It's tempting to think of medicine and health care as objective and neutral, driven solely by scientific principles and free inquiry. Indeed, scientists go through extensive measures to make their research bias-free. However, recent developments show that despite the best efforts, racial disparities persist in the health care system even when they are unintentional.

The disproportionate impact of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) on Black and Latinx communities in the United States has demonstrated that although illnesses may not discriminate, varying access to treatment, preventive measures, and other resources can still lead to imbalances in health care. Racial differences persist in scientific research as well: Algorithms designed to make decisions about health care incorporate biases that limit care for Black patients. Another recent study showed that Black applicants to granting programs at the U.S. National Institutes of Health got less money than their White colleagues. This was not a result of intentional discrimination, but because Black researchers worked in areas (fertility, health disparities, and adolescent health) that tend to be underfunded.

Why do racial disparities persist despite the safeguards scientists have put into place to keep their work bias-free?

Much of the problem is that racial biases not only occur in individuals, but are also embedded in our institutionswhat sociologists refer to as structural or systemic racism. Once primarily heard among social scientists, these terms have, in the past few months, become more mainstream. Systemic racism refers to the well documented fact that most of our institutionsin politics, law, education, and health care, to name a feware fundamentally organized according to assumptions and policies that work to the disadvantage of communities of color, and Blacks in particular.

In health care, for instance, this can mean pay policies that discourage practitioners from treating patients who are affected by poverty, discrimination, and other factors that can impair healthfactors that disproportionately affect Black patients and the Black practitioners who are more likely to treat them. In technology, this means facial recognition systems that frequently misidentify Black people. And in the legal system, these structural barriers are present in the oft-cited racial disparities in mandatory minimum sentencing rules for drug use, and in targeting predominantly Black, low-income communities for nonviolent drug crimes whose punishment can escalate into a loss of voting rights and other freedoms.

None of these policies is necessarily a result of individual intent, overt bias, or malice. But ultimately, individuals are the ones who create social institutions. When most of these people are White, it is all too likely that they will fail to recognize the particular realities of life for Black citizens.

The first step toward addressing these issues is to recognize that despite the pride scientists take in being analytical thinkers, these problems persist. Most people don't set out to maintain racial disparities, but do so inadvertently, and the scientific community is not exempt. After acknowledging the issue, the second step would be to establish policies that encourage more racial diversity in all sectors of the scientific communityamong researchers, educators, and policy-makers across the board.

What is badly needed is a wider range of perspectives. This suggestion may not sit well with scientists who are committed to the belief that theirs is a completely meritocratic field. But bringing together a broader variety of voices to the scientific community will help all scientists as they continue to make discoveries that advance society. The crisis that the COVID-19 pandemic has brought to Black and Latinx communities adds to the urgency.

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Systemic racism persists in the sciences - Science Magazine

Dr. Ala Stanford, founder of the Black Doctors COVID-19 Consortium, is calling on the citys major hospitals to break down the barriers for providing coronavirus testing.

During a City Council virtual hearing on the racial and ableist disparities of COVID-19, she suggested that all Philadelphia hospitals that received millions of dollars in CARES Act funding should open their doors from 9 a.m. to midnight to make it more convenient for residents to be tested.

"The hours are 9 to 5," Stanford said. "There are no hours on the weekends. How are people supposed to get tested?"

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Stanford also said making people show identification or obtain physician referrals can keep people from getting tested.

People retreat and recoil when they hear that, she said. Its like asking them to sign something thats 20 pages long with a vocabulary that they may not understand. The reality is you need a persons name, you need a date of birth and you need a way to contact them. When we test people on the street at Broad and Olney or at 52nd and Market, those were the only three pieces of information that we needed.

The hearing was held by the Council Committee on People with Disabilities and Special Needs, chaired by Councilman Derek Green and the Committee on Public Health and Human Services, chaired by Councilwoman Cindy Bass.

Too many of our citizens have been disproportionately impacted by this pandemic, not only from a public health perspective but also from an economic perspective, Green said.

