a poll could be used, for example to ask residents if they maintain confidence in the parish council.

But it would not be binding on the council and would simply express the views of the electorate who vote in it.

Mr Finlinson said: There have been problems with the parish council for a long time, if you make a complaint about them it never gets anywhere.

I am entitled to speak at the parish assembly and entitled to ask for the dissolution.It is wrong to say there is no support, people came up to me after the meeting and asked why they [the council] didnt ask for a vote.

Nobody votes for anybody on the parish council, I dont think people actually know what the parish council do, and even the members themselves I think some of them go for a gossip or a chat, rather than do any particular work.

Mr Finlinson described the parish council as a cost centre which he said could be absorbed into the borough council and done away with.

He said: You wouldnt be dealing with two tiers of local government, which in my view is too many.

I think the general public need to wake up, if you like, to the fact we have another tier of government, which I dont think is working, and which has been replaced in other parts of the country and savings have been made.

Councillor Stuart Smith, left, with current chairman, Councillor Stan Glover

Redcar and Cleveland councillor Stuart Smith, who represents the Saltburn ward and is also a Saltburn, Marske and New Marske Parish councillor, said: Peter has his own personal views.

All parish councillors are volunteers, we dont get paid, and we all are trying to seek to improve the communities in which we live.

We do levy a precept although it hasnt increased for seven or eight years but it does back into the community by awarding groups grants, who would struggle without this funding.

We have a warden in Saltburn, Marske and New Marske, who does a lot of work and also helps the borough council with work they cant do.

If you didnt have the parish council, the burden would go back onto the borough council who would struggle to cover with cutbacks what the parish do now.

Cllr Smith said it was a sad reflection that some people did not want to give up their time to represent their community, but it was also understandable.

They would complain, Im sure, if services the parish council provides disappear, other examples being the Christmas lights switch on and Britain In Bloom, he added.

Parish and town councils are the most local tier of government in England.

They have a range of powers, but these largely extend to local matters such as looking after community buildings, open space, allotments, play areas, some street lighting, bus shelters and car parks.

They can raise money through council tax the parish precept and are required to hold elections every four years.

Keep up to date with all the latest news on our website, or follow us on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram.

You can also follow our dedicated Teesside Facebook page for all the latest in the area by clicking here.

For all the top news updates from right across the region straight to your inbox, sign up to our newsletter here.

Have you got a story for us? Contact our newsdesk on newsdesk@nne.co.uk or contact 01325 505054

The rest is here:

Resident calls for council to be abolished over high costs and lack of work - The Northern Echo

From the Maid’s Room to the Outskirts: How Does Architecture Respond to the Social Changes of Domestic Work? – ArchDaily

From the Maids Room to the Outskirts: How Does Architecture Respond to the Social Changes of Domestic Work?

Facebook

Twitter

Pinterest

Whatsapp

Mail

Or

The maid's quarters are "with their days numbered", although they still find a place in the new luxury apartments. The information is from a report published in Folha de S. Paulo in March of this year, which says that in 2018 less than 1% of domestic workers, mostly black women, lived on the premises of their employers - a low number when compared to the 12% of 1995. With the decrease in the number of professionals residing in the employers' homes, the "maid's room" would gradually be no longer part of the architectural plans of Brazilian housing buildings.

+ 13

Historically, the social organization based on servitude and slavery adapted domestic spaces according to their hierarchy. If the old sugarcane farms had large houses with all their scale and grandeur, it is because in the basements and slave quarters lived enslaved people who forcibly worked keeping this structure in operation. After the abolition of slavery, these people, now free but without any support to incorporate into society, continued working in the same functions, now out of the need to survive and under similar conditions. In this way, the logic of servitude in Brazilian society is perpetuated, incorporated to this day in the figure of domestic servants.

It is from the abolition of slavery and technological advances in sanitation that the spatial organization began to transform. The large houses migrated to the city and materialized in urban mansions and the slave quarters became the sheds at theback garden that shelters the employees dedicated to the domestic services. The traditional (bourgeois) Brazilian house recognizes three different areas in its spatial organization: social, intimate and service. While the intimate area is reserved for the residents of the house and the social part is dedicated to the entertainment of visitors, the service area is where the support spaces of a residence are located, those directly linked to the services that were performed by the slaves and that should not be revealed to visitors or visited daily by the family.

The sheds contained a bedroom and bathroom where these domestic workers lived and were usually located next to the kitchen and laundry, historically marginalized spaces. With the densification of the cities, the verticalization, and the permanence of a social hierarchy based on domestic services, the employees' dependencies are gradually leaving the sheds and migrating to residential buildings. Until the 1970s, it was common to see small two-bedroom apartments with servants' quarters not only in the wealthier classes, but also in the upper middle class. Among the richest, this practice is reproduced to this day.

The 20th and 21st centuries bring substantial social changes, such as a powerful popular struggle for labor rights and significant technological advances that transform some domestic dynamics. On the one hand, we have greater access to appliances that facilitate and optimize work, in addition to the industrial logic that facilitates access to processed foods. On the other hand, politically there is a set of labor conquests that establish rights and duties for workers and employers, the most recent being approved in 2013, which regularizes the work of domestic workers.

As a result, the number of domestic workers per household has decreased over time, but even so, the little room logic continues to exist. The Brazilian imperial-colonial heritage makes modern domestic servants assume the role of home helpers, which makes them almost indispensable for the family logic of the upper middle class, moreover for power and social status reasons. If the maid's room has remained active all these years, even with the changes in the dynamics of the home, what are the recent factors that make this space begin to disappear from domestic architecture?

First, the last 10 years have been marked by a general shift in labor relations. The idea of entrepreneurship and outsourcing, as well as the increase in the cost of living of the population and the consequent increase in the cost of domestic professionals, causes many domestic workers to be divided into several punctual and daily jobs, instead of a fixed and permanent job. If in the past, it was common to dedicate themselves exclusively to a family, today these professionals move through various workplaces and specialize in specific services, such as cleaning, cooking, etc.

At the same time, with the densification of cities and the scarcity of land, the price of the square meter has risen considerably, so that the real estate market has been building smaller and smaller residential projects and with the area increasingly optimized. In upper-middle-class apartments, the service facilities dedicated to professionals were suppressed, while the laundry room was reduced and the kitchen became a social area. The Folha de S. Paulo report points out that today, while these rooms continue to exist in the largest and most luxurious units in So Paulo, the market offers possibilities for plant adaptations that eliminate this room, with the option of transforming the small room into an office, or expanding the kitchen. Also, there are many refurbishments of old apartments that eliminate the maid's quarters and transform them into social areas.

However, as in the transition from slave labor to free labor, the current domestic worker has not lost the stigma of marginalization in society either. If in the past they were concentrated in the slave quarters, in the back house or in the maid's room, today they occupy the peripheral neighborhoods of cities, facing crowded public transport to move from service to service, lack of access to education, leisure and culture and remain victims of prejudice. Despite the changes in architectural dynamics over the centuries, the spatial organization continues to respond to the same social hierarchy derived from imperial-colonial logic, structurally reproducing racism and sexism.

References:

TIEGHI, Ana Luiza; GAVRAS Douglas. Quarto de servio resiste nos imveis de luxo, mas tem dias contados, 2022. Access here.VIANA, Mara Boratto Xavier; TREVISAN Ricardo. O Quartinho de Empregada e seu lugar na morada brasileira, 2016. Access here.DiEESE, Departamento Intersindical de Estatstica e Estudos Socioeconomicos. Dados atualizados do IBGE. Access here.

Read more here:

From the Maid's Room to the Outskirts: How Does Architecture Respond to the Social Changes of Domestic Work? - ArchDaily

Eliminating Single-Family Zoning Isn’t the Reason Minneapolis Is a YIMBY Success Story – Reason

Minneapolis appears to be a YIMBY (Yes in my backyard) success story of relaxed zoning regulations leading to increased housing production and declining rents. Its much-ballyhooed abolition of single-family zoning doesn't have much to do with this success, however.

On Tuesday, a (now-deleted) tweet went viral juxtaposing a Slate article about Minneapolis' abolition of single-family zoning with a blog post detailing rising housing production and falling rent in the city. The caption of "how it started, how it's going" leaves one with the implication that the former is responsible for the latter.

A closer look at the numbers suggests that's not true. Housing production is up, and rents do indeed appear to be falling. But the effects of Minneapolis' particular means of eliminating single-family-only zoning, and allowing up to triplexes on residential land citywide, have been exceedingly modest.

Newly legal triplexes and duplexes make up a tiny fraction of new homes being built. Other less headline-grabbing reforms appear to be doing the Lord's work of boosting housing production.

This offers important lessons for cities trying to make themselves affordable places to live. The more radically deregulatory your reforms, and the more types of reform you adopt, the more successful they'll be.

First, some background.

In December 2018, the Minneapolis City Council approved the Minneapolis 2040 comprehensive plan. The plan included a host of reforms and policy goals on everything from employment to stormwater management. The most eye-catching policy was the one legalizing two- and three-unit homes on once-single-family-only zoned land citywide.

Zoning lawswhich regulate how much new housing can be built wherehave been coming under increasing fire for artificially constraining housing supply, which leads more people to compete for fewer homes, thereby driving up home prices and rents. Single-family zoning, in particular, has caught a lot of flak given that it places the strictest limits on density.

Minneapolis, by being the first city to eliminate single-family-only zoning, naturally attracted a lot of attention and positive press coverage (including from me).

The city's single-family zoning reform was implemented in January 2020. But the result was not an explosion in new development.

Rather, from January 2020 through March 2022, Minneapolis approved 62 duplexes and 17 triplexes, according to data collected by the city's Department of Community Planning and Economic Development (CPED). Exactly half of the duplexes and 14 of the triplexes were built on lots that were once zoned for exclusively single-family development.

Jason Wittenberg, a planner with CPED, says the duplex and triplex numbers represent an increase from previous years. They also come at a time when the single-family development of single-family homes is falling.

Any new housing is good housing. But these two- and three-unit developments still represent a tiny fraction of the roughly 9,000 housing units the city permitted during that same time period.

One reason the city hasn't seen more triplexes and duplexes spring up is that it left in place, or only slightly modified, additional regulations that constrain how large these buildings can be, says Emily Hamilton, a housing policy researcher at George Mason University's Mercatus Center.

"Most cities have a lot of components to their single-family zoning. Limiting development to one house per lot is the headline restriction," says Hamilton. "There are also restrictions on how large that lot has to be, how large that structure has to be, how much parking is required, and how far a structure has to be from its lot line."

Minneapolis' reforms do allow for modest increases in building size for duplexes and triplexes in some zoning districts or under certain conditions. But generally, they still require these developments to fit within the same "envelope" as the single-family homes they'd replace.

"It's not enough to create the flexible conditions that are necessary to make it worthwhile to tear down a house that's already there, and build something else," says Hamilton. She recommends much more generous allowances for how much floor area new development can have.

Still, the numbers don't lie and Minneapolis is in fact seeing an increase in new housing development. According to CPED's numbers, the city issued close to 4,000 building permits annually for new housing units from 2018 through 2021. That's an increase from the 2,600 units the city was permitted on average each year from 2013 through 2017.

The city has already permitted some 2,500 units in 2022 so far, reports the Minneapolis Star-Tribune, which puts it well on its way toward surpassing last year's numbers. And that increased supply is having the predictable, desirable effect of suppressing rental prices.

Janne Flisrand, writing at local urbanist blog Streets MN, has parsed rental price data to find that median, nominal rents for one- and two-bedroom apartments are renting for less today than they did in 2018. Median prices for three-bedroom units have ticked up by 2 percent. This is in spite of record inflation and a nationwide trend of rising rents.

What's responsible for the increased housing production then?

Wittenberg credits the city's elimination of parking minimumswhich had typically required one parking spot per housing unitwith facilitating increased construction of smaller apartment buildings.

The city has been chipping away at residential parking minimums since 2009. The Minneapolis 2040 plan eliminated them entirely. (The city has also adopted some rather un-free market parking policies, including parking maximums in some areas and bike parking minimums.)

Data culled by Wittenberg, and shared with Reason, shows that 19 major projects have been approved by Minneapolis' Planning Commission since parking minimums were eliminated. The median project provided .42 residential parking spaces per unit, with smaller apartment buildings typically including even less parking.

"For site constraint reasons and economic reasons, it would have been hard to park those buildings at one parking space per unit," he says. "We're pretty clearly seeing that is making a significant difference."

In January 2021, Minneapolis also implemented additional parts of the 2040 Minneapolis comprehensive plan that allows for larger, denser apartment buildings in more of the city, particularly along commercial corridors and near public transit stops. That's also helped facilitate more development, says Wittenberg.

Flisrand, on Twitter, argues that the fight over eliminating single-family-zoning sucked up most of the attention in the Minneapolis 2040 debate, thus paving the way for more impactful policies like parking minimum elimination and commercial corridor upzoning.

That political dynamic might not replicate everywhere, however. In California, for instance, the state has managed to eliminate single-family zoninglegalizing duplexes and accessory dwelling units everywhere but failed to advance more ambitious bills to upzone near transit stops and job centers.

There are reasons one would want triplex legalization to work beyond its power as a political prop too.

The per-square-foot construction costs of a missing middle duplex or triplex are less than a larger apartment, making it desirable on affordability grounds, says Hamilton. She also says these types of units would expand consumer choice for folks who are done with apartment living but can't afford a single-family home of their own in a given area.

One also doesn't want to learn the wrong lesson that eliminating single-family zoning is the only supply increasing reform cities need to adopt.

There's a certain current of thought on the political leftrepresented most prominently by Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (DN.Y.)that supports eliminating single-family zoning in wealthy neighborhoods while also expressing extreme skepticism of denser private, market-rate development elsewhere in the city

But legalizing the latter type of development, at least in Minneapolis's experience, appears to go a lot farther in actually producing more housing units and holding down rents.

More and more jurisdictions across the country are catching on to the fact that their zoning laws are strangling housing production and driving up housing costs, and moving to make changes.

The legislatures of Oregon, California, and Maine have all passed laws eliminating single-family zoning. Other cities and states are looking to follow suit.

The lesson from Minneapolis, at least, appears to be that modest reforms will produce modest results. Slashing regulation with a Randian abandon will do a better job of legalizing housing in a way that leads to actual housing production and falling prices.

See the original post:

Eliminating Single-Family Zoning Isn't the Reason Minneapolis Is a YIMBY Success Story - Reason

What we know about Louisiana abortion bill to charge mothers with murder – Daily Advertiser

SCOTUS draft opinion on Roe v. Wade sparks protests around the country

Protests around the country were ignited by the leaked draft opinion from the Supreme Court on Roe v. Wade.

Damien Henderson, USA TODAY

A Louisiana bill that could charge people who have abortions and those who help them terminate pregnancy with murder has garnered national attention.

The bill comes as the debate surrounding abortion heats up following a leaked opinion from U.S. Supreme Court JusticeSamuel Alito that seems to indicate the overturning of Roe v. Wade, which provides abortion rights.

The bill, which says the unborn should be protected,was moved out of committee earlier this month and heads to the House floor for debate.

Here's what we know about the bill.

House Bill 813, sponsored by Rep. Danny McCormick (R-Oil City) andnamed the "Abolition of Abortion in Louisiana Act of 2022," would define "life" as beginning at fertilization.

