Welcome to the Anatomy of a Goal, where each week we dissect one goal (or near goal) from Columbus Crew SCs previous match.

For match 17 of the 2017 MLS Season, we take a look at Federico Higuains 26th minute equalizer as part of the 3-1 loss to Atlanta United on Saturday.

Heres a look at the finish from Columbus No.1 10.

Crew SC gave up the first goal in this match on a turnover created by the Atlanta high press. While its tempting to review that goal, we have covered the Black & Golds struggles with pressure in their defensive third multiple times this season.

Columbus lone goal of the game is another example of just how good the Gregg Berhalter system can be when it works like it should. This goal is the result of nine passes, eight of which were simple and one that required a bit of individual skill. Only the final pass was defended and the goal-scoring shot came from right about the United penalty marker.

Higuains equalizer begins with Jukka Raitala receiving the ball on the left. Raitala immediately has Justin Meram and Wil Trapp open, and must quickly get rid of the ball before the aggressive Atlanta press is able to take effect.

Raitala picks out Trapp, surrounded by United attackers ready to pounce. Again, Trapp must decide whether to play a quick pass back to Jonathan Mensah or to play a quick ball into the path of a wide open Artur.

Trapp gets the pass off to Artur who immediately sees Higuain standing, unmarked, near midfield. The Atlanta press, which never really got started, has already been broken by these three quick, simple passes, all of which moved forward toward the midfield rather than backward toward the Columbus goal. Back passes can be valuable, and are a linchpin of Berhalters possession based system, but on Saturday these passes led to multiple turnovers.

As Higuain prepares to receive Arturs ball, that was just a bit overhit, he notices Ethan Finlay running in an open position. Higuain makes a dummy run (a run where the player pretends to receive the ball but lets it pass by him) and allows Finlay to receive this pass.

Harrison Afful, sensing that the offensive break is on, makes the intelligent decision to begin his run downfield toward the attacking end. Afful will make the cross that sets up Ola Kamaras assist.

As Finlay feels the pressure from Atlanta left back Greg Garza, he immediately passes the ball back to Higuain who has had the opportunity to survey the field and his passing options. Afful continues his unmarked run up the right flank.

With the ball at his feet and the a full view of the attacking half, Higuain has three options as he is closed down by Jeff Larentowicz: a slotted pass to Afful, a pass into space for Finlay or a more difficult ball over the top to Kamara.

Higuain keeps with the trend and makes the easy pass to Afful who immediately has three options: a give-and-go back to Higuain, a pass to Finlay in the space between Garza and Larentowicz or dribble forward until Garza begins to defend him.

Afful decides to carry the ball up the field until Garza decides to leave Finlay and mark the Black & Golds right back. Marked by Garza, Afful can either make a difficult pass to Higuain or pass to Finlay on the wing.

Notice former Crew SC captain Michael Parkhurst standing with his left foot on the top of the penalty box. Parkhurst will keep Finlay onside during the next pass, much to the dismay of fellow center-back Leandro Gonzalez Pirez.

Afful makes the simple pass to Finlay as Gonzalez Pirez mistakenly argues for offside. Garza shifts back to the speedy Columbus winger, leaving Afful open as a safety valve.

Feeling the pressure of two Atlanta defenders, Finlay passes right back to Afful. As the fullback sees a defender approaching to his left, he must decide if he should make a quick pass, attempt to beat the defenders off the dribble or look for a safety valve at his back.

Both Kamara and Higuain, the assist man and goalscorer, are both surrounded by Atlanta defenders, but not tightly marked. Parkhurst is generally aware of Kamaras positioning as Tyrone Mears shifts toward Justin Meram.

Afful, potentially noticing that Kamara has a few yards of space behind Parkhurst, decides to send in an early cross.

Your browser does not support HTML5 video.

Affuls cross will hit the mark, but Kamaras movement and positioning are the real keys to this portion of the goal. In the above highlight you can see Kamara, who was just onside as the ball was played, contort his body around Parkhurst and knock the ball into the path of Higuain with the outside of his right foot.

Thus far, every pass in the goal sequence was simple but this goal still requires a bit of individual brilliance from Kamara.

As the ball bounces near Kamara, who is already getting in position around Parkhurst, Higuain is surprisingly unmarked inside the United penalty box.

Even as Kamara gets to the ball, Higuain is still open.

Your browser does not support HTML5 video.

Though Kamara knocks the ball back into the path of Higuain, his pass did not take Parkhurst out of the play. As the ball approaches Higuain, he is defended by Parkurst and has to quickly decide whether he will hit a one time shot or try to beat Parkhurst off the dribble.