That experience is not only in the African-American community, but also in the Latin community as well as the disability community. All of these communities were having major challenges in reference to public health before COVID-19. What COVID-19 has done has only illuminated the disparities that many people in our city are dealing with every day.

We as elected officials, as members of the executive branch, of the general public, those who are leaders in our community, need to do what needs to be done to address this issue, he continued.

Philadelphia Health Commissioner Dr. Tom Farley said current city data shows marked disparities of the coronavirus impact by race and ethnicity.

As of last weekend, the Philadelphia Department of Public Health reported 846 COVID-19 deaths in African Americans, 461 deaths in whites, 146 deaths in Hispanics and 49 deaths in Asian Americans.

COVID-19 seems to following a pattern of other health problems, Farley said.

African Americans have higher mortality rates than whites for a wide range of diseases and injuries from heart diseases to diabetes to homicides. These disparities are one result of structural racism in our society that reaches back across generations.

The exact mechanisms by which this legacy affects COVID are not fully clea, but we can speculate about. People of color are more likely to work remotely and are more likely to be front-line workers and risk their exposure to the virus, he said.

The legacy of redlining in our city means that Black and Latino city residents are more likely to live in crowded housing, where they are unable to safely quarantine or to isolate if sick.

Farley highlighted the Public Health Departments new COVID-19 Racial Equity Response Plan.

Racial disparities of COVID-19 infection are representative of deep-seated problems so they will not be eliminated easily or quickly, nonetheless we will take the steps in our plan to reduce deaths and continue to look for additional opportunities to solve this problem, he said.

The plan includes increasing access to COVID-19 testing, tracking racial and ethnic disparities, conducting community outreach, preventing chronic health conditions, protecting essential workers, preventing spread in congregate settings such as nursing homes, shelters and prisons and a new contact tracing program.

Weve worked with partners across the city to expand testing access with an intentional focus on Black and Latino neighborhoods, Farley said. There is more to be done but we have made significant progress.

One of those partners is the Black Doctors COVID-19 Consortium, which city officials have promised to pay $1.3 million to test Black residents over the next six months.

The consortium has tested 8,000 people in Philadelphia since April, through partnerships with local Black religious institutions.

I formed the organization because Black people in Philadelphia were being diagnosed and dying at a rate higher than any other group and there was not a concerted effort to decrease that death and disease on April 16 when we started, Stanford said.

As of last week, the number of Philadelphia residents tested for coronavirus jumped from 1,500 per day to more than 3,000, Farley said.

Of the people tested so far, for whom we have race and ethnic information, 54% of those tested were African American, 27% were white and 9% were Latino, he said.

During the hearing, Koert Wehberg, executive director of the Mayors Commission on People with Disabilities, underscored how COVID-19 has impacted people who are disabled.

When COVID hit, many people with disabilities were in congregate care facilities, nursing homes, group homes, personal care homes (and) correctional facilities and unfortunately over half of the people who succumbed to COVID had an underlying health condition or disability, he said.

Abrupt changes in routines have resulted in people with intellectual developmental disabilities having increased behavioral issues and issues with home care. Weve heard heart heartbreaking stories from folks who are afraid or unable to leave their homes, since this all started, as a result as their change of routine and difficulty in obtaining PPE (personal protective equipment) for themselves of their home care workers.

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City Council hearing highlights impact racial and ableist disparities of COVID-19 - The Philadelphia Tribune

MINNEAPOLIS - The Rev. Edrin Williams, pastor of one of the most racially diverse churches in the Twin Cities, quickly launched an emergency food distribution center when rioting after the death of George Floyd destroyed neighborhood stores. Now he's taken on another role as well: dispensing food for thought to white faith leaders grappling with how to combat racism.

"I get calls nearly every day from around the country and even one from Switzerland," said Williams, of Sanctuary Covenant Church in north Minneapolis. "They ask, 'What should we be doing?'?"

The national spotlight on racial inequities has injected new energy and placed new demands on African American religious leaders, long at the forefront of civil rights movements. Many are orchestrating their largest-ever food relief projects, fielding outreach from allies, working to quell community tensions and exploring new strategies to combat racial injustice.