It would allow state prosecutors to bring homicide charges against anyone who terminates a pregnancy, including medical personnel.

The bill defines a person as a "human being from the moment of fertilization" and an unborn child as "an individual human being from fertilization until birth."

Related: At Louisiana anti-abortion rally, angst over bill to charge those who get abortions with murder

Louisiana abortion showdown: What's next with bill that could charge mothers with murder?

The bill also directs the state to ignore the U.S. Supreme Court if it disagrees with any high court decision on abortion. It declares that any federal statute, regulation, treaty, executive order or court ruling that tries to supersede the bill's changes would be in violation of the U.S. and Louisiana constitutions and therefore void.

Any Louisiana judge who tries to enjoin, stay, overrule or void any provision of the bill would be subject to impeachment or removal if the bill passes.

The entire text can be read here.

If the bill were to pass, it could criminalize some forms of birth control, emergency contraception and in vitro fertilization (IVF), a complex series of procedures that help with fertility.

The original text of the bill would define "life" as beginning at fertilization.

Fertilization usually happens within 24 hours after sexual intercourse, but the womanmust be ovulating at the time. If ovulation is not happening at that time,fertilization can still occur up to six days after intercourse because the sperm cells can stay in the uterusand fallopian tube for that long.

Birth control works by using hormones to safely stop ovulation. If that doesn't work, birth control will prevent sperm from joining the egg and if that fails, it will thin the uterine wall to prevent implantation.

Plan B and other forms of emergency contraceptives work similarly to standard birth control.

IVF works by collecting mature eggs from ovaries and fertilizing them with sperm in a lab, according to Mayo Clinic. The fertilized embryo or embryos are then transferred to a uterus. The number of embryos transferred depends on the age and number of eggs retrieved.

Shreveport doctor explains: What's the difference in Plan B, birth controls pill?

'We can't wait on the Supreme Court': In Louisiana, abortion could become a crime of murder

McCormick told the USA TODAY Network he doesn't think there's a difference between a womanaborting herpregnancy or killing her2-year-old child.

"Murder is murder,"McCormicksaid."It's real simple. We're having the debate about whether the pre-born have the same protections as the born."

McCormick said the goal of the bill isn't to put people in jail but to "providethe same protections to the pre-born as the born."

Despite abortion restricting bills usually finding support in the Louisiana Legislature, many lawmakers and an anti-abortion group think McCormick's bill goes too far.

"I'm unapologetically pro-life from womb to tomb, but I can't support a bill that could charge the mother with murder; that bill is intense," said Democratic Sen. Katrina Jackson of Monroe.

Jacksonauthorized a constitutional amendment declaring there is no right to and no funding of abortion that was overwhelmingly supported by voters in 2020.

Louisiana Right to Life, the state's largest anti-abortion rights advocate, came out in opposition to McCormick's bill. The group argued it isunnecessary and contradictsits goals.

"Our position has always been women should not be treated as criminals," said Benjamin Clapper, executive director of Louisiana Right to Life, in an interview with USA Today Network. "We believe Louisiana is already prepared to protect every baby from abortion if the Supreme Court overturns (Roe v. Wade)."

More: Louisiana residents more supportive of abortion than previously, survey suggests

Right to Life: Louisiana Right to Life opposes bill that could charge women who have abortion with murder

The bill advanced earlier this month from the House Criminal Justice Committee on a 7-2 vote. It is scheduled to be taken up Thursday on the House floor.

The action taken on the bill by the Louisiana legislature can be tracked on the state's website.

Contact Ashley White at adwhite@theadvertiser.com or on Twitter @AshleyyDi. Reporters Greg Hilburn and Meredith G. White contributed to this report.

The rest is here:

What we know about Louisiana abortion bill to charge mothers with murder - Daily Advertiser

Gotabaya Rajapaksa repeats assurance on executive power, says new govt will… – Hindustan Times

A day after promising Sri Lanka a new cabinet without Rajapaksas in a televised address, the crisis-hit countrys president, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, on Thursday morning said the new government will be given the opportunity to take the country forward. He yet again repeated the assurance that there will be consideration on the abolition of the executive presidency - which gives sweeping powers to the countrys leader, and has been a key demand of the demonstrators ever since a fresh wave of agitation began over the economic crisis in March.

Steps will be taken to form a new gov to prevent the country falling into anarchy & to maintain the affairs of the state that have come to a halt. A PM who commands majority in Parliament & is able to secure the confidence of the people will be appointed within this week. (sic), the Sri Lanka president tweeted.

The new gov will be given the opportunity to present a new program & empowered to take the country forward. Further, steps will be taken to amend the constitution to re-enact the contents of the 19th Amendment to further empower the Parliament. (sic), another post by the 72-year-old leader read.

With the new government and their potential to stabilise the country, we will have an opportunity to discuss this & work towards a common consensus, the Sri Lanka president said, adding that calls from various factions for the abolition of the executive presidency will be considered.

As the country continues to witness violence and protests, he urged: I humbly request assistance in maintaining the uninterrupted function of the state machinery in order to protect the lives of the people & their property. To maintain continuous supply of essentials without allowing the country to collapse at any point in time.

On Wednesday, in a televised address, the Sri Lanka president stopped short of resigning and announced that a new prime minister and a new cabinet would be appointed this week.

A newsroom junkie with 11+ years of experience with print and online publications; travel and books are the soup for the soul.

{{{headline}}}

More here:

Gotabaya Rajapaksa repeats assurance on executive power, says new govt will... - Hindustan Times

Class of 2022: ‘We can do this together,’ said mother and daughter, graduating together and ready to continue advocacy through social work – VCU News

By Mary Kate Brogan

Felicia Smith had long expected to go back to school before she finally became a student in theBachelor of Social Workprogram at Virginia Commonwealth University in 2018. When she first went to college, she stopped her studies to work full-time. She later planned to return to school 26 years ago when she was expecting her oldest child, Raevena return that went on hiatus due to complications during the pregnancy.

This month, both mother and daughter will earn theirMaster of Social Workdegrees in the clinical track from VCUsSchool of Social Workand become eligible for licensure as clinical social workers, while becoming two-time VCU graduates in the process. A drive toward helping others and a desire to create change have motivated both Smiths in their graduate studies.

Felicia, 50, who earned her B.S.W. in 2020 after transferring to VCU from Germanna Community College, and Raeven, 26, who graduated in 2018 with aB.S. in Psychologyfrom theCollege of Humanities and Sciencesand a minor inGender, Sexuality and Womens Studies, didnt always expect to go through the program together. In fact, it took some time for each of them to realize social work might be the field for them: Felicia after volunteering in ministry alongside her husband, Raymond, a longtime U.S. Marine, and Raeven after hearing her mother hint at Raevens budding social work skills while navigating her desire to empower others as a mental health counselor.

I would rip around the house talking about abolition, Black Lives Matter, LGBTQ topics, and my mom was always like, You sound like a social worker, Raeven said with a smile.

Because with social workers, not only do we do the clinical aspect, but were also advocators, Felicia said in reply. We advocate for our clients, advocate for different populations. So we dont just stick with counseling and therapy but the whole gamut, and thats what I love about social work.

So I started doing my research, Raeven said, And I was like, I think Im about this, and I can make this little switch not even a big switch because its always kind of been placed in my path. So my mom has been an inspiration toward becoming a social worker.

When choosing a program for her masters, Raeven had several options, and VCU was most appealing from a financial perspective. That, combined with encouragement from her mom, who was set on VCU for her masters, made the decision to attend VCU easier.

My mom was like, Come on, Raeven, we can do this together. Imagine: We can lean on each other when we need to, and we will both understand what were going through together, Raeven said. At first, I was like, Do I really want to go to school with my mom? Because most people are like, I don't think I could do that, but I was like my mom and me, sometimes we are more like sisters. We bump heads sometimes, but then were like, OK, were cool.

The two enrolled and began taking many of their courses together. Nicole Corley, Ph.D., who taught Raeven and Felicia together in her Sequence Policy course, remembers being surprised to learn they were related.

I would not have known, unless someone explicitly told me, that they were mother and daughter, Corley said. And one of the reasons was because they were equally passionate about pursuing social work and the work that they wanted to do, yet they just had different things that they wanted to do and different approaches and also just different personalities.

Felicia was more extroverted, more talkative, whereas Raven was more introverted, something that I very much am familiar with because I'm the same way, and was a little bit more reserved. Whether reserved or more outspoken, their commitment to social justice work, generally, and working with military and LGBTIA+ populations, specifically, was undeniable. I am grateful for our time together in the classroom and know they will help move the profession of social work forward.

With the racial justice movement happening in the worldand in Richmondaround them during Felicia and Raevens time in the program, Corley recalls the pair working with their classmates to create a space in the classroom for grace, compassion and an honest sharing of their experiences.

Creating such spaces wasnt just something Felicia and Raeven did in the classroom; they were both members of the Association of Black Social Workers at VCU, which Raeven called a cornerstone of her grad school experience. After organizing a panel in fall 2020 to teach others the importance of not retraumatizing Black students when discussing what was in the news at the time, Felicia, whod been part of the student organization as an undergrad, served as the student organizations president in 2021.

My mom was like, Come on, Raeven, we can do this together. Imagine: We can lean on each other when we need to, and we will both understand what were going through together. At first, I was like, Do I really want to go to school with my mom? Because most people are like, I don't think I could do that, but I was like my mom and me, sometimes we are more like sisters. We bump heads sometimes, but then were like, OK, were cool.

I'm older; I didn't go to college to want to even be part of an organization. I just wanted to get my degree and go do what I had to do. But as destiny has it, my vice president at the time talked me into leading, Felicia said.We were able to create a space as Black students in the field of social work, to be able to share our experiences, to help encourage and to navigate through a minority perspective.

Felicia said the lessons shes learned from the student organization and the M.S.W. program, all contextualized by the changes going on in the world around them, will stick with her throughout her career.

Being part of this program, learning what we learned in some of our racial justice components that we have in a lot of our classes, it has empowered me, Felicia said. It has given me confidence as a Black woman that I have a right to sit at this table and advocate for this particular population, regardless of my gender, regardless of my race. The VCU social work program gave me those tools and that confidence to step out and not be afraid to be assertive.

Seeing that assertiveness from my mom definitely inspired me, Raeven said. It was like, If my mom can do it, why cant I?

That experience has helped Raeven come out of her shell and left her with advice for future students in the program.

Ask for what you need; ask for what you want, said Raeven, thinking of professors such as Corley who encouraged her. Thats something that I wish I would have done a little bit more. Go knock on those professors doors, tell the field placement what your hopes and your desires are and where you see yourself, and just keep putting yourself out there. Its intimidating, its nerve-wracking. But you have people who want to see you thrive so just go for it.

Raevens time in the program has affirmed her interest in working one-on-one with LGBTQIA+ individuals after field placements with the YWCA, Advocates for Richmond Youth and Side by Side in Richmond.

Felicia plans to take her skills into the nonprofit world, helping veterans experiencing homelessness to connect with the resources they need. Field placements at the United Community in Fairfax, Virginia, and Veterans Affairs Medical Center in Washington, D.C., solidified that interest. Shes interested in giving back to the military community from her years as a military spouse and seeing the challenges that face veterans, particularly veterans of color.

In a few years, Felicia hopes to be running Faiths Place, an organization of her own for veterans experiencing homelessness, alongside her husband. And, she said, the invitation is open for Raeven to join the family business when shes ready.

In the meantime, the mother and daughter who, Felicia said, thought we were close because we are a military family that lived overseas with no other family but each other will carry a special memory of a time that made those ties even stronger.

My mom has very different identities to her that I had no idea about, Raeven said.

This has brought us even closer just to get to really know my daughter and see her in her authentic arena with her friends, Felicia said, turning to face her daughter, And I guess for you to see me just be Felicia, not Mom.

Geoff LoCicero at the VCU School of Social Work contributed to this piece.

Subscribe to VCU News at newsletter.vcu.edu and receive a selection of stories, videos, photos, news clips and event listings in your inbox.

View post:

Class of 2022: 'We can do this together,' said mother and daughter, graduating together and ready to continue advocacy through social work - VCU News

Farm labourers: The long road ahead – Deccan Herald

The celebration of International Workers Day calls for a review of the farm labourers' position and their struggle, a subject of far less attention than deserved. The recent farmers' protest witnessed unprecedented support at all levels. Farm labourers were supporting the farmers and raising their own issues as well.

Slogans like 'No Farmers, No Food' excluded almost half of the workforce which comprised the labourers. So, the slogan was changed to 'No Land, No Life' and 'Kisan Mazdoor Ekta Zindabad'. The protest songs also reflected Kisan Mazdoor Ekta, unity between peasant workers and farmers.

The Union government brought the three contentious farm laws alongside the labour codes; the government brought these laws during the Covid-19 lockdown, assuming that people would not get out of their homes to protest. The agricultural community was excluded from the discussions regarding the implementation of these laws which involved the abolition of APMC Mandis, MSP (minimum support price) and land-grabbing by corporates. Farm labourers, despite their high share in these sectors, were absent.

Also Read:Bringing parity in state cooperative laws

Punjab Agriculture University (PAU) data reveals shocking details that almost half of the suicides in the farm sector consist of labourers. Out of a total of 16,606 suicide cases from 2000 to 2015, mostly due to debt, 9,007 were farmer suicides and 7,234 were by rural labourers. The average loan for farm labourers is less than the farmers', who have land as collateral; farm labourers have to struggle for loans. Another PAU study explains that after depeasantisation, most of the farmers work as farm labourers on the very land they once owned.

There is an average debt of Rs 68,329 in every agricultural family in Punjab. Job opportunities in the state are shrinking; families are struggling for a source of income. The situation is getting worse when expenditure is comparatively higher due to inflation. Another PAU study shows that 91 per cent of the families committing suicides depend upon wage labour, their biggest source of income. Only 0.04 per cent of suicide victims' families were engaged in MGNREGA work and 4.48 per cent of these families are involved in government jobs.

To cope with issues of finance, agricultural labourers borrow money as loan. Among the 7,303 agricultural labourers who committed suicide in Punjab from 2000 to 2018, most of the families took loans from non-institutional sources such as money lenders, big landlords, loansharks, shopkeepers, friends and relatives. Only 7.37 per cent of the debt had been borrowed from institutional sources like commercial banks and cooperative banks/societies. Both the psychological stress and socio-economic conditions have forced these labourers to commit suicide.

A long-term suggestion is radical land reform; among the four types of land reforms, land consolidation, land ceiling, land tenancy acts and zamindari abolition act, only the tenancy acts could benefit the farm labourer. Both the state as well as big zamindars are responsible for the failure of these reforms. Furthermore, the green revolution enlarged the gap between big landlords and workers who were either landless or marginalised. The reduction in subsidies post-1990 reforms made labourers vulnerable to either commit suicide or migrate to urban spaces as cheap labour.

Also Read:India considers restricting wheat exports as heat destroys crops

The recent farmers' protest was a landmark event, not just for farmers but also for labourers. For the protracted period of this protest, when farmers were spending time at Delhi borders and other protest sites, farm labourers had complete responsibility of the farm. Though many attempts were made to break Mazdoor Kisan Ekta, it still had a significant impact in uniting labourers and farmers.