The above highlight shows Higuain fake a first touch volley and take the ball just to the left of Parkhurst where hell slot home the equalizer.

Parkhurst does well to recover onto Higuain, who is faced with the decision between a first-touch shot and taking the Atlanta center back off the dribble.

Higuains fake volley sets Parkhurt just off balance enough to allow the Crew SC attacker the time to get around the defender.

Around Parkhurst, Higuain makes a quick shot to the keepers right. Kamara is absolutely offside but arguably does not interfere with the play.

Higuains right-footed-shot levels the match.

Findings:

Continued here:
Anatomy of a Goal: Higuain's Equalizer - Massive Report

The year is 2015. For the past two years Millie Bobby Brown, yet to become a household name, has been discovering the joys of acting.

The third child of a family of four kids, Millie's family emigrated to Orlando, Florida, when the futureactress was four years old.

Kelly and Robert Brown started to notice their daughter's star talent at a young age, deciding to invest everything in taking Millie to auditions around the country.

A worthwhile investment, it was to turn out, as in 2013, Millie Bobby Brown found her first role in Alice in Wonderland spin-off Once Upon a Time.

From there she bagged a regular double role as a brother and sister duo on BBC America'sIntruders.

After makingbrief appearances in NCIS and Modern Family, Millie Bobby Brown touched down atGrey Sloan Memorial Hospital for a spot inGreys Anatomyinwhat wouldturn out to be her last role as an unknown actor.

In the episode "I Feel the Earth Move" of Grey's Anatomy season eleven, the city of Seattle is hit by a serious earthquake which rocks the roots of Grey Sloan Memorial Hospital. As a result, Maggie and Ethan find themselves stuck in a lift while Meredith takes over a series of tricky operations.

With the emergency services inundated with calls, Owen receives a call directly to the hospital from a panicked young girl called Ruby. Her mother has fallen and is unconscious, prompting Owen to join forces with the police to track the call and come to the girl's aid.

Owen and Amelia team up to help Ruby's mother over the telephone and discover that her airways are blocked.

(Photo: ABC)

Things quickly go from bad to worse when the woman's lips start turning blue. The young girl examines her mother's throat in an attempt to get rid of any obstacles but nothing works.

Finally, the doctors realize that the woman is suffering from a tension pneumothorax and the little girl is forced to pierce her mother's throat to release the trapped air.

While the operation works briefly, the woman loses consciousness again and Owen has to teach Ruby how to perform CPR (to the rhythm of the Bee Gee's "Stayin' Alive", of course).

In the end, the family is finally rescued and helicoptered into the hospital. Of course, Ruby's mother survives and in classic Grey's Anatomy style, Owen and Ruby come together for an emotional reunion.

Following the success of her role as Eleven in the breakout hit Stranger Things, Millie Bobby Brown is in for a seriously busy year. Along with her young colleagues from the Netflix original show, she's been reeling off appearances on talk shows and panels like nobody's business.

Everywhere she lands, she seems to unveil a new talent from singing at the Emmysto rapping with Jimmy Fallon. She's also been picked to face a Calvin Klein line and collaborated with Converse. The most impressive part of it all: she's still only 13 years old.

With filming of Stranger Things season two done and dusted, Millie is ready to break the world of Hollywood blockbusters, starting withGodzilla: Kings of the Monstersset for a 2019 release.

Ready to hit Netflix on October 31, here's hoping Stranger Things manages to avoid Netflix's recent cancellation spree and live on for another few seasons.

Read More ->Why 'Flaritza' was the most powerful ship of OITNB season 5

Follow this link:
Spotted: Millie Bobby Brown Playing Doctor On 'Grey's Anatomy' - Konbini US

By Douglas Anele

But despite their remarkable capacity for creative ingenuity and accomplishments, the Igbo as a group, according to Prof. Chinua Achebe, have the deadly flaws of hubris, overweening pride, obsession with material success and irritatingly noisy exhibitionism or showiness which tend toinvite envy from members of other ethnic groups. Yet, those flaws do not justify their being massacred periodically by northerners or treated as second class citizens in their own country. The May riots of 1966, Ironsis gruesome murder and massacre of Ndigbo afterwards led to a radical rethinking of their attitude to the idea of a unified Nigerian nation. The Igbo began to realise that their belief in a strong central authority that provides a level playing field which enables Nigerians from every ethnic group to actualise the ideal of one nation, one citizenship, and one destiny was a delusion.