A group of Twin Cities Black pastors has been discussing a proposal with Gov. Tim Walz to create a Minnesota "social compact" that would forge new investments and public policies to begin erasing racial inequities. Wayman African Methodist Episcopal Church in Minneapolis is preparing to launch a project to transform one Minneapolis public school into a culturally appropriate model for Black achievement.

Minnesota's evangelical community has created what it hopes will be a $1 million fund to support African American churches. Many Black pastors are in demand for speaking and consultation. And, for the first time, their food programs are attracting armies of white volunteers.

"There's something special happening at this moment," said Williams. "People are seeing the (racial) barriers who haven't seen them before. There's a captive audience."

Bishop Richard Howell of nearby Shiloh Temple International Ministries marveled that while participating recently in a panel before largely white religious leaders, the first question directed to him was, "What is systemic racism?"

"There's an openness to hearing us - finally - in a manner we haven't seen before," said Howell. "I've been preaching 40 years, and I've never seen our friends listen to the facts, and the painful facts, of African American history. We have an opportunity to share what we know with those who don't."

Whether it's just a flash of racial consciousness, or something deeper, is the big question, he said.

On a recent Friday, Williams stood in front of about 90 volunteers in his church parking lot. Wearing shorts, a T-shirt and face mask, he bowed his head and said a prayer moments before hundreds of neighbors streamed in to pick up groceries and other goods.

With the Cub Foods across the street still boarded up, they stopped at tents with signs announcing what was inside - apples, carrots, diapers. It's a massive undertaking created in just two months, assisted on the ground mainly by white volunteers from cities and suburbs.

How to tap that surge of support - from individuals, religious groups, businesses and philanthropy - and harness it to tackle institutional racism is a topic of great discussion. While grateful for the support, many Black faith leaders worry that volunteers leave with no greater understanding of the racial inequities that shaped the community they're serving.

That understanding, along with deeper personal relationships in the Black community, are needed to become strong allies for change.

"If George Floyd hadn't taken place, we wouldn't have these relations," said the Rev. Runney Patterson of New Hope Baptist Church in St. Paul. "We've had some in the past, but they fizzled out. I tell (white) pastors, 'Don't come here just to feel good.'... My hope is we can build real relationships and be intentional about it."

Bridging such divides has long been a mission of the Rev. Richard Coleman of Wayman AME Church. He oversees a monthly Bridge of Reconciliation luncheon for pastors and community leaders - of different races - focused on supporting north Minneapolis.

During this month's Zoom meeting, Coleman announced that his church and the Minneapolis nonprofit Hope United CDC planned to organize a network of community partners to help transform one Minneapolis school into a model for academic achievement by offering training for cultural competencies, curriculum, mentors and other services.

The project would mark Wayman's 101st anniversary.

"With the moment, the killing of George Floyd, we wanted to pick something big and significant that can really make a difference," Coleman said. "There's a lot of energy right now. To deal with the problems in the Black community requires a systemic approach, and I believe we are in that space now."

The Rev. Alfred Babington-Johnson, CEO of the Stairstep Foundation in Minneapolis, also hopes to seize the moment. He and other clergy involved in His Works United, an ecumenical collaboration of African American religious leaders, have been talking with Walz and staff about a sweeping proposal to address racial disparities in housing, health, wealth and education.

It is designed to have Black-led organizations develop the capacity to address their community's issues, he said.

Sitting at his desk, Babington-Johnson pulled up a PowerPoint slide listing about a dozen Black-led organizations behind the plan, including the Minnesota Black Chamber of Commerce and the Phyllis Wheatley Center in Minneapolis. Community supporters include the Minneapolis Regional Chamber of Commerce, Greater Metropolitan YMCA and Minneapolis St. Paul Regional Economic Development Partnership.

"We're having some very hopeful conversations with government, with corporate leadership," said Babington-Johnson. "What we have is the opportunity to be of service, because the whole society is riveted" by the inhumanity surrounding Floyd's death.