Farm labourers have started forming a single class of farmers and farm labourers; now it is up to the farmers to ensure proper space for labourers. Farm unions have to initiate reforms. Some of the farm unions are also labour unions such as the Majdoor Kisan Sangharsh Committee, All India Kisan Mazdoor Sabha and there are many farm unions with labour wings like BKU Ekta Ugrahan, All India Kisan Sabha and a few others. Being in a position of dominance, it is the farm Union's responsibility to include the labourers.

Farm labourers need reforms like minimum wages, reduction in working hours, scholarships for their kids, food security for minimum nutritional requirements, access to public health and alternative employment when there is less agricultural work. In the patriarchal division of labour where fodder collection for cattle and fuelwood is seen as women's work, it is paramount to ensure fodder for farm labourers preventing women farm labourers from sexual harassment and giving them give them a sense of dignity.

Land distribution is a highly caste-based phenomenon and the land ceiling acts failed to materialise. In Punjab, more than two-thirds of agricultural labourers belong to the Scheduled Caste, who own less than 3.5 per cent of the state's agricultural land and comprise around 32 per cent of the state's population. Radical land reforms can secure land for the landless and address the issue of inequalities.

(The writers are PhD scholars at Jawaharlal Nehru University and were part of farmers movement 2020-21)

See the original post here:

Farm labourers: The long road ahead - Deccan Herald

The Tubman Center’s road to justice and reconciliation | Binghamton News – Binghamton

We first learn about Harriet Tubman in elementary school: an extraordinary woman who escaped slavery only to return, again and again, to lead others to freedom on the Underground Railroad.

But this great soul was also part of a complex tapestry of abolitionists, challenging the unjust laws and social structures of their day to create a society free from the stain of human bondage. Some achieved prominence in the history books, but many others toiled in relative obscurity, focused solely on the work of justice and liberation.

The collaborative effort to create lasting change is the heart of Binghamton Universitys Harriet Tubman Center for Freedom and Equity, directed by History Professor Anne Bailey and Associate Director Sharon Bryant, also the associate dean of diversity, equity and inclusion for Decker College of Nursing and Health Sciences.

People like Harriet Tubman did amazing work bringing people to freedom from the South to this area and other areas in the North. But she also worked with a group of abolitionists, and that was a multicultural group, both Black and white. It wasnt a one-woman show, Bailey says. In many ways, thats what were doing: Were trying to empower others to be co-conductors with us. Were saying, Join the effort in any way you can.

The center opened in 2019 the 400th anniversary of the consistent presence of people of African descent in North America, and the start of race-based slavery in what became the United States. The centers fundamental mission is to advance justice and equity across multiple dimensions, particularly in history, educational access and success, and in medicine and science, technology, engineering and math (STEM).

Over the past couple of years, many more people have become aware of rampant inequity in American society, and tensions across the political spectrum run high. The Tubman Center is vital in providing a forum for the issues of the day to be discussed and deliberated about, says Dean of Libraries Curtis Kendrick, who serves on the centers advisory committee.

The center is dedicated to honoring not only the contributions of people of African descent, but Black, indigenous and people of color (BIPOC) more generally. Despite the obstacles posed by the pandemic, its work has continued apace, with a springtime speaker series offered through Zoom. In September 2021, the center opened its physical office in Academic B; more than 200 people attended a grand opening ceremony outdoors, with small, socially distanced tours inside the new space.

While the Black Lives Matter movement has sparked interest in matters of racial equity nationwide, Bryant and Bailey describe the Tubman Centers work as proactive and long-term, rather than in reaction to current events. Consistent advocacy on issues related to equity is critical, they say.

Kimberly Jaussi, an associate professor of organizational behavior and leadership in the School of Management, was eager to become involved in the centers work since its start, inspired by Bailey and Bryants vision and its transformative potential. She is currently a member of its advisory board and also served as an ambassador for the centers Truth and Reconciliation initiative, encouraging members of the Dickinson Community (where she is collegiate professor) to participate.

I wholeheartedly believe in the mission of the center to bring equity to the research, teaching and culture of the University, and to do so in a way that honors the truths of our history, she says. It is helping Binghamton become a far more equitable institution, which is very impactful in recruiting both new faculty and future students. It will also directly improve the lives of all stakeholders of the organization.

Truth and Reconciliation

To date, the centers most prominent initiative involved an intensive Truth and Reconciliation process; it led to the creation of 10 recommendations to foster true diversity and accountability at Binghamton University. These recommendations include increasing faculty and staff diversity, along with support and mentoring; establishing systems of accountability to mark how well colleges and departments are progressing toward their goals; strengthening academic and social support systems for BIPOC students; and increasing BIPOC representation among the Universitys senior leadership.

Such changes are needed to fulfill Binghamtons mission of a quality education for all. While progress has been made since the Universitys founding, its still a profoundly white space; out of a total of 1,055 faculty members, 39 are Black, 44 Latinx, 187 Asian or Pacific Islander and six Native American.

Undergraduate student Kelly Wu, doctoral student Amanda Ortiz and Shauna Asson, project coordinator at the Harriet Tubman Center for Freedom and Equity, work together at the center in the Academic B Building. Image Credit: Jonathan Cohen.

The commissions recommendations will do much to enhance diversity on our campus and make Binghamton University a place that is truly welcoming and just, President Harvey Stenger said during the Tubman Centers grand opening. This year we celebrate Binghamton Universitys 75th anniversary, and I can think of no better way to mark the occasion than to recognize the contributions that the BIPOC community has made to our University, and to commit ourselves to becoming a fairer, more equitable campus.

A crucial first step in equity work is listening to voices that often have gone unheard. Starting in the spring of 2021, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) accepted written and video testimonies from faculty, staff, students and alumni, and also held six listening sessions for those who wished to give in-person testimony.

Listening to and reading individual statements and testimonies was humbling, says Kendrick, who served on the TRC panel.

The problems conveyed to us by alumni from the 1990s were remarkably similar to concerns voiced by contemporary students in spite of the intervening years, he says. It was impossible not to be moved by the passion that people spoke with, even about events that transpired many years ago. I felt honored to be part of it as people entrusted us with stories that were deeply personal, and at times, troubling.

Ewuraba Annan shares this assessment. As a masters student in human rights, she both participated as a TRC panel member and worked as a student assistant for the Tubman Center. As difficult as the hearing process was, she also found cause for optimism.

Even during the most emotional sessions, people were still willing to share and have a relationship with the University because they know theres a potential for change, she reflects.

Annans experiences through the Tubman Center helped instill a deeper perspective on the kinds of systemic change needed to create a more equitable University. Both problems and solutions are multi-layered and require participation from everyone on campus, across disciplinary lines, she says.

Since finishing her masters degree in May 2021, she joined the University as an admissions counselor and decided on a career in higher education. Her experiences through the Tubman Center are proving valuable in connecting with prospective students who are interested in equity issues, she says.

A Tubman Center research assistant since her sophomore year, senior biochemistry major Kelly Wu also had the opportunity to hear TRC testimony. The Tubman Center may seem an unusual choice for someone planning a future in laboratory research, but Wu has found her time there deeply rewarding.

Growing up, her family rarely watched the news or discussed politics; her parents also didnt vote. As a result, she didnt truly know the obstacles that many immigrants and minority families face in America.

Working for the center has certainly changed my perspective on the importance of being active in the fight against inequality, she says.

The ambassadors

By the time the TRC listening sessions began, the campus was already engaged in dialogue on equity issues, thanks to the efforts of TRC ambassadors from across the Universitys schools and colleges. These ambassadors hosted lunchtime discussions, shared readings and engaged in one-on-one conversations, all of which promoted participation in the TRC process.

Among them was Christine Podolak, associate director of experiential education for the Master of Public Health program, who led two discussions around the theme of reparations in connection with a spring debate on the issue. She also serves on the Professional Staff Senates new diversity subcommittee, and also helped draft a policy statement related to racism as a public health crisis as a member of the New York State Public Health Associations policy and advocacy subcommittee.

During the past several years, Podolak has read up on social inequities and racism, discussed the topic with colleagues, participated in trainings and workshops, and reflected on her own personal experiences. She realized that she has much more to learn and understand about the true impact of structure and institutional barriers faced by people of color.

I think we all have the opportunity to contribute to this important work and move toward a better, more equitable future, and remember that we always have something more to learn, she says.

Bailey named to NYS African-American History Commission

Binghamton University History Professor Anne C. Bailey was recently appointed by Gov. Kathy Hochul to New York States 400 Years of African-American History Commission.

Hochul cited Baileys commitment to the concept of living history, in which events of the past are connected to current and contemporary issues. Bailey is also concerned with the reconciliation of communities after age-old conflicts such as slavery, war and genocide.

The commission will bring people together via events, activities and educational research. Other appointees to the commission include NAACP New York Conference President Hazel Dukes; CCNY Professor Laurie Woodard; University at Buffalo Professor Henry Taylor; Syracuse University Associate Dean for Diversity, Equity and Inclusion Kishi Ducre; Federation of Protestant Welfare Agencies CEO Jennifer Jones Austin and Schomburg Center Director Joy Bivins.

For every reminder of the pivotal role New York has played in the fight for civil rights, there is another, more painful reminder of why that fight was necessary in the first place, Hochul says. We must recognize and acknowledge shameful chapters in our states past, ensure New Yorkers have a better understanding of our history, and fight racism and bigotry in all forms.

Departments, programs and schools are also addressing matters of equity on their own. The University Libraries have undertaken an initiative to identify and mitigate patterns of systemic racism in their operations, for example. Theyre also conducting an audit of their personnel practices to identify and mitigate bias, and assessing their collections to ensure that they more adequately represent perspectives from beyond the dominant culture.

The Libraries also have established an Office of Inclusion, Diversity, Equity and Accessibility, and faculty and staff volunteers have created an anti-racism resource guide, Kendrick says.

Bryant and Bailey find the willingness of their colleagues to explore issues of equity and to correct structural racism encouraging.

It turns out that once we published these recommendations, the very best-case scenario has happened so far, which is that theres a number of folks all across this campus who have taken ownership of them, Bailey says. That says a lot about our campus.

Other initiatives

Since its opening, the Tubman Center also held its inaugural speaker series on the Road to Reparations, held online due to the coronavirus pandemic. The series kicked off with Mary Francis Berry, LHD 99, from the University of Pennsylvania, the former head of the National Civil Rights Commission, followed by Hilary Robertson-Hickling from the University of the West Indies in Jamaica and author, educator and STEM entrepreneur Calvin Mackie. More than 300 people attended the virtual events, which had multiple co-sponsors from across the campus community.

The center is now planning its second springtime speaker series and establishing a faculty affiliate program, as well as fundraising for several initiatives, including a faculty fellowship and a Tubman Scholars program to provide an opportunity for undergraduate and graduate students to understand the roots of equity and freedom work.

One of the goals behind the faculty fellowship is to give BIPOC faculty more opportunities to work on their research and advance their careers. Thats often a stumbling block for people moving through the ranks of academia, Bailey says. Financial resources and mentoring support may help bridge the disparities in faculty diversity numbers, along with promoting excellent scholarship.

Plans are also under development for a future Harriet Tubman statue and memorial garden on campus. The site will represent one stop on the Underground Railroad, as well as identify other abolition sites in Upstate New York.

Having a monument of Harriet Tubman and a memorial garden on campus will prompt all who walk our campus to see, feel and remember the atrocities of slavery and reaffirm a commitment to bring equity and justice to not just our campus, but wherever they walk as alumni, Jaussi says.

Just like conductors on the Underground Railroad, the Tubman Center encourages all members of the campus community to become involved in equity work in whatever way they can, whether through sharing their talent and expertise, volunteering or offering financial support. All are necessary to create a more just society and culture.

That work can evolve, too, much as Tubmans did: After the abolition of slavery, she created a senior home for the formerly enslaved and engaged in other work to support her community. With an eye on the future, she also set aside funds to continue her work long after her death.

Its a wonderful guide for us, Bryant says of Tubman and her legacy. Were trying to move forward in and be present in the now, but also have eyes on the future and how we envision what the center could become.

Excerpt from:

The Tubman Center's road to justice and reconciliation | Binghamton News - Binghamton

The Russian War on Ukraine Has Always Been a War on Its Language – Literary Hub

For Carolyn Forche, because she asked.This is what power really is: the privilege of ignoring anything you might find distasteful.Oksana Zabuzhko*

We must thank fate (and the authors thirst for universal fame) for his not having turned to the Ukrainian dialect as a medium of expression, because then all would have been lost, wrote Vladimir Nabokov in his 1959 study, Gogol. He continued: When I want a good nightmare, I imagine Gogol penning in Little Russian dialect volume after volume. What he calls the Little Russian dialect is none other than the Ukrainian language, which is about as close to Russian as Spanish is to Italian.

Nabokovs dismissal of the Ukrainian language reflects a position taken by countless Russian writers and intellectuals over the last century. Such attitudes have consequences. Its not much of an exaggeration to say that this prejudice has contributed to the slaughter of millions of people and is a significant factor in the war currently being waged by Russia against Ukraine. Putin has expressly stated that he has attacked Ukraine in order to protect the large Russian-speaking population of the easternmost region of the country, known as the Donbas.

Ukraine is the only country I know of that was dreamed into existence by a poet. Born a serf in 1814, Taras Shevchenko was freed from slavery by the efforts of fellow artists. The painter-poet then took on himself the mission of telling the story of the indigenous people of Ukraine in their native tongue. For this the Russian empire punished him with decades of exile and imprisonmentthis despite the fact that he wrote his prose in Russian. His Ukrainian-language poetry, however, had the effect of solidifying and fortifying the indigenous peoples sense of themselves. Ever since, poets have held a singular importance for the culture.

Language can readily become an instrument of oppression. The history of Russian censorship of its own poets is well known thanks largely to Nadezhda Mandelstams account of her husband Osips trials in Hope Against Hope, and its sequel Hope Abandoned. Less well known is the way Russia exerted its hegemony over its colonies.

In 1863, two years after serfdom was abolished in the Russian Empire, the Russian minister of the interior, Petr Valuev, introduced a ban on Ukrainian-language publicationsthough, interestingly, the prohibition didnt extend to fiction, perhaps because the genre was not widely developed in Ukraine yet.

Thirteen years later, in 1876, Emperor Alexander II, while enjoying a spa treatment in the German town of Ems, took time to issue a policy statement further restricting the use of Ukrainian. The new law, which was kept secret from the population, outlawed all publications in Ukrainian, including books imported from abroad. The policy also rendered illegal theater productions and performances of songs in Ukrainian. Russia feared that the indigenous peasant population might began to demand human rights and undermine Russias imperial claims. The prohibition wasnt abolished until 1905.

The assault on Ukrainian culture reached a fever pitch under Stalin in the 1930s. And I dont think theres a Ukrainian writer alive today who isnt aware of what happened during what I call the aborted renaissance.

Imagine 20th-century American literature without Faulkner, Richard Wright, Willa Cather, Hemingway, Zora Neale Hurston, Marianne Moore, William Carlos Williams, Wallace Stevens, James Baldwin Imagine contemporary American literature without them Its unthinkable. But the unthinkable happened in Ukraine.

In 1930 some 260 writers actively participated in the countrys literary life. By 1938 only 36 remained on the scene. Surveying the fates of the missing speaks volumes about the leitmotif of that decade: Of the 224 MIAs, 17 were shot; 8 committed suicide; 175 were arrested or interred; 16 disappeared without a trace. Only 7 died of natural causes. Belorussian culture was similarly decimated and thwarted by Stalin.