The belated Igbo questioning of One Nigeria was consistent with the memorandum submitted by the northern delegation to the Nigerian ad hoc constitutional conference of September 1966. In it, northern representatives claimed that We have pretended for too long that there are no differences between the peoples of this country. The hard fact which we must honestly accept as of paramount importance in the Nigerian experiment especially for the future is that we are different peoples brought together by recent accidents of history. To pretend otherwise would be folly. The north even went further to demand that in any new constitution a secession clause should be inserted granting any member state the right to unilaterally secede completely from the union, and to make arrangements for cooperation with other members of the union in such a manner as they may severally or individually deem fit. Now, from what transpired later, it became clear that northerners were only interested in regional autonomy as long as it favours the north.

We have noted that the civil war that lasted from July 1967 to January 1970 proves the deadly extent caliphate colonialists can go to maintain its dominance in Nigeria. But before the war proper, a last ditch attempt was made in Ghana to save the country from disintegration occasioned by the fallouts of the two military coups in 1966. The Aburi meeting hosted by Ghanas military ruler, Lt. Gen. Joseph Ankrah and attended by senior military and police officers as well as government secretaries, resolved that each region should be responsible for its own affairs, and that the federal government would be responsible for issues dealing with the whole country, such as defence, currency and external affairs. In my opinion, if the Aburi accord had been implemented, the Biafran war would have been averted because eastern region would not have seceded. The agreement collapsed because ab initio there was a mismatch between the delegation led by Gowon and the one from eastern region headed by its military governor, Lt. Col. Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu: whereas Gowon and delegates from other regions apart from the east arrived Aburi with the vague idea that somehow Nigeria must remain as one country, Ojukwu and his group came with a well-articulated detailed vision of what the future political architecture of Nigeria should be. Thus, although the eastern position was eventually adopted, the two parties left Aburi with different ideas of what the agreement meant in practice. As a corollary, some aspects of the accord, especially those dealing with the issue of power relations between the central government and the regions, were unrealistic and impractical to implement given the growing domination of the army and political power by the north, coupled with the strained relations between the Igbo and northerners as a result of pogroms against Ndigbo resident in the north. Moreover, top federal civil servants in Lagos vehemently opposed the accord, and convinced Gowon that it was unworkable. The problem was aggravated by the all-or-nothing attitude to the contents of the accord by Gowon and Ojukwu, which was unnecessarily rigid and myopic. Gowons unilateral repudiation of the agreement was matched by Ojukwus insistence on its full implementation as quickly as possible: both men failed to realise that a give-and-take approach and compromises are required forsuccessful implementation of agreement on troublesome political conflicts.

The non-implementation of the Aburi accord by the federal military government heralded the end of the concept of regional autonomy and self-sufficiency in Nigeria, leading to the consolidation of caliphate colonialism. After Gowon had emerged as military head of state, he started implementing measures that effectively turned Nigeria into a unitarist federation, which increased the powers of the federal government over the federating units beyond what was allowed by the unification decree promulgated when Ironsi was in power and which was used by northern soldiers and their civilian collaborators to justify the bloodthirsty coup of July 29, 1966. Interestingly, northern emirs who had for long opposed the creation of states mainly in order not to compromise the norths geographical and political domination of Nigeria suddenly urged Gowon to create states. Gowon complied with the demand. The creation of states was more detrimental to solidarity among the three regions in the south than to the northern region because southern Nigeria did not have the equivalents of the theocratic emirate system, Islam and a dominant language (Hausa) which tended to unify different ethnic nationalities in the north. Besides, by concentrating more power at the centre ostensibly to keep Nigeria as one united country, Gowon also ensured that the federal government dominated by northerners controlled all revenues from recently discovered large deposits of petroleum mostly in the eastern region. As a result, Gowon not only expanded the pre-independent policy of using resources from the south to develop the north, he instigated the bizarre practice of northern preponderance in the ownership of oil wells in oil-bearing communities. One can claim justifiably that some of the most significant pre-war decisions taken by the federal government headed by Gowon are responsible for the extremely damaging effects of caliphate colonialism in Nigeria since 1967.