Other Black clergy are forging different paths. The Rev. Stacey Smith, senior pastor at St. James AME Church in St. Paul, typically isn't orchestrating protest marches. But she felt compelled to organize a clergy march last month, during which hundreds of faith leaders prayed silently while walking the streets of Minneapolis and St. Paul where violence had erupted.

The idea took shape on a Sunday night, when she began e-mailing invitations. By Tuesday morning she found herself walking past Floyd's memorial - in the largest march of faith leaders in memory.

"It was an outpouring unlike anything I've seen," she said.

Smith's church already is running a food program. Now she'd like to offer counseling and support for people suffering from trauma, whether from the COVID-19 pandemic, poverty or racism. She had considered the idea earlier but is convinced now is the time.

African American churches are getting support from other corners. Transform Minnesota, the umbrella group for Minnesota's evangelical Christians, was planning to raise money to support African American churches suffering financially because of COVID-19. That idea kicked into high gear after Floyd's death. It launched the One Fund with a goal of raising $1 million before the anniversary of Floyd's death on May 25, said Carl Nelson, CEO of Transform Minnesota.

"It's one way to tangibly respond to the disparities we're now talking about," Nelson said.

As faith leaders look ahead, they remain hopeful, but guarded, about the prospects for societal change.

They recall that police killings of other Blacks nationally and locally, including Jamar Clark in 2015 in the Twin Cities, have ignited public attention and mobilized communities. But the outcry subsided.

"These things have been cyclical," said Babington-Johnson. "The difference this time is that folks are becoming aware of the inhumanity (confronting Blacks) in different and deeper ways - and the need for society to change."

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Twin Cities Black clergy hope to seize power of the moment - Blue Mountain Eagle

Following the disruption of a virtual NAACP event on Sunday by racist and sexual content, Hillsborough community members rallied in support of Black and Latinx residents.

The Northern Orange NAACP chapter held a virtual town hall event on how to transform and improve law enforcement Sunday afternoon. According to the organization and Hillsborough Mayor Jenn Weaver, the town hall was interrupted when users began posting racist imagery and slurs, as well as videos of graphic content like KKK rallies and sexual material. Weaver wrote in a Facebook post the white supremacist users showed up in the chat under the names of people who were legitimate participants on the call.

The mayor wrote in her post the Northern Orange NAACPs Communications Chair, who was running the virtual event, abruptly ended it due to the content and distraction the intentional racism caused.

The local NAACP chapter also wroteon its Facebook page following the incident.

We the members of the Executive Board of the Northern Orange NAACP apologize to all the speakers, guest and supporters who were abruptly interrupted at todays Town Hall II, it reads.Its a shame that respectful dialogue cannot be engaged in without that portion of the population that believes people of color are less than [them.]

IN THIS DAY AND AGE:We the members of the Executive Board of the Northern Orange NAACP apologize to all the speakers,

Posted by Northern Orange NAACP onSunday, July 26, 2020

Shortly after the event, a community group called Hillsborough Progressives Taking Action held a rally and press conference at the historic county courthouse to denounce the actions of the disrupting users.

In her post, Weaver also expressed her support of Hillsboroughs Black and Latinx communities, saying its imperative residents understand the proximity of racism.

It is incumbent upon every person who is interested in the liberation of all people, in building a community and world where this type of behavior and traumatization would be unthinkable, to join in this struggle. Each of us must find our role. Each of us must commit. I extend my deepest wishes and dreams of love and protection to every person of color who just experienced that awfulness. I extend my deepest commitment to being in solidarity with you in creating true and genuine safety. I love you.

The Northern Orange NAACP also affirmed it would not let the disturbing actions from Sunday deter the organization from sharing its stories or silencing its members perspectives.

You know you are doing the right thing when people feel they have to disrupt your mission or resort to childish behavior as a way to upset your moment, reads its post. We will reschedule [the town hall] and secure our voices.

Orange County Schools offered a statement online, saying it will not stand for racism of any kind in our schools or our community.

The town hall to discuss law enforcement reform comes after months of denouncement of systemic racism from Americans and others around the world, sparked by the death of George Floyd. Hillsborough has seen numerous demonstrations in support of police reform and the Black Lives Matter movement.