The crime for which writers and intellectuals in former Soviet republics were punished was that they dared aspire to autonomy and cultural independence. That Russia remains so threatened by the mere existence of other languages and cultures is a psychosis worth exploring. Racism can take many forms. To skin color and religion one must add an inexplicable insecurity about the shape words take on the page, the sounds they make in our mouths. Behind the paranoia lies the fear that long-buried crimes against indigenous communities might finally see the light of day.

What might once have seemed like ancient history, a record of one of the most terrible periods of the 20th century, was given fresh urgency and relevance with the publication of what historian Timothy Snyder describes as Russias Genocide Handbook, published on RIA Novosti, Russias official state news agency site, on April 3rd, just a few days after the discovery of the mass murders by Russian soldiers in Bucha. As Snyder describes it:

The Russian handbook is one of the most openly genocidal documents I have ever seen. It calls for the liquidation of the Ukrainian state, and for abolition of any organization that has any association with Ukraine. Such people, the majority of the population, more than twenty million people, are to be killed or sent to work in labor camps to expurgate their guilt for not loving Russia. Survivors are to be subject to re-education. Children will be raised to be Russian. The name Ukraine will disappear.

Men hep tavas a golas y dyr is the only line I know in Cornish. From a poem by the great British poet Tony Harrison, it translates to mean the tongueless man gets his land took. While Ukraine has never been tongueless, it has long appeared that way to the world. No more. Freed from the yoke of empire, the country has become a cosmopolitan nation in which identity is not determined by language.

Today, dozens of presses are rushing out translations of work by Ukrainian writers, whether theyre written in Ukrainian, Russian, Belarussian or Crimean Tatar. What kind of shelf life theyll have remains to be seen. But one thing is certain: after this, no one will be able to call Ukraine a non-nation again. It is at best a modest consolation.

See more here:

The Russian War on Ukraine Has Always Been a War on Its Language - Literary Hub

The Afro-Venezuelan Culture And History That Is Being Celebrated And Protected – Travel Noire

On May 10, VenezuelanscelebrateDay of Afro-Venezuelans in honor of the social, political, economic, and cultural contributions Afro-Venezuelans have made in the nations history.

There is much about Afro-Venezuelan culture that remains uncelebrated in the world of Black history. The light at the end of the tunnel for the African Diaspora in this South American country is the instituted Afro-Venezuelan day.

During the 16th century, Spanish colonizers brought enslaved Africans to Venezuela. The enslaved were typically brought to work in copper mines, cocoa agriculture and sugar plantations to Coro and Bura (Yaracuy), Isla Margarita, Cuman and the regions surrounding Caracas.

Much like elsewhere in the Americas and the Caribbean, slave revolts were rampant in Venezuela. Unfortunately, this history was often intentionally undiscussed in historys retellings.

Today there are various accounts of the legacies and contributions of African descendants in Venezuela. For instance, historians often widely cite Pedro Camejo as one African immortalized in Venezuelan history as El Negro Primero, because he was always the first to ride into battle.

During the final battle of Carabobo, Camejo was fatally wounded but returned to General Paz to utter one of the most famous statements in all of Venezuelan history: General, vengo decirle, adis, porque estoy muerto (translation: General, I have come to say goodbye, because I am dead). A statue of Camejo still stands in the Plaza Carabobo in Caracas. It is the only statue commemorating an African in all of Venezuela.

By 1911, the narrative changed significantly when Jos Manuel Nez Ponte became one of the first scholars to center Africans. In doing so he condemned the prioritisation of white slaveocracy in his book A Historical Study on Slavery and Abolition in Venezuela (translated: Estudio histrico acerca de la esclavitud y de su abolicin en Venezuela).

Afro-descendants traditionally lived in the rural coastal zones of the country, but have begun to migrate to urban centers like Caracas, according to Minority Rights Group International. Today there is an increasing amount of pride in Afro-Venezuelan roots in the country, including in identity and Afro hair.

The resistance of Afro-Venezuelans is a huge part of the culture that is, thankfully, gaining more acknowledgement.

On May 10, Venezuelans celebrate their African ancestry with mass ceremonies and parades complete with Afro-Venezuelan dishes, song, speeches, African-inspired artwork and of course, dance.

In 2005, Hugo Chavez, the then president, launched a national initiative to increase awareness and education about the Afro-Venezuelan community. Claiming his own African descent, Chavez established May 10 as Afro-Venezuelan Day.It also sits within Afro-Descendant Monthin the whole of May.

Among Chavezs many policies within this particular moment of embracing and protecting Afro-Venezuelan culture, lies the inclusion of African descent Venezuelans to the education curriculum. Within the commission, a requirement is to examine, advise and propose reforms on racially and culturally appropriate education. Schools must also incorporate the contributions of Afro-Venezuelans in their curriculum.

Chavez also famously passed anti-discrimination laws to further diminish historical inequality and racism in Venezuela.

Related: How Afro-Chileans Are Fighting To Be Recognized In Chile

Continue reading here:

The Afro-Venezuelan Culture And History That Is Being Celebrated And Protected - Travel Noire

THE BIG READ: Professor Sir Geoff Palmer: ‘My family were owned as slaves by Scots. It’s time this nation faced up to its history’ – HeraldScotland

In a powerful, no-holds-barred interview, Scotlands foremost black academic, Professor Sir Geoff Palmer, says this country must finally acknowledge the horrific truth about slavery, empire and colonialism. Here, he talks to our Writer at Large Neil Mackay

ITS as if fate has been waiting 200 years for Geoff Palmer to come along and finally force Scotland to confront the most shameful aspects of its past.

Our leading black academic is, without doubt, the nations most determined campaigner when it comes to demanding Scotland acknowledges its colonial wrongs and the nations role in the sins of the British empire.

The dreadful irony is that as Scotland finally begins to listen to him, Professor Sir Geoff Palmer is facing the possibility of his own death as he deals with a diagnosis of prostrate cancer at the ripe old age of 82.

Despite the seriousness of his work, and the personal struggles he is facing, he is a man full of laughter. He uses humour to balance out the cruelty he spends his life documenting.

Palmer upends all the lazy preconceptions his detractors throw at him. Some people think I must be the most anti-white person in the world, he chuckles then points out that his wife is white and so are his childrens partners.

Today, Palmer is hailed as the first black person to ever become a professor in Scotland. He is a scientist by training and has been lauded internationally for his work. Currently, hes Professor Emeritus in the School of Life Sciences at Heriot-Watt University. But scratch the surface and you discover that Palmers life here isnt one simply garlanded with praise and acclaim he has experienced appalling levels of racism in his adopted country.

No dogs, No Irish, No blacks

In 1955, Palmer arrived in London from Jamaica as part of the Windrush generation, alone and aged just 14. He was astonished by the racism he witnessed. He remembers the hateful anti-immigrant rhetoric of Enoch Powell, and statements from Conservative politicians like if you want a n***** for a neighbour, vote Labour.

As a young lad you were terrified when you bought the newspaper and saw headlines like 500 more have arrived, Palmer says of the insidious reporting about Caribbean immigration into Britain. That would mean I had to be careful that day.

At the time, London was full of signs reading No dogs, No Irish, No blacks, he recalls. White women would move away from him if he sat near them. The myths and lies they had heard made them think I was a robber, inferior. Palmer quotes from Shakespeare: Mislike me not for my complexion.

Come 1964, Palmer was in Edinburgh embarking on his doctorate. When he tried to rent a room, he experienced racism in Scotland first hand. Id look in the newspaper for somewhere to rent. Id phone and be told to come along. As I walked up the path Id see the curtain move and by the time I got to the door, I was told the room had been taken.

Palmer eventually found lodgings, but even then the rooms where black students could stay came with echoes of empire. Some landladies took in students only from the Caribbean, others only from Africa. It was because these families had some connection to colonialism, he says. Mainly through missionary work, but sometimes the Civil Service.

Slavery and statues

HEREIN lie the roots of Palmers lifelong struggle to make Scotland come to terms with the racism in society and our legacy of empire. He is at the forefront of the campaign for Scotland to recognise the central role it played in slavery and was part of the team which placed a new plaque on the statue of Sir Henry Dundas in Edinburgh detailing the politicians part in the slave trade.

Until recently, Dundas was celebrated as one of Scotlands greatest statesmen. Today, however, the plaque notes he was instrumental in deferring the abolition of the Atlantic Slave Trade, and that as a result more than half a million enslaved Africans crossed the Atlantic. Palmer adds: Yet he stood up there on his statue and nobody asked why?.

He wants cities like Glasgow where many streets are named after merchants involved in slavery to publicly recognise the past in a similar fashion. It has led to clashes with opponents, vilification, and insult. He has been mocked, he says, for being a scientist not an historian, and so considered academically unequipped to judge the past. It is an intellectual insult, Palmer feels, which stings as badly as the N word.

Enslaved family

THE need to make Scotland face up to the past, however, is quite literally in Palmers blood. His family in Jamaica lived on land once owned by Earl Balcarres, a Scottish aristocrat who became governor of Jamaica and a slave owner on the island. The Palmer familys land was once called Marshalls Pen the name of one of Balcarres slave plantations. Theres streets named after Balcarres today in Edinburgh and Glasgow, he says. The Balcarres family seat can be found in Fife.

The word Pen, Palmer explains, means slave pen, the place where enslaved human beings were kept. His family still has a receipt for the land bearing the words Marshalls Pen.

In later life, Palmer realised that the reason his great-aunt was more fair-skinned than the rest of the family is because generations back, one of his female ancestors had been owned and raped by a slaver. There were many other light-skinned Jamaicans besides his aunt all living reminders of the horrors of the past.

Palmer tells the story of Robert Wedderburn by way of illustration. Robert was born in Jamaica in 1762 the son of a Scottish slave-owner, James Wedderburn, and Rosanna, an enslaved woman, who he had raped. Wedderburn sold Roberts mother after he was born while she was pregnant with his third child. Robert went on to become an acclaimed abolitionist.

Someone in my great aunts family wouldve been the same, Palmer says. The woman wouldve had no say in the relationship with the man who owned

her.

Rape and DNA

PALMER explains that his familys small plot of land was bought after slavery ended. When Palmer recently had his DNA analysed, he discovered he was 97 per cent African, and 3% Shetland/Viking meaning it is highly likely a white Scot raped one of his enslaved female ancestors.

Someone from the Shetland/Highland area went to Jamaica, became involved in slavery and Im a genetic product, he says.In one of his many comic asides, used to relieve the horror of the discussion, he jokes that his wife says his Viking ancestry explains a lot.

Palmer says genealogical research revealed that his great-grandfather was a Balcarres slave. His mothers family name was Larmond. Theres a slave called Larmond on the Balcarres slave list.

Palmer notes that it was Sir Henry Dundas who sent Earl Balcarres to Jamaica as governor. He feels it seems almost fated that he would one day confront the legacy of men like Dundas. By way of an easy lesson on just how deeply Scotland was involved in slavery, Palmer says people should flick through the Jamaican telephone directory.

He once studied the listings and found that 60% of the names are Scottish surnames, indicating that nearly two-thirds of the population had ancestors once owned or raped by a Scot. Theres more Campbells in the Jamaican telephone directory than the directories of Edinburgh and the Lothians.

Palmer recently gave a talk where he read out place names like Dundee, Moneymusk, Hampden, Elgin, Aberdeen, Inverness. I asked do you know these places?. Theyre all in Jamaica. My cousin lives near Glasgow in Jamaica.

Its estimated about 30% of the slave plantations in Jamaica were owned by Scots.

Educations failure

SLOWLY but surely, more and more people are now listening to Palmer, despite the stubborn refusal by many to accept what went on in the past. He once appeared as a special guest on the Antiques Roadshow with a silver sugar bowl. The bowl was made to hold sugar from a place where people were being killed to make sugar, he told viewers. Their life span was less than 10 years. He went to the local shops in Penicuik, where he lives, the next day, and a couple of ladies told me that, for the first time, they really understood what slavery was about.

Thats why I speak out because weve had an education system that has avoided slavery, downplayed it, excused it.

He is particularly disgusted by those who say Dundas should be recognised for his role in finally abolishing slavery. Palmer angrily points out that Dundas was responsible for promoting what has been called a gradualist approach to abolition which in reality meant extending the duration of slavery and causing widespread death and suffering.

He notes that at the time, then-Prime Minister William Pitt said gradual abolition meant waiting for some contingency till a thousand favourable circumstances unite together, and as a result the most enormous evils go unredressed. He also quotes the abolitionist Charles Fox who said gradual abolition was gradual murder.

Excuses for evil

PALMER feels many people wouldnt be so quick to defend Dundas if he wasnt Scottish. Theyre defending someone they wouldnt defend normally. In education, he says, there has been a strategy of avoidance. Those who argue against any criticism of the past such as placing plaques on statues are simply making excuses for the evils of slavery. Palmer adds: Theres nobody in Germany making excuses for the Holocaust.

The transatlantic slave trade saw 10-15 million Africans forcibly transported. This was British slavery, and Scotland played a major part in it.

Slavery, he says, is a stain on the soul of all people who know about it and do nothing. We cannot change the past but we can change the consequences of the past, adding: One of the consequences of the past is the racism we see today. We can change that using better education.

A product of suffering

Just a few weeks ago, during another talk, Palmer was told look what slavery has done for you. The speaker, he says, meant Id still be in Africa if my ancestors werent enslaved. It is the same mentality as saying the British empire brought civilisation to those who were colonised, Palmer adds. What these people should realise is that Im the product of the suffering of millions of people Were living in a society where weve inherited the prejudices that black people are inferior.

Too many people in Scotland, Palmer says, have allowed themselves to be comforted by phoney narratives about slavery. He repeatedly hears people claim the Romans had slaves, the Africans had slaves in an attempt to excuse Scotlands role.

He is weary of claims that because some Scots were subjected to indentured servitude a system which saw people working unpaid, often for years, as punishment, debt repayment or a form of apprenticeship that this somehow cancels out the sin of chattel slavery.

Palmer adds, however: I dont believe in taking down statues. Its inconsistent. If you take down a statute, youd have to knock down the Gallery of Modern Art, and nobody wants to do that. The GoMa in Glasgow was once the home of William Cunninghame, a Tobacco Lord who made his fortune from slavery. Palmer simply wants streets, statues and buildings linked to slavery to be clearly marked with signs explaining the past.

Hope for scotland

The public, Palmer believes, is ready for change, despite those who still try to excuse the past. Glasgow University recently publicised its historic links to slavery; Palmer is working with Scottish museums on how to come to terms with the legacy of empire; and Edinburgh Council had him advise on the Dundas statue. There are positive moves, Palmer feels. Canadian authorities are currently talking to him about what they should do with Dundas Street in Toronto.

So Scotland is ahead of Canada, he says. Were discussing it openly at last. Thats good. Were starting to try to address the past. The Jamaican government is aware of whats happening here. People are watching us.

The essence of a good person is to recognise you were wrong and then try to redress that rather than cover it up. Palmer also supports the creation of a Scottish slavery museum. Weve got plenty of stuff to fill it with, he adds wryly.

The Darien scheme

HOWEVER, despite a growing acceptance that Scotland played a central role in the evils of slavery, there is still a long way to go until the nation fully acknowledges its colonial past, Palmer feels. The infamous Darien scheme is proof. In the 1690s, Scotland attempted to establish a colony in Panama. The effort failed miserably and partly paved the way for union with England at which point a combination of England and Scotland working together accelerated empire-building.