Any student of Nigerian history who blames the eastern region, particularly Ndigbo, for seeking self-determination after the horrendous atrocities they suffered in northern Nigeria is either a pathological misanthrope or moron. It is difficult to imagine a self-respecting ethnic nationality with the quantum of human and natural resources of the defunct eastern region that would not desire to take its destiny in its own hands. As Prof. Achebe observed, The Nigeria that meant so much for [Ndigbo] was not reciprocating the affection we had for it. The country had not embraced us, the Igbo people and other easterners, as full-fledged members of the Nigerian family. Hence, on May 30, 1967, when Ojukwu, on behalf of the 335-member Consultative Assembly of Chiefs and Elders who unanimously mandated him to pull out the east from the rest of Nigeria at an early practicable date, announced the secession of Biafra, he was actually demanding that Igbo people and their immediate neighbours be allowed to develop at their own pace untrammelled by the yoke of caliphate colonisation. Many uninformed Nigerians believe the pernicious falsehood that the Igbo declared war on the rest of Nigeria. Far from it because, as I have stated earlier, if there is any group that have contributed most to the building of modern Nigeria and lived the concept of One Nigeria (and still does, admittedly,to its own detriment) it is the Igbo. Therefore, it is in Ndigbos interest that Nigeria continues to exist and prosper. When the eastern region seceded, caliphate colonialists led by Gowon decided to respond with a short, surgical strike through what he called a police action.

In every war, it is always plausible to argue, after the fact, that it could have be
en averted or avoided if the combatants had shown more restraint. The Biafran case is not anexception. The war was led by two young military officers in their early thirties, Ojukwu and Gowon. Perhaps, older and more experienced statesmen could have handled the complex issues that led to the bloody conflict much better in a manner that would have led to a peaceful resolution, although it would have been extremely difficult, judging by the horrors they suffered in the hands of their northern compatriots, to persuade the eastern populace shortly before the civil war broke out that they are equal stakeholders in the Nigerian project.

Now, northern hardliners such as MurtalaMohammed wanted full-blown war as the final solution to teach the Igbo a brutal lesson and consolidate the norths domination of federal power, whereas Gowon saw it as an opportunity to cut the arrogant and rebellious Ojukwu to size. Eastern leaders who mandated Ojukwu to secede at the earliest practicable opportunity were desperate and confused, and the people themselves were emotionally exhausted and disillusioned. In such a psychologically charged atmosphere, critical thinking and logic would be replaced by the exciting logic of war hysteria such that anyone who questions the extreme measures taken by Ojukwu in response to Gowons prevarications and provocations or expresses doubt concerning the propriety of secession without adequate preparation for war would bebranded a spineless coward or saboteur. To be continued.

Follow this link:
The anatomy of Caliphate colonialism (5) - Vanguard

Share this story

From industries to bridges, mega projects to widening of roads and pipelines, it sometimes seems that everywhere you look, some group in Goa is rallying against something.

What is behind this new opposition-ism? Goans social values, and their evolution over the past few decades, tell an important part of the story.

Social values are the deep-seated beliefs and orientations that underline our opinions on the issues of the day.

While at one time many Goans would conform to the expectations of authority figures, and follow the customs and demands of institutions and ideologies, these days they are increasingly unwilling, or uncomfortable, deferring to authority and instead are interested in making their own choices onwhat they want.

The people want development they want motorable roads, uninterrupted water and power supply what they dont want is an abrupt change in their lives wrought about by a project that they are unlikely to ever benefit from.

Goans do not generally accept the notion that pollution is inevitable, or acceptable, in an industrial society.

Second, Goans do not tend to hold the belief that environmental damage is an acceptable price to pay for economic growth.

Third, Goans, by and large, tend to see environmental activists as reasonable people who have Goan interest at heart , rather than extremists out to take away livelihoods

While this combination of values sounds pretty daunting for those wanting to move forward with infrastructure or other developments, there are ways to ensure that these projects are aligned with the communitys values and expectations.

While the agitation against the casinos and many a mega projects besides polluting industries is understandable the recent agitation which led to shifting of the plans to set up Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) at Loliem is highly debatable.

This is not the first time that a project or projects proposed by the government have been deposed by the people. In the past decades, especially since the early 1980s, very few projects proposed by the government have met with the approval of the people. Some have been bulldozed through despite opposition and others have been scratched from the planning board after some long and bitter agitations.

The Nylon 6,6 project and the Special Economic Zones are examples of the latter.

Against this background of agitations, it would have been smart on the part of the government to first take into confidence the people on any project and then give its approval for the venture, rather than push forward its plans and agendas without knowing the mind of the people.

This would portray that the government was sensitive to the wishes and opinions of the people and that this was a government that would act positively only on such projects that met with the approval of the affected people.

But this is just not happening in Goa. At regular intervals the government will propose a project that the people will oppose and then the fight begins.

While the IIT at Loliem is a justified project, it is nowbeing moved to Ponda, because all stakeholders were not taken into confidence at the project clearing stage.

See the original post:
ANATOMY OF AGITATIONS - Oherald