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Racist Disruption of NAACP Town Hall Leads to Rally in Hillsborough - Chapelboro.com

This current upward trend indicates to NAREB that concerted efforts to address and remove systemic barriers to Black homeownership, intentional and targeted programmatic initiatives, along with focused promotion of the wealth building benefits of homeownership appear to be shifting the tide. I assure Black American prospective homebuyers that NAREB will continue to aggressively pursue our advocacy efforts nationally and be available to assist Black Americans considering homeownership.

We are painfully aware, however, of the disparate health and financial effects that the COVID-19 pandemic has inflicted on Black Americans and other vulnerable populations. Life, as we all knew it, is difficult to navigate now, and into the foreseeable future. At the same time, the dreams, and the plans for homeownership among Black Americans appear not to be squelched. NAREB Realtists and our real estate affiliates, using every possible safety precaution, stand unified as guardians of our communities, ready to provide the guidance and accurate information to Black Americans working to achieve their dream of homeownership and a pathway to boost economic futures.

The National Association of Real Estate Brokers (NAREB) was formed in 1947 to secure the right to equal housing opportunities regardless of race, creed or color. NAREB has advocated for legislation and supported or instigated legal challenges that ensure fair housing, sustainable homeownership, and access to credit for Black Americans. NAREB also advocates for and promotes access to business opportunity for Black real estate professionals in all of the real estate disciplines.NAREB annually publishes The State of Housing in Black America report. http://www.nareb.com

Media Contact:Joanne Williams [emailprotected] 202-364-0024

SOURCE National Association of Real Estate Brokers (NAREB)

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Statement by President Donnell Williams on Continued Increase of Black Homeownership Rate - PRNewswire

A deep fissure has opened in Richmond. More than ever, we have felt an extraordinary tension between all of us. For more than 45 consecutive days, protesters have taken to the streets, and they have demanded action, specifically from their elected officials.

In response, City Council has introduced a slate of legislation, the mayor has removed monuments to the Lost Cause all across Richmond and the General Assembly has called a special session next month. Still, the tension within Richmond has not subsided.

It has become clear that we must strengthen the relationship between our local government and city residents. Richmonders are frustrated seeing policies enacted that did not emerge from, nor were led by, residents. As a local government, we must acknowledge that if we are to realize a Richmond that genuinely is resilient and equitable, we have to try something new.

The city has to invest in a model of collaboration that centers the voices of Richmonders in the decision-making process. The first step toward this is to embrace participatory budgeting in the administrations budgeting process.

As we look to reimagine public safety and to better invest in our community, our solutions must grow from the ground up. As the mayor seeks input and recommendations through his task force, he also must put some rigor behind it.

We cannot afford to simply listen. We need to listen, learn and let Richmonders lead. I am proud to have led City Councils passing of legislation to implement participatory budgeting in September. Now is the time to put it in motion.

With more than a 30-year history worldwide, participatory budgeting places public dollars in the hands of residents, giving them a transparent way of investing in their community. Residents introduce their ideas to meet their neighborhoods most pressing needs and city staff helps them develop actionable project proposals.

The community-designed and the city-supported process culminates in each resident casting a ballot for the projects they believe will make the most significant difference in their neighborhood. Chicago introduced the first participatory budgeting process in the United States and since then, cities across the country have designed models that best fit their needs.

Durham, N.C., began its first process in 2019, and residents already are seeing their ideas implemented. Improvements include technology advancements in their schools, planting trees to provide shade in the summer heat and new entrepreneurship programs at community centers.

While much of the focus of participatory budgeting is on how the government allocates public dollars, the process could accomplish much more. First, we can expand and elevate the capacity of residents to be active participants in making community decisions.

Instead of decisions being made for Richmonders, adults and children could come together to imagine what their neighborhoods can become and develop real proposals that achieve that vision. In doing so, they may finally begin to bridge the gap between current social challenges and our collective vision for democracy. Adopting this new model for building the citys budget would empower Richmonders to realize both their resilience and their collective efficacy.