If you walked down a street in Edinburgh or Glasgow, I doubt if 1% of people have heard of Darien, he says. Thats the key issue: why dont they know? We can say Scotland must recognise its history, but you cant recognise what you dont know. Palmer puts blame squarely on the education system. Once the public knows this stuff, they get it. Were getting there as a society but theres been too much dilly-dallying when it comes to history.

Scotlands sense of itself as an egalitarian nation also holds the nation back from confronting the past, he feels. Slavery clashes up against that narrative. If you think youre a good person and then learn your relative was actually Jack the Ripper, it can cause a bit of jolt, he says ironically.

People have put forward the perception that Scotland is less racist than England or elsewhere. I say to them: Look around. Look at where you work. Do you have a fair representation of the diversity of society? Look where you live. Because if you dont have a fair representation, then you better think again.

All one humanity

THE failure to deal with the past is what is partly leading to so much tension around race today, Palmer believes. Young black people know what happened in the past, and after the murder of George Floyd which Palmer describes as a crucifixion they felt there was resistance from within parts of the white community to their demands for change. That meant Black Lives Matter campaigners become angry, and we dont want people starting to get aggressive, he adds.

Palmer has no animosity to white people his white wife is from Aberdeen. He has an old-fashioned colour-blind view of race. Were 99.99% the same as far as our DNA. Were one humanity, nothing less, he says. Most of my immediate family is white my son-in-laws, my daughter-in-laws. Ive got mixed race grandchildren oh, and my children, I almost forgot about them. Ive three of those and theyre mixed race, he laughs loud and long at momentarily missing out his own kids.

Given his irrepressible sense of humour, Palmer turns to a joke he once heard in Ireland, when he was consulting for Guinness as a chemist, to explain the ideal society he would one day like to see. I remember this fellow joking that there was once an undercover agent in Kerry during the war, and he was black but nobody noticed. He explodes with laughter. To me, thats brilliant. Weve got to work towards a society where everybody is just like everybody else and nobody notices what colour your skin is.

Read more:

THE BIG READ: Professor Sir Geoff Palmer: 'My family were owned as slaves by Scots. It's time this nation faced up to its history' - HeraldScotland

Six Faculty: Election to American Academy of Arts and Sciences – U Penn

Six Faculty: Election to American Academy of Arts and Sciences

Six faculty and researchers affiliated with theUniversity of Pennsylvania have been elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. They are Yale Goldman, Katalin Karik, and Drew Weissman of the Perelman School of Medicine; Nicholas Sambanis of theSchool of Arts and Sciences; Diana Slaughter Kotzin of the Graduate School of Education; and Dorothy E. Roberts, joint appointments in the Penn Carey Law School and School of Arts and Sciences.

They are among more than 260 new members honored in 2022, recognized for their accomplishments and leadership in academia, the arts, industry, public policy, and research.

Yale Goldman is a professor of physiology at the Perelman School of Medicine, with a secondary appointment in the School of Engineering and Applied Science. A Philadelphia native, he has been a fixture at Penn for decades, arriving on campus in the early 1970s as a doctoral student and joining the faculty in 1980. From 1988 until 2010, he served as director of the Pennsylvania Muscle Institute at Penn.

Dr. Goldmans research focuses on better understanding the structural changes that the bodys biological machines undergo. He and his lab have developed novel biophysical techniques to observe this, ranging from nanometer tracking of fluorescent molecules to infrared optical traps, known as laser tweezers. The goal is to make discoveries that, in the long term, lead to better outcomes for those with Duchenne muscular dystrophy, cystic fibrosis, and cardiac myopathies.

A member of the National Academy of Sciences, Dr. Goldman has also served as president of the Biophysical Society and as an editorial board member of the Journal of Physiology and the Biophysical Journal.

Katalin Karik is a senior vice president at BioNTech and an adjunct professor of neurosurgery in the Perelman School of Medicine. She joined the University of Pennsylvania in 1989 and began collaborating with fellow inductee Drew Weissman in 1997. Together, they invented the modified mRNA technology used in Pfizer-BioNTech and Modernas vaccines to prevent COVID-19 infection.

For decades, Dr. Kariks research as a biochemist has focused on RNA-mediated mechanisms, with the goal of developing in vitrotranscribed mRNA for protein therapy. She investigated RNA-mediated immune activation and co-discovered with Dr. Weissman that nucleoside modifications suppress the immunogenicity of RNA. This led to the development of the two most effective vaccines for COVID-19.

Dr. Karik has been honored with the Breakthrough Prize in Life Sciences, the Lasker-DeBakey Clinical Medical Research Award, the Princess of Asturias Award, and the Vilcek Prize for Excellence in Biotechnology. She continues to work on new therapeutic applications of mRNA therapy.

Diana Slaughter Kotzin, professor emerita in the Graduate School of Education, was the inaugural Constance E. Clayton Professor in Urban Education from 1998 to 2011. She earned her bachelors and masters degrees in human development and a PhD in human development and clinical psychology from the University of Chicago.

Her research interests include culture, primary education, and home-school relations facilitating in-school academic achievement.

Before joining Penn, she taught at Northwestern Universitys School of Education and Social Policyfor 20 years. Previously she was on the faculties of Howard University, Yale University, and the University of Chicago. Among her many awards and accolades, in 2019, the American Psychological Association designated her a pioneer woman of color among the first to break into psychologys ranks.

Dorothy E. Roberts is the George A. Weiss Professor of Law & Sociology, the Raymond Pace & Sadie Tanner Mossell Alexander Professor of Civil Rights, and a professor of Africana studies. She is also the founding director of the Program on Race, Science, and Society (PRSS). With appointments in the Carey Law School and the School of Arts and Sciences, Dr. Roberts works at the intersection of law, social justice, science, and health, focusing on urgent social justice issues in policing, family regulation, science, medicine, and bioethics.

Her major books include Fatal Invention: How Science, Politics, and Big Business Re-Create Race in the Twenty-First Century (New Press, 2011); Shattered Bonds: The Color of Child Welfare (Basic Books, 2002), and Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction, and the Meaning of Liberty (Pantheon, 1997). Her newest book, Torn Apart: How the Child Welfare System Destroys Black Familiesand How Abolition Can Build a Safer World (Basic Books), was published in April. Dr. Roberts is the author of more than 100 scholarly articles and book chapters, as well as a co-editor of six books on such topics as constitutional law and women and the law.

Nicholas Sambanis is a Presidential Distinguished Professor of Political Science and director of the Penn Identity & Conflict Lab (PIC Lab). He writes on conflict processes with a focus on civil wars and other forms of intergroup conflict.

The lab works on a broad range of topics related to intergroup conflicts in the world, including the effects of external intervention on peace-building after ethnic war, the analysis of violent escalation of separatist movements, conflict between native and immigrant populations, and strategies to mitigate bias and discrimination against minority groups. His focus is the connection between identity politics and conflict processes, drawing on social psychology, behavioral economics, and the comparative politics and international relations literature in political science.

Drew Weissman is the Roberts Family Professor in Vaccine Research in the Perelman School of Medicine and an internationally recognized scientist whose foundational research with scientific collaborator Katalin Karik led to mRNA vaccines and a highly effective method of curbing the spread of COVID-19.

For decades, Dr. Weissman has studied immunology and the ways mRNA might trigger protective immune responses, first focusing on HIV at the National Institutes of Health and then at Penn, where he turned his attention to developing mRNA vaccines for other diseases and conditions. One goal is to create a pan-coronavirus vaccine, which could prevent all types of coronaviruses, including COVID-19. He has also worked with researchers globally to help them develop mRNA COVID vaccines and to increase access to such vaccines in remote and under-resourced areas.

Dr. Weissman has received many awards, including the Lasker-DeBakey Clinical Medical Research Award, the Princess of Asturias Award, the Albany Medical Center Prize in Medicine and Biomedical Research, and the Breakthrough Prize in Life Sciences.

More here:

Six Faculty: Election to American Academy of Arts and Sciences - U Penn

Im for Abolition. And Yet I Want the Capitol Rioters in Prison. – The Nation

The breach at the US Capitol. (AP Photo)

Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month!

Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month!

Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month!

To talk about the attempted Capitol coup, I must make frequent use of the word rage. Not the entitled white rage of the insurrectionists, which I and many others have already talked about enough. Im referring to my own angerthe rising rage I felt over hours of watching, in real time, white supremacists not so much laying siege to the national seat of government as strolling unbothered into the building. Thousands of white terrorists were allowed to spend a whole afternoon just hanging out on the Capitol lawn, chilling on its stairways, waving fascist flags from its terraces, a spectacle of menacing whiteness just doing its carefree thing.

Black folks like LaQuan McDonald and Freddie Gray were murdered for looking at cops the wrong way, but here I was watching police hand-holding white terrorists down the Capitol stairs. Police fatally shot 12-year-old Tamir Rice for having a toy gun and being Black, but the white folks on my screen with real guns were allowed to shut down the government, brawl with cops, and walk out unscathed. Apparently, the white supremacist state prefers white supremacist terror to Black anti-racist resistance, even when that terror leaves a trail of broken police bodies and dead cops in its wake. The Capitol insurrection may have, at least for now, failed as a coup. But it succeeded in reminding the rest of us that American whiteness is American freedom.

My anger over all this has tested my ideals. In particular, my commitment to prison abolition. And as of this writing, Im failing that test miserably.

Let me say here that I still believe we should be working toward a society without prisons. The state offers incarceration as the sole remedy to every criminal harm, falsely conflating retribution with justice. This cycle of eye-for-an-eye revenge has put 2.3 million people behind barsmore than any other country in both raw numbers and per capitawith millions more living under correctional surveillance through parole and probation. We know Black and brown people are disproportionately targeted by a racist carceral system rife with physical violence, sexual abuses, and psychological torture inflicted by solitary confinement. And yet, study after study proves locking people up doesnt reduce crimein fact, mass incarceration has destroyed countless families and communities, yielding the very conditions that produce crime. I believe there are humane alternatives to imprisonment that, instead of perpetuating violence and trauma, seek to heal the harms done and address the structural issues that lead people to commit crime in the first place. No one, whatever their crime, is irredeemable. And by the same turn, no one deserves the brutal and dehumanizing treatment thats endemic to our carceral system.Related Article

Yet I still want every lawless white-supremacist Capitol insurrectionist to be arrested and prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law.

Intellectually and morally, I know nothing good will come out of a continued national reliance on the corrupt racist for-profit prison-industrial complex. But viscerally, my gut is seduced by the statist myth Ive been steeped in of jail as a route to justice. Not because I think revenge will yield a satisfying end, but because I want white-supremacist violence to be treated, perhaps for the first time in this countrys history, as a serious crime that demands accountability. And on this, Im not alone.

Writing at The Atlantic, prison abolitionists Neal Gong and Heath Pearson note that in response to law enforcements hands-off approach to the storming of the Capitol on January 6, some on the left have demanded harsher policing of right-wing extremism to match the often-brutal treatment of Black Lives Matter and leftist protest. That is, the very people who supported police reform or outright defunding over the summer seemed to want a crackdown.Current Issue

Subscribe today and Save up to $129.

In other words, like me, there are plenty of people who believe that increased criminalization isnt workingbut who want consequences for those criminals who never seem to be handed them. Part of me wants Derek Chauvin, the former Minneapolis cop who bore down on George Floyds neck until long after he had choked him to death, to spend the rest of his life in a prison cell. That same part hopes all three men who took part in the execution of Ahmaud Arberywho spat the words fucking nigger at Arbery as he lay dyingto never experience freedom again. I have wished that Donald Trump and his adviser Stephen Miller, the architect of the administrations cruelest immigration policies, were jailed in cages just like those they filled with migrant children. Ive hoped that Kyle Rittenhouse, the white 17-year-old who murdered two Black Lives Matter protesters in August and more recently flashed white-power signs in pics with Proud Boys, will grow into an adult behind bars. And I have fantasized about George Zimmerman, Trayvon Martins murderer who sued the teens bereaved parents for ruining his reputation, suffering a lifelong prison sentence. Thats just a partial list.

The only truly immutable law of this land is that Black life has no value to white America, an estimation that denies Black folks justice as both victims and offenders. Again and again, Black folks witness how a biased criminal systemfrom its cops to its courtsdelivers systematically unfair outcomes. What results is a kind of desperation for any semblance of fairness or justice. Michelle Alexander, pointing out how the state presents imprisonment as the one and only response to crime, writes that when we ask victims Do you want incarceration? what were really asking is Do you want something or nothing? And when any of us are hurt, and when our families and communities are hurting, we want something rather than nothing. The only thing on offer is prisons, prosecutors and police.

Black folks are rarely given even that binary choice. And so the conflict between my ideals and my rage is the desperate want to see Americas white-supremacist criminal systemwhich is, by design, unequipped to punish white supremacy for its harmsfinally work for Black folks. That is, I want something rather than nothing, just this once.

And I want white-supremacist violence to be treated like the danger it is. Black folks have been warning about the increasing threat of white terrorism since Barack Obamas election, and the fears of his assassination by white racists that accompanied it. Americas intelligence agencies have known that white terrorists are the greatest threat to national security since at least 2015, and that only became more true when an open white supremacist became president. But still there was no real response. When the state views peaceful Black protest as more of threat than armed white terrorism, its clear white supremacy is the goal.

If you like this article, please give today to help fund The Nations work.

Yet somehow I foolishly thought that armed white supremacists swarming the Senate chambers to stalk politicians who disagree with them might trigger a self-preservationist response. Instead, a complicit Republican Party is seemingly ensuring an attempted coup will be followed by a successful coup. Recently, The Washington Post reported that, behind closed doors, Justice Department officials are debating waiving charges against some of the Capitol terrorists. And while authorities have since denied the report, most of the white insurrectionists who were apprehended have been allowed to await trial at home. The majority of the estimated 800 Capitol invaders were never even arrested.

Meanwhile, historians compare the Capitol attack and the culture of election lies and conspiracies around it to Germanys Stab in the Back myth that led to the rise of Naziism. German historian Michael Bremmer urges that everyone who precipitated and carried out the attempted insurrectionmust face swift and severe consequences for their actions. Princeton historian Rhae Lynn Barnes writes that slavery, Jim Crow and Reconstructions failures to prosecute treasonous Confederates ultimately led to a strain of white-supremacist terror that continues with the Capitol insurrection. Using history as a lesson, both scholars now caution that prosecution and prison is the only way to ensure democracy and national security. And honestly, that message reverberates with me right now.

I know the fear and vengeance that fuel my desire to see Capitol insurrectionists in jail is a reaction to the same systemic abuses that make prison abolition necessary. Of course, American law enforcement, an institution that evolved in part from slave patrols, fulfilled its long-standing role as the protector of white supremacy. Its also no surprise that members of a terrorist mob who spent months openly declaring their intent to kill lawmakers and occupy the Capitol are being undercharged with misdemeanor trespassing by federal officials, even as some Black Lives Matter activists face decades in jail for bringing umbrellas to a protest.

But putting those folks in cages would most likely only make them more vicious and violent, and more likely to externalize that violence toward Black people and other nonwhite folks. An abolitionist framework would attempt to locate the underlying and long-standing societal problems that encourage white-supremacist terror to thrive. This is not to absolve any of the full-grown adults who chose to commit multiple crimes, the very least of which was breaching the Capitol, and in some cases included brutal acts of violence and murder. But without question, the Capitol attack is a symptom of a disease in a white settler colony founded on genocide and enslavement, a sickness that was always lethal. If only we were actually committed to addressing the long-standing conditions that permit American fascism to grow, we could transform society in ways that would preclude future white-supremacist insurrections. Whats more, this unfair racist criminal punishment system cannot be trusted to provide equal justice. When, out of desperation, we lean into this corrupt and primitive system, we cosign its abuses and validate its crimes across the board. Thats why decarcerationnot just selectively, but for everyoneis the only way to ensure this treacherous system can longer inflict harm.

I recognize that truth, and yet, in this moment, find it hard to square so much else with its overwhelming logic. The orgiastic celebration of white power we saw at the Capitol, on the heels of so much white grievance in recent years, has made me look to the only system I know for answers it cannot provide. For everyone also struggling to reconcile the irreconcilable, I see you right now. I have a lot more work to do to bring my anger into alignment with my desire for things to be better. That will ultimately mean wanting abolition even for those I see as the worst.

See the original post here:

Im for Abolition. And Yet I Want the Capitol Rioters in Prison. - The Nation

Reform, abolition, and vision – UC Santa Cruz

COVID-19 forced the cancellation of many parades and marches marking Martin Luther King Jr. Day this year.

But the pandemic will not put a damper on UC Santa Cruzs 37th annual Martin Luther King Jr. Convocation, which will pivot to an unprecedented all-virtual format when it takes place on Friday, February 12, from 5:30 to 7 p.m.

Usually the event is held at the Santa Cruz Civic Auditorium, which was packed to the rafters and with lines around the block for such speakers as activist, author, and distinguished UC Santa Cruz Professor Emerita Angela Davis and Black Lives Matter cofounder Alicia Garza.

This time around, the Martin Luther King Jr. Convocation Planning Committee, made up of students, professional staff, and faculty,expect a robust online crowd to hear keynote speaker Mariame Kaba, an organizer, educator, curator, and prison industrial complex abolitionist who is active in movements for racial, gender, and transformative justice.

Registration is free for the convocation, which is open to the public.

Kaba will take part in an onstage dialogue with UC Santa Cruz associate professor of feminist studies Gina Dent.

We are fortunate to learn more about Mariame Kabas work on racial and gender justice and abolition, which is instrumental in dismantling the prison-industrial complex, structural racism, and anti-blackness, said Associate Vice Chancellor/Chief Diversity Officer Teresa Maria Linda Scholz. She will provide transformative guidance to members of the UCSC community and beyond who are committed to community organizing and abolition work.

Kaba is the founder and director of Project NIA, a grassroots abolitionist organization with a vision to end youth incarceration. She is also a researcher at Interrupting Criminalization: Research in Action at the Barnard Center for Research on Women, a project she cofounded with police misconduct attorney and organizer Andrea Ritchie in 2018.

She has cofounded multiple other organizations and projects over the years including We Charge Genocide, the Chicago Freedom School, the Chicago Taskforce on Violence against Girls and Young Women, Love & Protect, the Just Practice Collaborative, and Survived & Punished. She is a member of the Movement for Black Lives Policy Table.

Kaba offers a radical analysis that influences how people think and respond to how violence, prisons, and policing affect the lives of people of color.

She is the author of Missing Daddy, in which a child narrator explores the emotions she feels surrounding her fathers incarceration. Her forthcoming book, We Do This 'Til We Free Us: Abolitionist Organizing and Transforming Justice, will be published in February.

The convocation celebrates the life, dream, and enduring vision of Martin Luther King Jr. High-profile speakers who have addressed the crowd at the convention include Yolanda King, activist, actress, and daughter of Martin Luther King Jr.; the late actress and activist Cicely Tyson; Harvard University professor Cornel West; author and social activist bell hooks (Ph.D. '83, literature); and poet, commentator, activist, and professor Nikki Giovanni.

Link:

Reform, abolition, and vision - UC Santa Cruz

Angela Davis discusses the importance of abolition, intersectionality and community in USG Justice Now event – UConn Daily Campus

On Feb. 1, the Undergraduate Student Government at the University of Connecticut hosted esteemed speaker, Dr. Angela Davis, in a virtual conversation on Abolitionist Movements in the 21st Century. Dr. Davis discussed the necessity of abolishing prisons and policing, as well as the intersectionality between race, class and gender in abolitionist movements of both the past andpresent.

The event began via event streampromptly at7 p.m. and was moderated by UConn student Mason Holland. The discussion is part of USGsJustice Now Initiative, which was conceived in large part by Student Development Chair Christine Jorquera, USG Alumni Senator Darren Mack and Student Development Deputy Chair Rita Tsafack-Tonleu.

I know as a non-Black student, theres nothing I can do to heal generations and generations of trauma and pain this community has faced, Jorquera, a sixth-semester psychology and human rights major, said about the inspiration behind the speaker series. The least I could do was help center initiatives and events dedicated to the Black community. To me, diversity, inclusionand equity are more than words. They are a promise meant to be keptand held accountable for.

Holland opened the discussion with an introduction of the Justice Now Initiative and Dr. Davis herself. Dr. Davis then launched into a 30-minute keynote speech on 21st century abolitionist movements.

Dr. Davis linked the past to the present in her speech by explaining the genealogy between 19th century abolition movements calling for the end of slavery and 21st century abolition movements calling for the end of prisons and the police. In a similar manner to the way in which reforming the system of slavery would not have solved any problems, Dr. Davis argued that reform has become the very glue that has held these institutions together, referring to carceral and law enforcementinstitutions.

Let me just continue to encourage you to do the work, consolidate your community, allow yourself to imagineand at the same time, discover that there is also joy and pleasure in doing work that is going to transform the world.

In addition to looking at abolition movements surrounding prisons and the police, Dr. Davis also discussed the overlap between the feminist movement and the abolitionist movement. Dr. Davis stressed the inability to look at gender as a separate entity from class and race, since doing so causes one to default to Whiteness as the norm. This is how Whiteness came to take over the mainstream feminist movement, Dr. Davis argued, as well as contributed to the development of carceral feminism, or feminism that is willing to rely on the racist carceral system as those feminists feel that it benefits them more so than harming others.

Black feminism, meanwhile, attempts to rewrite historical records by showing the legacy of work done by Black feminists and other feminists of color in regard to anti-rape campaigns. This approach to feminism allows us to understand that abolitionist movements are at their best when they are globally interconnected, Dr. Davis noted.

The event then entered the Q&A portion, moderated by Holland. Students had the ability to submit questions to Dr. Davis before the event took place. Questions ranged from those on specific topics that Dr. Davisdiscussed to thosethat were more personal.

In response to a question on balancing attempts to move away from a carceral state while also demanding justice for victims of police brutality, Dr. Davis attested that there were always contradictions in movement work. However,she thought there were more effective ways of holding perpetrators accountable rather than just calling for the arrest and imprisonment of the cops that killed Breonna Taylor, for example.

Simply sending people to prison accomplishes nothing and oftentimes reproduces and intensifies the violence, Dr. Davis said.

Dr. Davis ended her speaking event on a note of hope, discussing her sense of being connected to communities larger than just herself as a key motivator for her continued activism.

Our work is collective; its not about whats in it for me, but changing the world for all of us, Dr. Davis said. A major piece of movement work is challenging individualism and realizing that were allproducedin and through a larger community.

Dr. Davis ended with advice for UConn students;dontgive up, recognize that this is the moment that you should be thinking deeply and calling for change, and look at the role that police play on your campus, she said. Let me just continue to encourage you to do the work, consolidate your community, allow yourself to imagineand at the same time, discover that there is also joy and pleasure in doing work that is going to transform the world.

Originally from Birmingham, AL, Dr. Davis rose to prominence as an activist and scholar during the Black Freedom Movement of the 1960s and 1970s. Known as a radical feminist, member of the Communist Party and affiliate of the Los Angeles chapter of the Black Panther Party, Davis was listed on the FBIs Ten Most Wanted Fugitiveslist in 1970 due to her support of the Soledad Brothers, three inmates who were accused of killing a prison guard at Soledad Prison. She is currently a professor at the University of California, Santa Cruz.

Listening to Dr. Davis talk about mobilizing on college campuses was incredibly empowering, said Prachi Arora, a sixth-semester economics and biology major with a minor in business fundamentals. I want to commend Mason Holland and everyone at USG who set this up because theyve gotten amazing speakers for this panel. Im looking forward to seeing what kind of change these discussions will ignite on the UConn campus.

The next event in the Justice Now Initiative will take place on Feb. 11 at 7 p.m. via event stream. Melting Pot: Multi-Cultural Diplomacy/Multi-National Patriotism will be a moderated discussion between Ilyasah Shabazz, the daughter of Malcolm X and a professor, author and activist, and UConn student Shane Young. For more information on the rest of the Justice Now Initiative, go to theUSG InstagramorUSG website.

The rest is here:

Angela Davis discusses the importance of abolition, intersectionality and community in USG Justice Now event - UConn Daily Campus

Bengaluru: Eshwarappa says government will recommend abolition of taluk panchayat system – Daijiworld.com

Daijiworld Media Network - Bengaluru (SP)

Bengaluru, Feb 5: Minister for rural development and panchayat raj, K S Eshwarappa, revealed that discussion about the desirability of dismantling of the taluk panchayat system will be held in the cabinet meeting, and a proposal in this regard will be submitted to the union government.

He was replying to a question raised by BJP legislator, Kumar Bangarappa, on the subject during the zero hour at the state assembly on Thursday February 4. "Just because the taluk panchayat membership does not carry much value, several members have contested the gram panchayat elections and won from there. Legislators should come out with suggestions about implementing two tier system," he requested.

Kumar Bangarappa drew the attention of the minister to the fact that grants are not being sanctioned to the taluk panchayats and therefore these bodies have not been able to get works executed.

Venkatarao Nagadouda of the JD(S) said that there is no coordination between the zilla panchayats and taluk panchayats. He pointed out that taluk panchayat members get grants of two to three lac rupees per year and wondered how anyone could work with so less a grant.

He said that the taluk panchayats and gram panchayats get the bills sanctioned relating to the same work. He suggested doing away with the taluk panchayats instead of continuing with the current system.

Continue reading here:

Bengaluru: Eshwarappa says government will recommend abolition of taluk panchayat system - Daijiworld.com

‘Abolition’ isn’t a relic of our past. It’s the key to revitalising democracy – World Economic Forum

If youre taken aback by the question, youre not alone. Casual students of US history might recall the Emancipation Proclamation, the 13th Amendment to the US Constitution, and figures like Frederick Douglas and Sojourner Truth, John Brown and Abraham Lincoln. Others might think about efforts to end human trafficking and forced labour that still afflicts some 40 million people. But for many, the term 'abolition' connotes the struggles of a bygone era.

Abolition, however, is not a relic of history. It is an ongoing movement to rethink the systems that produce inequity and build a society that values the lives of the most vulnerable. It permeates almost every issue that the World Economic Forum includes on its 2021 Agenda, from COVID-19 to tax policy.

Social innovators address the worlds most serious challenges ranging from inequality to girls education and disaster relief that affect all of us, but in particular vulnerable and excluded groups. To achieve maximum impact and start to address root causes, they need greater visibility, credibility, access to finance, favourable policy decisions, and in some cases a better understanding of global affairs and access to decision makers.

The Schwab Foundation for Social Entrepreneurship is supporting more than 400 late-stage social innovators. By providing an unparalleled global platform, the Foundations goal is to highlight and expand proven and impactful models of social innovation. It helps strengthen and grow the field by showcasing best-in-class examples, models for replication and cutting-edge research on social innovation.

Meet the World-changers: Social Innovators of the Year 2020. Our global network of experts, partner institutions, and World Economic Forum constituents and business members are invited to nominate outstanding social innovators. Get in touch to become a member or partner of the World Economic Forum.

In his seminal 1935 work, Black Reconstruction in America, the black scholar and activist W.E.B. Du Bois coined the term abolition democracy. He used it to describe the post-slavery struggle for a society that offers each member the economic, political, and social capital to live as equal members. In other words, abolition democracy isnt just the fight to destroy oppressive institutions. Its the fight to build just ones in their place.

In that context, the need for abolition has never been more alive than it is today.

Worth saving or burn it all down?

We are in the midst of a global democracy recession. Representative governments have failed to address the existential crises of our time, including runaway economic inequality and climate change. Authoritarians around the world stand emboldened by those failures. Just weeks ago, in the US, a defeated president incited a white supremacist riot that temporarily brought the federal government to a halt.

Young people are asking whether the building blocks of society are meant as a common foundation or as a wall to keep them at bay. They are, fundamentally, thinking about abolition. They are asking whether what we have is worth saving, or if its time to burn it all down.

The people who annually find their way to Davos, myself included, need to ask these questions, too. Whether we come from the private sector or philanthropy, government or advocacy, we need to think about the ways in which our systems are set up to stratify and exclude. If we do not at least take seriously an abolitionist mindset, our solutions will be nothing more than Band-Aids on democracys sucking chest wound.

In my own work as the CEO and Co-Founder of the Center for Policing Equity, that means fundamentally reimagining public safety. It means removing police from enforcing laws meant to punish people without housing and investing in institutions that prevent housing insecurity. It must also mean preventing police from having to show up in the first place, not just improving practices when they do. It means measuring justice along with crime, and aligning our mechanisms of public safety with the values of the communities particularly communities that have historically faced discrimination and disinvestment.

Rebuilding systems with equity at their core

This year illustrated the consequences of our past failure to take abolition seriously. Our inability to redress racial inequities in our essential systems and protect the most vulnerable has fueled the spread of COVID-19, costing more than 420,000 lives in the US alone. In the wake of George Floyds murder, entire neighborhoods went up in flames because of the unpaid debt owed to black communities after generations of white supremacy and neglect.

Do you believe in democracy? If the answer is yes, the best way to revitalise it may be to embrace the work of abolition democracy, from whichever powerful perch you occupy.

Even before the pandemic, the Fourth Industrial Revolution has disrupted the ways we work, learn and live. That disruption is an opportunity to build equity into the base of our evolving systems, from internet access to public education to corporate governance. If we fail, we will have literally built them to burn.

So, ahead of this years forum, ask yourself a different question: Do you believe in democracy? If the answer is yes, the best way to revitalise it may be to embrace the work of abolition democracy, from whichever powerful perch you occupy.

Charity alone, kindness from those who have benefitted most from institutions that marginalise the vulnerable, cannot lead us to justice. Abolition democracy, the working of rebuilding our systems with equity at their core, just might be able to.

After all, in the long view of history, our choices are simple: build systems that empower the least of us, or prepare to watch them torn down until we do.

Read more from the original source:

'Abolition' isn't a relic of our past. It's the key to revitalising democracy - World Economic Forum

Lost and found: The tomb of the Sea Dragon, Brazil’s famous abolitionist – University of Florida

Through the heat of the Brazilian summer, Licinio Nunes de Miranda sweated in the cemetery.

For three years, the University of Florida doctoral student had been searching for the tomb of Francisco Jos do Nascimento, the revered Afro-Brazilian abolitionist known as the Sea Dragon. Nascimentos heroism helped end slavery in Brazil, but despite the Sea Dragons renown, no one knew where to pay their respects. His tomb had been lost for more than a century.