Secondly, participatory budgeting is a way to build new trust between residents and local government. This has to start with the city of Richmond, acknowledging that it needs to learn more from its residents, rather than about them.

The city administration must recognize the immense knowledge that resides on every street and honor resident experiences by giving them some decision-making power. Participatory budgeting uniquely is structured to bridge the knowledge and experience gap between government and people. There is no better time than right now to bridge that gap in Richmond.

I will be the first to admit that participatory budgeting is not solely the solution. It is not going to fix centuries of distrust and injustice in one fell swoop. But it is the first step in a much larger effort to ensure the city strategically invests in a future defined by its residents. That future includes goals, vision and priorities that create equity, diversity and inclusion.

In the past, we have taken small, sometimes uneasy steps in this direction. And we must recognize the work of our many community organizations that already are amplifying and resourcing our communities. Yet, the moment demands an even stronger commitment. Not a one-off, but one that is intentional and sustained.

We cannot go back to the way things were. Today, I call on the city of Richmond to join me in making this commitment. Lets take advantage of this opportunity to rebuild trust and collaborate with all Richmonders. It is time for the city of Richmond to do more than just fund the change. The city needs to change the way we fund.

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Andreas Addison column: Reimagining the city through participatory budgeting - Richmond.com

Over the past several weeks, eight large-scale murals have been painted directly onto streets in all five boroughs of New York City, all of them borne from creative undertakings as disparate and complex as the communities where theyre found.

One, splayed in front of 725 Fifth Avenue in Manhattan in bright yellow road paint, was spearheadedits location highly conspicuous and increasingly vandalism-pronein part by the office of Mayor Bill de Blasio. Before that, on Fulton Street in Brooklyns historic Bedford-Stuyvesant neighborhood, came a community-led mural with a crucial assist from the Department of Transportation. On Adam Clayton Boulevard in Harlem, another mural came to fruition as an artist- and community-led effort, also with city support. Bronx, Queens, and Staten Island have them too, all organized and executed in different ways with different players.

Its really a mix, Justin Garrett Moore, executive director of the citys Public Design Commission, told AN with regard to how the eight murals came to be and who oversaw their creation. Yet despite their differences, all eight works of street art have the same, resounding three-word message spelled out in chunky, Paul Bunyan-sized lettering: Black Lives Matter.

However, one Black Lives Matter mural in New York City, at Foley Square in Lower Manhattan, is markedly different from the rest.

The size of the Foley Square mural, which stretches across three blocks of Centre Street from the New York Supreme Court House to the Manhattan Municipal Building, is roughly comparable with the others, albeit perhaps a bit grander in scale at 600 feet long. It also eschews the straightforward, monochrome execution of some of, but not all of, the citys Black Lives Matter murals in favor or 16 individual letters that are kaleidoscopic in nature. A veritable bonanza of colors, shapes, and designs, each letter can be viewed as a distinct, standalone work of art. In fact, three different artistsTijay Mohammed (Black), Sophia Dawson (Lives), and Patrice Payne (Matter)created each mammoth word.

Located in the civic heart of New York City adjacent to the historic site of the citys African Burial Ground, the Black Lives Matter mural at Foley Square is the only one thats creation was led byand was largely funded in part byarchitects, designers, and urban planners.

Like the other Black Lives Matter murals in New York, the mural at Foley Square follows in the oversized footsteps of the inaugural Black Lives Matter mural unveiled on June 5 just steps from the White House Lawn along 16th Street in Washington, D.C. The creation of that mural, led by D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser, was spurred in the early days of the ongoing, Black Lives Matter-led movementthe largest and most enduring civil rights protest of its kind in decadesagainst social injustice, police brutality, and institutionalized racism. The movement was galvanized by the May 25 killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis along with the deaths of other Black Americans at the hands of law enforcement.