While working on his dissertation on abolition in the northeastern state of Cear, Mirandas admiration for Nascimento grew. He marveled thata fisherman and sailor from a poor family organized the 1881 strike where Cear dockworkers refused to board enslaved people onto ships to be sold throughout the country. Slavery, a cornerstone of Brazils economy for centuries, was outlawed in Cear in 1884 and nationwide in 1888.

It was the first major victory of Brazilians against slavery, said Miranda, who grew up in Brazil and studies history at UF. For someone from his background to have led that strike means a lot. It could have cost far more to him than if he had belonged to the elite.

Miranda became determined to find Nascimentos grave, visiting archives for clues and searching the labyrinthine So Joo Batista cemetery in Cears capital, Fortaleza.

Miranda felt certain So Joo Batista was the right place: It was the capitals only cemetery when Nacimento died there in 1914. Beginning in 2017, Miranda spent day after day exploring the necropolis, systematically scrutinizing the ornate statues and sepulchers of its 12,500 above-ground tombs. Day after day, he found nothing. Then on July 24, 2020, he spotted a three-tiered monument covered in mold, the cross on top broken, its stone crumbling.

DESCANO ETERNO do MAJOR FRANCISCO JOSE do NASCIMENTO.

The eternal resting place of the Sea Dragon.

It was very hot. I was sweating, but I was so happy, I didn't care, said Miranda, who took a selfie at the scene.

Since then, the tomb has been cleaned and restored, its rediscovery celebrated in news articles and events. Miranda, who had since returned to Gainesville, couldnt go back to Brazil for the ceremonies because of the pandemic. But hes gratified to see Nascimentos legacy preserved, not just a footnote to history but as a reminder that in Brazil, as in the United States, racial inequities persist.

We're still learning how to overcome those problems, he said. People can learn about tolerance, freedom and equality from these historical figures who did so much even though they had so little.

Miranda is continuing his work revealing the untold stories of Cears abolitionists, supported by UFs Research Abroad for Doctoral students program. He hopes other students realize that their research can have results beyond academia.

Current times have been so hard for everyone that I felt that we needed and deserved good news, especially concerning a man who had overcome hardships in times just as difficult as ours and all for the sake of the common good, he said. If he did it, so can we.

Alisson Clark January 29, 2021

Here is the original post:

Lost and found: The tomb of the Sea Dragon, Brazil's famous abolitionist - University of Florida

Founded to Exclude: Greek Life, UChicago Theta, and the Push for Abolition – The Chicago Maroon

During the 2019-20 school year,UChicagoschapter of Kappa Alpha Theta (better known as simply Theta) had more than 180 members.Now, inJanuary of 2021, it hasjust over30.

UChicago is one of many universities across the country to see a mass exodus from Greek life in recent months. Hundreds of students reportedlydisaffiliatedfrom Vanderbilt Greek life institutions in July, the University of Richmonds entire Panhellenic Councilresignedover the summer, and Abolish Greek life Instagram accountssprungup at campuses nationwide. The catalysts for these movements have varied from school to school, but one common thread runs through them all: the belief that Greek institutions are rooted in classism, racism, and exclusivity.

According to anop-edpenned by five former members of Thetas leadershipall of whom have since disaffiliated from the sororityUChicago Thetas most recent reckoning began with an incident in the fall 2019 recruitment cycle.

In the fall of 2019, during the tenure of previous leadership, women of color, and dark-skinned women specifically, were excluded from the process of meeting new members from day one and told explicitly to go home throughout the process, the op-ed read. This prevented several women of color, who had signed up to participate in recruitment, from interacting with new members.

These women looked around the room, and they were like, wait a minute, everyone who wasnt assigned was Black or Asian, said M., a former Theta member familiar with the matter who asked to remain anonymous for fear of retaliation or harassment. There were other people getting multiple assignments, whereas they were not [getting assigned to speak with prospective members].

Speaking to new members is the main way in which current sorority members participate in recruitment and, according to the op-ed, the selection of specific members over others sidelined many women of color in this process.

A heated argument ensued when they raised this concern with a member involved in planning the recruitment process. Subsequently,the Monday following recruitment, multiple members recounted a collective experience of exclusion and belittlement at the hands of fellow chaptermembers to our advisorsand present chapter leadership at a Membership Development Committee (MDC) meeting, but no action was taken,the op-ed read. MDC performs a disciplinary function within Theta, adjudicating disputes among members.

It is problematic to not recognize that exclusion from sororities, and feelings of exclusion among Black women, is an issue, M. said.

Members of Theta leadership during fall2019 did not respond to multiple requests for comment.

But according to former Theta leadership, the failure was as much in the aftermath of the recruitment debacle as in the moment. Knowledge of what happened became public in the summer of 2020, amid the racial justice protest movement sparked by the police killing of George Floyd. The leadership posted a letter on Instagramwhich has since been deletedapologizing for the incident on behalf of the chapter, prompting widespread concern and interest in the issue from alumni andotherobservers.

So,in the summer of 2020, Theta's MDC embarked on a fact-finding investigation, holding near-daily interviews with alumni and current members in an attempt to pursue disciplinary measures against those responsible for the incident. We, as new leadership, had to go back through and figure out what happened, said Ella Parker, Thetas former Chief External Affairs Officer.

But they quickly found themselves restricted by certain aspects of Thetas standard disciplinary procedures, which are set by the national organization. The main one, they said, was the wealth of confidentiality policies within the organization, which prevent individual grievances from being shared with the group unless members do so without naming anyone involved. Rather than discuss specific instances of racism within the sorority, the group was only permitted to discuss racism broadly.

As the investigation hobbled along, the leaderships faith in the disciplinary system quickly eroded.

Its like a black hole.You just scream into it, B., a former Theta member,saidin an interview withThe Maroon.(Some former members of Theta leadership spoke toThe Maroon anonymously, as they received threats of legal action for pursuing disciplinary action against certain members.)We have this system thats supposed to adjudicate these different issues and disputes, but it doesnt actually do its job whatsoever. Nothing actually comes out of it in a productive way,in a way that is transparent or addressable, because the word confidentiality gets flung in your face every time.

The fact that the chapter even has a disciplinary committee, B.said, is primarily for show.

Parker said that the members who came forward with the allegations of racial bias and exclusion also lost faith in the disciplinary process.

When women come forward with allegations,"they are told, we will handle this; youve been heard; well take care of this,Parker said. And that was the problem,because then when nothing happened, the time had already passed, and the people who originally brought something up felt disrespected,and didnt want to have anything to do with it anymore.

At the conclusion of the investigation, the leadership singled out one member who had been involved in organizing recruitment and was deemed primarily responsible for the initial incident. The sorority initiated a membership termination vote in an attempt to kick the member out of the chapter. The vote passed almost unanimously.

Several weeks later, however, the leadership learned that this vote was overturned by the chapters panel ofadvisors, a volunteer group of Theta alumni appointed by the national organization to advise and oversee the chapter. As the basis for this decision, the advisors cited procedural shortcomingsthey told us we didnt take good enough notes, B. said. The advisors also claimed that bias against the wrongdoer,may have clouded voting members judgment, as the events from fall recruitment were at that point general knowledge within Theta.

This decision incensed many members of Theta, including Parker, who toldThe Maroonthat the advisors had never voiced these procedural concerns throughout the disciplinary process,andthatthe identity of the person under investigationwas kept confidential. But beyond this, Parker said that the advisors decision undermined the will of the group.

It just says a lot that we voted near-unanimously for this, and our advisors still chose to overturn it, Parker said. They dont think that we know whats best for our chapter.

Several weeks after this controversial decision, a rift formed within thegroupbetween those who wanted the chapter to dissolve entirely and those who wanted to remain in Theta. Per the chapters bylaws, dissolving would require a unanimous vote, which was clearly unattainable. The advisors decision was a pivotal moment, signaling to many members the national organizations opposition to real change.

We realized that any change that we would want to make would be met with the same resistance by, quite frankly, old white women who dont understand why racism is that big of a problem in its manifestations here on this campus, said Allie Salazar, a former Class Representative for Thetas MDC.That was, I think, the moment at which leadership realized anythingwe do is going to be in vain.

Theta is not the only sorority whose efforts at reform have been stymied by an intransigent national organization: anearlyidenticalincident played out atNorthwesterns chapter ofZeta Tau Alpha.

The thing that was really damning was the systems inability to deal with [the initial incident], Salazar said. Being members who were on the administrative side of it, we found that the system was unable to rectify the wrongs that had happened, insofar as it wasnt as explicit as a hate crime.

For former Theta member A., who identifies as a woman of color (and asked to remain anonymous for fear of harassment), it was the response from Thetas national leadership and one ofitschapteradvisorsin particular that erased her faith in the sororitys ability to change.

There were a lot of girls who came toNationalsexpressing their concerns, A. said. It was very obvious to not only the girls [whomThetas advisor] talked to but[to]pretty much everyone in the chapter that she did not care about our chapters women of color,and she did not care how they felt about it. Shefar more caredabout protecting the people who were responsible for the incident rather than the people who were affected themselves.

That was when A. and the majority of Thetas members started disaffiliating in droves. In August of 2020,fewer than 30 members remained.

Thepublic disintegrationof UChicagos chapter ofKappa Alpha Thetawas far from an isolated incident. Following the summers mass mobilization against structural racism, sororities and fraternities on campuses nationwide found their checkered pasts andpresentdiscriminatorypracticessuddenly subjectedto the harsh spotlight of mediascrutiny.

Several past presidents of UChicagos Panhellenic Council(Panhel)havecome outin favor of abolition, and student-led movements to abolish Greek life emerged at collegesacross the country, decimating many chapters membership in a matter of months,just as onedid forTheta.

Social media has played a large role in this wave of activism.There are over 50 Instagram accounts advocating Greek life abolition at different universities, many with hundreds or even thousands of followers.

Months later, however, the question remains whether that movement will keep its initial momentum. Whats more, not everyone who sees a need for change to the Greek system agrees on what form it should take.

In June2020, Hannah Pittock, a former member of the sorority Alpha Omicron Pi (AOII), penned anopen letterto AOII headquarters,arguing that Greek life should be abolished,rather than reformed. While her article received support from many like-minded activists,itwasalso met withvalid resistancefrom women of color who, she said, had been working towards reform for years.

One of the inherent problems with the letter, and with my participation in this piece, is that it engages in the same problematic dynamic Im trying to dismantle, ofwhite women speaking over or for women of color on issues of racial justice,Pittockwrotein a statement toThe Maroon.The reform ideas outlined are not new,nor did I come up with them,theyre reforms women in Greek life,and especially women of color,have been working tirelessly toward for years.This letter failed miserably in acknowledging that,it spoke over them and for them in a really problematic way, and it didnt give credit where it was due.

UChicago Theta did not respond to multiple requests for an interview, and AOII representatives declined to be interviewed.

While the momentum to reform or abolish Greek life is currently driven by the internal pressure of members disaffiliating en masse, observers outside the system have longexertedpressureon Greek organizations to dissolve or reform, especially in the wake ofracist incidentsand in conversations surroundingsexual assaults.UChicagosPhoenix Survivors Alliance (PSA) has been critical of the role Greek life has played in campus sexual assault for years, and the close ties between fraternity social life and sexual assault took center stage in a publicart installationthe group put on last spring.

Since the racial justice protests reachedapeak inthesummerof2020, sororities atUChicago have begun attempting toaddressracial injustice in their pasts. In astatementissued in November, UChicago AOII said that it had created two new leadership positions responsible for diversity, equity, and inclusion within the chapter.Itisalso implementing regular educational chapter meetings on racial justice and allyship, including curriculum aimed specifically at recruitment, andit hasannounced a zerotolerance policy for discrimination and harassment.

Similarly, UChicago Thetaannouncedin October that it was eliminating preferential treatment for applicants who are related to Theta alumnae, known as legacies, among other reforms. Delta Gamma (DG) said in astatementon Instagram thatit isalso abolishing legacy admissions and implementing regular workshops on diversity and inclusion foritsmembers.

In spite of sororities problems, the women who do join their ranks say that they play an important role, serving as a social network, a support system,and more. But the feasibility of a community that preserves the benefits of Greek life without its baggage remains an open question for many.

Parker, for one, is optimistic about the possibilities of a non-Greek space for female-identifying students.I firmly dont believe that the only way to mobilize a group of women is through Greek life, Parker said. I dont think it has to be this problematic to get a group of women together and get them to do really amazing things.

Although she chose to disaffiliate, A. still appreciates some aspects of her time in Theta and wishes that more marginalized students would be able to experience the sense of community she found there.

I wish there were other people coming from backgrounds like me that could have experienced thatthat could have gotten to know so many different kinds of people, from so many places all over the world,and have fun with them and feel like they belonged, she said.

Parker, too, noted that there were aspects of belonging to Theta that she still found appealing, particularly the opportunity to work on philanthropic projects and build a close working relationship with Thetas philanthropic partner, CASA of Cook County.

We dont just do philanthropy because we have to.We actually have an insane[lypositive] relationship with the organization that we do philanthropy for, Parker said. I understand the reason why Greek life philanthropy is problematic, Ive read the abolish Greek life posts on it, but I do think joining Theta that was a really cool thing that I was excited to be a part of.

One former sorority member, who spoke withThe Maroonanonymously for fear of harassment, now runs theInstagram account@abolishgreeklifeuchicago. She said that even on a campus without Greek life, there may still be a need for sorority-like organizations. While several RSOs do cater specifically to women on campus, they are generally oriented toward students interested in particular fields of study, career paths, or political concerns rather than the general interestsocial structure that sororities provide.

I think it would be great to have environments on campus for female-identifying students.Thats one of the main reasons I joined Greek life in the first place, she said. A lot of the same infrastructure could be transferred over to some sort of all-female space on campus thats more inclusive, that doesnt turn people away based on their personality,based on how they look,orif they can pay their dues.

But under these circumstances, such an organization may not be recognizable as Greek life, another moderator of the Instagram account said.

Greek life was founded to exclude, she said. When you start to make a list of all the things that would need to happen for Greek life to be reformedhow do we include people who dont identify within the gender binary? Or people who cant afford to pay dues? How can we make this place more accessible?it starts to unravel all of the things that make Greek life what it is.

This conversation has already begun playing out onUChicagoscampus since the wave of disaffiliations this summer. Some former sorority members have formed a new group for female-identifying students, referred to as the Oak Society, which held recruitment information sessions during the first week of winter quarter and quicklycame under fireon social media for its resemblance to thesororitymany of its members had just left.

Still, some see Greek lifes problems as symptomatic of a deeper issue. A. said she believed that despite the efforts of those running recruitment to bring in primarily rich, straight white women, many of the members of Greek organizations do want to see more students from different backgrounds join. The problem, A. said, was an environment that has long permitted racism to go unquestioneda problem that isnt unique to Greek life.

I think it happens at a lot of RSOs and other organizations on campus, but because its more characteristic of the stereotype of Greek life,were willing to point the finger and say well Im not racist;Im atXXXgroup organization'instead of Kappa Alpha Theta or instead of Sig[ma]Chi, A. said. I think solving this problem doesnt necessarily lie in abolishing Greek life.Itlies in abolishing an environment that allows these things to happen, which is harder work.

A. said she thinks that increased representation from people of color within Greek organizations could lead to a culture shift that makes sororities and fraternities more welcoming places for marginalized students.

I think on aPanhel-wide level there needs to be some checks and balances that place an emphasis on diversity and inclusion across all leadership positions, she said.

During the monthswhenThetas public reckoning played out, members ofUChicagosororities openlydiscussedthe viability and varied historical legacies of Greek life on social media.One AOII Instagram postclaimed that Greek life institutions elitist practices serve to preserve white supremacy within the Greek system.

But UChicagos fraternities largely escaped censure, despite the fact that conversations about University oversight of the Greek system have long centered on fraternities, fueled by a long list of incidents that drew public outcry.

Included in those incidents were examples of overtracism, allegations ofhazing, andsexual assaultat fraternity parties. The University of Chicago, however, refuses to engage questions of regulating Greek organizations because of a long-standing policy of not recognizing Greek organizations.As such, former Theta leadership said that the responsibility for checking fraternity misconduct has commonly fallen toUChicagos Panhellenic Council, to which the sororitiesKappa Alpha Theta, Alpha OmicronPi, Delta Gamma, and Pi Beta Phi all belong. Just as a lack of real self-governing power withheld by the national organization prevented the women of Theta from enacting reforms in their own chapter, sororities lack of power over fraternities can restrict their ability to reform the practices of campus Greek life more broadly.

This arrangement puts sorority women in the position of policing the behavior of fraternity men, with little leverage other than the ability to issue public statements and refuse to participate in social events with fraternities, asthe Panhellenic Councildid with the fraternity Sigma Chi followingallegationsthat it had failed to prevent date-rape drugs from being given to female students at a number of its O-Week parties. This dynamic becomes especially fraught in cases of sexual misconduct, sometimes involving members of thesame sororitieswho are called upon to discipline fraternities for their negligence.

Theres a history at UChicago of [sexual misconduct] not being addressed adequately by fraternities, and I think Panhel has fallen into this role and feels a responsibility, Parker said. Panhel knows better than anyone because its so often women in sororities who are the victims of these types of thingsbecausethey spend the most time atfratsand at parties where sexual assault instances occur.

While declining to say whether this was an accurate characterization of the dynamics between sororities and fraternities on campus, Panhel wrote in a comment toThe Maroonthat our chapters want to provide safe spaces for women to support and empower one another. Members of Fraternities Committed to Safety (FCS) declined to comment.

Looking back on her time in Thetas leadership, Salazar said that she was bothered by how much of sorority social life depended on the cooperation of fraternities, particularly given that UChicago sororities have no houses andare technically prohibited fromserving alcohol.

Because we werent supposed to do anything related to alcohol at all and college kids, for better or for worse, bond over alcohol, we became socially dependent on fraternities for that bonding,for this experience of going out, this experience of partying, Salazar said. They became the holders of the social capital.

That dependence, B. added, limited the ability of sorority leadership to sanction fraternities for bad behavior and to a certain extent ensure the safety of theirown sisters.

The fact that we have to use parties as a bargaining chip to say hey, youve done something wrong is absurd, she said. Its all-around bad that women are being put in this weird position where we have to interact with them, but also police them, but also ask them for money for the philanthropy event.

The situation is made worse, A. said, by the fact that fraternities have no governing body equivalent tothesororities Panhellenic Council empowered to issue regulations across campus. While10campus fraternities (oneof which, Sigma Phi Epsilon,isnow defunct),signed a pledge in2016,formingFCSand agreeing to abide by certain sexual assault prevention and response protocols, the pact contained no real enforcement mechanism forviolators, and FCSs website was inactive as of January 2021.

If one fraternity says something [about reform], another fraternity can say fuck off, Im doing this instead, A.said. Its definitely a lower level of accountability for fraternities.

The durability of Greek institutions is a result ofnot onlythe ready-made social scene they provide to members, butalsoof thefinancial, social, and culturalcapital invested in the institutions. Those seeking to topple the centuries-old institution face significant obstacles in the deep pockets and broad alumni networks that fraternities and sororities command.

On the national level, sororities and fraternities cycle through many millions of dollars yearly. For the 2017-18 fiscal year, Kappa Alpha Thetas national organization reported $58 million in revenue,and spent close to that amount. The funds are channeled into a number of areas: chapter programming, philanthropic fundraising, scholarships, and costs of housing, along with maintaining the national leadership apparatus.

The incentivesforjoining Greek life also render abolition an uphill battle. At UChicago, fraternity housing is one potentially significant perk of joining Greek life, and housing corporations control a flow of cash through both membership dues and alumni donations. The Chi Upsilon Alumni Association, which manages housing forUChicagoschapter of Phi Gamma Delta (Fiji),reported revenue in the hundreds of thousands in 2017, as did the Midway Educational Foundation, a separate organization that funded improvements to Fijis house.

Fraternities and sororities loyal alumni networks are powerful incentives for a prospective member, posing an additional challenge to Greek life abolitionists. The names of UChicago Greek lifes most prominent donors are familiar to any student from the names of houses and University programs: billionaire trustee Byron Trott (Fiji), wealth manager BernardDelGiorno (Fiji),Jeff Metcalfof the Metcalf Internship Program (Fiji), trustee Gregory Wendt (Alpha Delta Phi),andhedge fund manager John Thaler (Psi Upsilon). Greeklifealumni are expected to leverage their career success in order to give students and recent graduates from their fraternity a leg upPsi Upsilons 2013 Member Education Guide, for example, encourages alumni to offer mentorship and summer internships to current brothers.

The national network of Greek life also has a political arm. The Fraternity and Sorority Political Action Committee, also known as FratPAC, funds election campaigns of Greek life alumni and lobbies members of Congress to support the interests of Greek life (including, notably, theiroppositionto a 2013 anti-hazing bill).

FratPACdonates to candidates across the political spectrum, ranging fromVice President Kamala Harris to SenateMinorityLeader Mitch McConnell. While most ofFratPACsdonors are individuals or individual fraternity and sorority chapters, some subsidiaries of national Greek organizations contribute as well, such asthePi Beta Phi(Pi Phi)sorority and Delta Gammas Fraternity Housing Corporation. While the legal restrictions and cash flows are complicatedPi BetaPhi, for instance,stateson its website that it draws its donations from alumnae dues rather than collegiate ones and doesnt contribute directly to campaignsthe financial links between Greek organizations andFratPACslobbying activities on Capitol Hill have raised a chorus ofobjectionsfrom studentsto the political uses of their dues. These political commitments of Greek organizations havegalvanizedcampus activists calling for abolition.

In addition to economic and political influence, however, Greek organizations rely on a particular kind of cultural power for their enduring place in campus life.According toTulane University professor Lisa Wade,who studies sexual culture on college campuses andhascalledfor the abolition of fraternities and sororities, the centralityof Greek lifeto narratives of the college experience in itself helps perpetuate the Greek system.

You have these two prongs of power,[one being]economic power,which is the resources that many of these historically white fraternities and sororities have to make themselves seem indispensable to a college, Wade said. But they also have this cultural power, where this state of affairs that advantages this particular group seems normal. It just seems normal and right.

According to Wade, the concentration of social power in fraternities originally founded as exclusively white, wealthy, and male organizations is somewhat paradoxically responsible for the expansion of the Greek system to women and students of color. Given that history, Wade questions whether the boundaries of that system can be further expanded and made truly inclusive without overhauling Greek lifes defining features.

The fraternities became the model for what it looks like to organize around an identity and lift eachother up. It was because fraternities had so much power that we saw women forming their own fraternities, that we see students of color forming their own fraternities and sororities, that we see Jewish fraternities and sororities, Wade said. Its not because theres anything special about this word or these organizations.The copycatting was because of the power that these white men held.

According to Wade, dismantling Greek institutions starts with acknowledging that maintaining them is a choice,rather than an inevitable outcome oranecessary part of college life.

We need to start asking:Fraternities offer us a lot, they bring in money and other things, but what is the cost? Wade said. Part of the way we do that is[by]exposing this cultural lie weve been told [about the necessity of fraternities].

The groundswell of student activism that rippled across college campuses in recent months encouraged Wade, who saw both abolitionist activists outsideand students inside Greek life working to reform their organizations or leaving them as signs of the potential for change.

I think students are deciding for themselves whether or not they want these institutions, and I see a lot of potential there for what might happen, Wade said. People in Greek life responding by disaffiliating is such an incredibly powerful thing to do. It gives other people a permission structure, the permission to say, Hey, actually, I dont love this either.

Despite the frustrations Salazar encountered and herownchoice to leave Theta, she said that many women who chose to remain sorority members are working to accomplish the changes she found impossibleto make.

There are a lot of women,and women of color especially,who really want to make change and feel some level of institutional support for that.Whether thats support for pureP.R.purposes or [if] thats genuine support,I dont know, Salazar said. Theres this belief that we can make the change;the question is whether or not they can. Will this work? I dont know.

Go here to read the rest:

Founded to Exclude: Greek Life, UChicago Theta, and the Push for Abolition - The Chicago Maroon

What Happens to the Federal Death Penalty in a Biden Administration? – TIME

Joe Biden is the first president in U.S. history to openly campaign on abolishing the death penalty and win. Now that hes in the White House, pressure is already mounting from activists and lawmakers for him to fulfill that promise.

Pointing to the more than 160 Americans whove been exonerated from death sentences since 1973, Biden pledged on the campaign trail to work to pass legislation eliminating the federal death penalty and incentivize states to follow. Former President Trumps Department of Justice had been run with a polar opposite view: In the last seven months of his presidency, the Trump administration oversaw the most federal civilian executions since 1896, putting to death 13 death row prisoners amid a raging pandemic and despite a litany of legal challenges. Six of the deaths came after Bidens win in the 2020 election, the most executions during a presidential transition period in U.S. history. The last threethose of Lisa Montgomery, Corey Johnson and Dustin Higgstook place mere days before Biden took his oath of office.

The unprecedented spree of executions brought increased focus to the issue right as Biden assumed the presidency. On Jan. 22, U.S. Representatives Cori Bush and Ayanna Pressley, along with 35 other Democratic House members, sent a letter to Biden urging him to commute the death sentences of all 49 people remaining on federal death row.

We appreciate your vocal opposition to the death penalty and urge you to take swift, decisive action, the letter reads, arguing that while President Obama suspended federal executions and commuted the sentences of two federal death row prisons while in office, his administrations reticence to commute more death sentences has allowed the Trump administration to reverse course and pursue a horrifying killing spree.

Read more: The Death of the Death Penalty

Commuting the death sentences of those on death row and ensuring that each person is provided with an adequate and unique re-sentencing process is a crucial first step in remedying this grave injustice, the letter goes on.

Biden did not address the issue during his very first days in office, but a Jan. 19 memo from then-incoming White House Chief of Staff Ron Klain said that, between Jan. 25 and Feb. 1, the President would sign several execution orders including action to begin fulfilling campaign promises related to reforming our criminal justice system.

Its unclear what exact orders Biden might issue; asked by TIME for more details, the Biden administration declined to comment. But Robert Dunham, the executive director of the nonprofit Death Penalty Information Center, says there are a range of things that [Biden] can do that would have the effect of clearing death row and stopping federal prosecutions.

Heres what to know about what could happen to the federal death penalty in a Biden administration.

My working assumption is that the Biden White House and the judiciary committees will want to incorporate the elimination of the death penalty in a larger criminal justice and sentencing reform measure, writes Steven S. Smith, a professor of political science at Washington University in St. Louis, in an email to TIME. That bill will take time to construct, although the Biden campaign had [a] long itemized list that can serve as the framework.

At any time during his presidency, Biden has the power to issue a blanket executive order commuting the sentences of all 49 people on federal death row to life without parole. He could also declare a moratorium on all federal executions via an executive order, similar to the one issued by California Gov. Gavin Newsom in 2019 that halted executions in his state. The move would mostly be symbolicas it wouldnt extend past Bidens termbut like Californias moratorium, the order could serve as an admission about how broken the system is, says Dunham. Like Newsom, Biden could also withdraw the governments execution protocol and dismantle the execution chamber where prisoners are killed.

In a Dec. 15 letter, Pressley and 44 other lawmakers had urged Biden to issue such a moratorium his first day in office, as well as to direct the Department of Justice (DOJ) to stop seeking the death penalty. (There have been several periods in history where the U.S. government hasnt sought capital punishment in sentencing, but never due to an executive order from the president.) Biden could also withdraw any notices of intent to seek the death penalty that the Trump administration had already filed in ongoing cases, effectively de-capitalizing them, says Dunham.

Only Congress can officially end the federal death penalty with an act of legislation. Several prominent Democrats have already introduced bills to do just that: in early January, Rep. Pressley and Rep. Adriano Espaillat each introduced their own bill into the House of Representatives to eliminate the federal death penalty; Illinois Sen. Dick Durbin, the incoming Senate Judiciary Chair, has announced plans to introduce a companion bill to Pressleys into the Senate. The legislation would end the death sentence at the federal level and require the re-sentencing of federal prisoners currently on death row.

A June 2020 Gallup poll found that 54% of Americans believe the death penalty is morally acceptable, a record low since Gallup began polling on the issue in 2001. And while opposition to the death penalty has become more bipartisan at the state level, it still tends to fall along party lines in national politics.

With Democrats now also in control of the U.S. Senatedue to a 50-50 split and Vice President Kamala Harris tie-breaking votethe legislations chances of becoming law have risen, but still remain in flux.

I dont think a federal definitely abolition bill is going to get through the Senate of the United States, says Austin Sarat, a professor of law and politics at Amherst College. It seems unlikely, he explains, that the current makeup of Congress will provide the 60 votes needed to override the Senate filibuster and get the bill onto Bidens desk. But these bills are still important, he continues, because they further signify increasing doubts about the death penalty in the United States.

Lawmakers could separately amend the federal death penalty statue to eliminate several of the federal crimes currently punishable by death. They could also change the appellate process for federal capital cases, which has fewer constitutional protections than those appealed at the state level, argues Dunham. And along similar lines, Congress could also past legislation requiring stays of executions be granted if there are issues of disputed law or fact in the case, so that the United States Supreme Court cannot allow an execution to go forward when there are doubts about its legality.

During the 13 federal executions in the last months of the Trump administration, several high profile casesincluding those of Lisa Montgomery and Brandon Bernardwere granted stays by lower courts to allow time for legal hearings, only for those stays to be overruled by the Supreme Court.

Theres a sense [that] the current U.S. Supreme Court pretty much acted as a rubber stamp, Dunham adds. It didnt matter what the legal issues were, they were always decided in favor of executing prisoners.

Abraham Bonowitz, executive director of the anti-death penalty advocacy group Death Penalty Action, says his organization wants to see movement to abolish federal capital punishment within the first 100 days of the Biden administration. And while issuing an executive order would be an important step, it wouldnt be enough, Bonowitz says.

Abolition fits squarely into the racial reckoning that has to happen, and just basic recognition of the unfairness of the system, he continues. The Biden administration should do what they said theyre going to do.

Thank you! For your security, we've sent a confirmation email to the address you entered. Click the link to confirm your subscription and begin receiving our newsletters. If you don't get the confirmation within 10 minutes, please check your spam folder.

Write to Madeleine Carlisle at madeleine.carlisle@time.com.

See more here:

What Happens to the Federal Death Penalty in a Biden Administration? - TIME