Similar to NYCs other Black Lives Murals, the Foley Square mural involved the participation of city agencies and officials. A key player was Manhattan Borough President Gale Brewer, who, working in partnership with Black Lives Matter of Greater NY, was instrumental in selecting and securing the site. The 11-member Public Design Commission, which was involved more directly in the Foley Square mural than the others, is also a city agency and, as such, Moore served as a logistics-oriented choreographer of sorts, helping to coordinate between the impressive multitude of factions that contributed, artistically and financially to the mural. Despite all the bad impressions people have about government, there were good people from multiple agencies working to make this happen, he said. Theres a lot of stuff that it takes to get stuff like this done.

But as Moore clarified, the Foley Square mural was, in the end, largely an independent effort, working between private and grassroots organizations.

Moore went on to call the project an unusual combination of people from the architecture, design, and built environment community that were motivated to really connect the mural idea to public space explicitly, and the idea to a civic center more explicitly.

Working in concert with youth arts nonprofit Thrive Collective and technical artist support-providing TATS CRU, a Bronx-based collective of graffiti artists-turned muralists, on the planning/logistical front was WXY Architecture + Urban Design.

Amina Hassen, an associate and urban planner, and architect Jhordan Channer served as the firms project leads.

For a long time, in both urban planning and in architecture, there has been a refusal to acknowledge how political our work really is, said Hassen. For me, personally, it feels very important at this point in time to acknowledge that as creators who are in positions to help shape the public realm that we come to it with our values and our political standingsbecause the places that we are involved in creating are not neutral spaces.

Referring to WXY as true allies with the agency and resources and connections that absolutely helped make this happen, Moore noted that the firm was also crucial in orchestrating a peer network of design firms, most of them based downtown, that leant financial support to the project. Firms that contributed were, among others, Snhetta, COOKFOX, Rogers Partners, SCAPE, ODA, FXCollaborative, SHoP Architects, and Ken Smith Workshop. (A complete list can be found here.)

Janovic Paint & Decorating Center in SoHo and Benjamin Moore donated the 180 gallons of paint used to realize the mural, a work of public art that Channer referred to as counter-narrative to the racist, colonial symbols in our public spaces.

With so many players contributing artistically, technically, and fiscally, the mural at Foley Square took a bit longer to conceive and complete than its counterparts. (It was originally slated to be unveiled on Juneteenth but was completed July 3). This more deliberate pace, however, was largely by design as explained by Moore.

It was really important that it was a broader effort; it took us more time to do it but it was important that how we did it really mattered, he said. The fact that we had so many participants and players was a part of that process.

Moore also stressed the importance of a vetting process that was put in place to ensure that all donations and logistical support were aligned with what Black Lives Matters is aligned with broadly. It took time to do that vetting and find the right partners to ensure that is was a coalition of people that were fully committed to the work, he explained.

The involvement of Percent for Art, a program of the Department of Cultural Affairs, was also crucial in seeking out emerging artists in lieu of established ones with existing platforms and large followings. It was a very intentional process, said Moore. People who arent normally given a platform and agency to do this kind of work were brought in.

And as Moore added, the diversity of the statementBlack Lives Matteris reflected in the artists themselves, who are of different religious backgrounds, genders, and sexual orientations. Providing a platform for the artists to give this statement in their own voices was really important, he said.

As for the Foley Square murals positioning amidst some of the citys most powerful bureaucratic edifices, it was just as intentional as all other aspects of its creation.

Noting the proximity of the federal courthouse, New York City Police Department headquarters, and the African Burial Ground, Channer explained: Conceptually, its an attempt to create a space on the street where people of color can exist [] its sort of labeled for them.

Both Hassen and Channer were quick to emphasize the significance of their involvement in the mural as professional shapers of the built environmentan urban planner and an architect, respectively, both of colorwho have direct hands in making public spaces more accessible and more equitable to all. It was important that we became a part of this and really defined for ourselves what our streets look like and what those places we inhabit look like, said Channer.

Urbanists and architects have a lot of work to do to make Black Lives Matter in how we create and improve our public realm, Hassen added. By participating in this mural, its really just a statement of a start to rethinking our ways of working.

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Foley Square's Black Lives Matter mural is a designer-led transformation of public space - The Architect's Newspaper