LCPDFR MP – Patrol 14 – Mind that Gasoline! | Liberty City Beach Police – Video


LCPDFR MP - Patrol 14 - Mind that Gasoline! | Liberty City Beach Police
Sorry this Patrol may seem very Badly edited, I have had to edit in a completely new software and am not any expert :(*** Thanks for Watching! Download LCPDFR 1.0d - https://www.lcpdfr...

By: AmazingTechnos

Original post:

LCPDFR MP - Patrol 14 - Mind that Gasoline! | Liberty City Beach Police - Video

Carnival Cruise "Liberty" Sailing Out of Miami, Florida-Day Three – Video


Carnival Cruise "Liberty" Sailing Out of Miami, Florida-Day Three
https://t.co/Ak1Jn21lPF Carnival Liberty is a Conquest-class cruise ship for Carnival Cruise Lines. She was built by the Italian shipbuilder Fincantieri and was the first Carnival ship to...

By: -FRANKNLEEN -

Continue reading here:

Carnival Cruise "Liberty" Sailing Out of Miami, Florida-Day Three - Video

Liberty Global will move HQ to downtown Denver

John Malone, Chairman-Liberty Global, Inc and Liberty Media stands off stage waiting for introductions at the Buell Theatre. (John Leyba, Denver Post file)

Liberty Global will move its Douglas County headquarters to a new building under development near downtown Denver's Union Station.

Liberty Global, a spin off of John Malone's Liberty Media, is the first announced tenant of the Triangle Building at 1550 Wewatta St.

The international cable company will occupy 70,000 square feet, representing three floors of the Triangle Building.

"It's a huge deal," said Chris Frampton, managing partner of building developer East West Partners. "They're a massive company on the scale of DaVita and Chipotle. For them to have this cool, triangular building in the heart of everything that's happening in downtown Denver, that's pretty awesome."

The $85 million, 10-story building is under construction and scheduled to be completed in June. East West has been a major developer in the Central Platte Valley and the Union Station area.

"The Triangle Building's modern and open architecture and collaborative office space are a great fit for us, and reflect what we stand for as a leader in the broadband communications and entertainment industry," Liberty Global CEO Mike Fries said in a statement. "This move will bring us together under one roof and provide us with the best possible working environment, easy access for employees, and great visibility in the heart of the city we fondly call 'the home of cable.' "

The announcement is the second this week of a major office relocation to downtown Denver.

Transamerica Investments and Retirement said it will move from the Denver Tech Center to 1801 California in a 120,000-square-foot lease that will allow Transamerica to eventually double its workforce to 650 from 325.

Liberty Global was represented in the Triangle Building lease by Newmark Grubb Knight Frank. Cushman & Wakefield represented East West Partners.

Read more:

Liberty Global will move HQ to downtown Denver

Snow(den) blind: Libertarians telling hero

From time to time in American life, the federal governments overreach creates the circumstances for a populist libertarian critique that ends up taking the form of a campaign for the presidency. We have that now in the candidacy of Sen. Rand Paul.

When the Kentucky Republican is making the case against big-spending, high-taxing, overregulating government, he can be persuasive not just because hes right but because its clear he believes what he is saying.

But if you want to know why hell never be elected president, look no further than a recent libertarian conference in Washington.

Though Rand Paul will have his fans at any libertarian gathering, the senator was not the hero here. Nor was it one of the great thinkers whose writings have influenced libertarian thought, say, Milton Friedman or Friedrich Hayek.

The honor went to Edward Snowden.

The International Students for Liberty celebrated Snowden as their 2015 Alumnus of the Year because there has been no individual in the past year who has done more for the cause of liberty than Mr. Snowden.

Snowdens subsequent remarks, delivered via telescreen from Moscow, were rewarded with standing ovation after standing ovation, according to a blog account at Reason.org, a libertarian Web site.

A few days later, Snowden answered questions online for Reddit. One of his answers on how to make the National Security Agencys spying an issue in the 2016 presidential election provoked another celebratory headline at Reason.com: Edward Snowdens Libertarian Moment.

To regard a man whos wanted for espionage against the United States as a champion of liberty requires a curious mindset, especially when this same man is now living off the hospitality of Vladimir Putin. Its a mindset and a choice, moreover, we might expect from excited college kids.

In this case, however, the idea of Ed Snowden as hero is not confined to tender young minds caught up in the afterglow of their first encounter with Atlas Shrugged. It also affects grown men who should know better.

Go here to read the rest:

Snow(den) blind: Libertarians telling hero

Volokh Conspiracy: Hows this for a working definition of a libertarian?

Ilyas post about recent libertarian books of interest raised the question in the comments of what makes someone a libertarian. I doubt any two libertarians agree on the exact boundaries of libertarianism, but hows this for a working definition: A libertarian is someone who generally opposes government interference with and regulation of civil society, even when the result of such government action would be to clamp down on things the individual in question personally dislikes, finds offensive, or morally disapproves of.

Thus, for example, a libertarian who hates smoking opposes smoking bans in private restaurants, a libertarian who thinks homosexual sodomy is immoral nevertheless opposes sodomy laws, a libertarian who finds certain forms of hate speech offensive still opposes hate speech laws, a libertarian who believes in eating natural foods opposes bans or special taxes on processed foods, and a libertarian who thinks that all employers should pay a living wage nevertheless opposes living wage legislation. It doesnt matter whether the libertarian holds these positions because he believes in natural rights, for utilitarian reasons, or because he thinks God wants us to live in a libertarian society.

David Bernstein is the George Mason University Foundation Professor at the George Mason University School of Law in Arlington, VA. He is the author of Rehabilitating Lochner: Defending Individual Rights Against Progressive Reform (2011); You Can't Say That! The Growing Threat to Civil Liberties from Antidiscrimination Laws (2003);

Read more from the original source:

Volokh Conspiracy: Hows this for a working definition of a libertarian?

Volokh Conspiracy: Some important new books on libertarianism

A number of new books on libertarianism and related issues have come out recently or should be in print soon. If you are interested in libertarianism, these books may well be of interest to you.

I. David Boazs The Libertarian Mind.

Perhaps the one with the broadest appeal is The Libertarian Mind, by David Boaz of the Cato Institute. It is the best recent introduction to libertarianism for a popular audience. Boaz does an excellent job of surveying both the history of libertarianism and libertarian positions on a variety of modern political issues. He is especially good on noneconomic issues that many people with only a passing knowledge of libertarian thought dont normally associate with the movement. For example, he emphasizes that libertarian thinkers were calling for the abolition of anti-sodomy laws, the War on Drugs, and other pernicious social regulations long before these became mainstream positions elsewhere on the political spectrum. In the nineteenth century and early twentieth centuries, they were among the first to advocate the abolition of slavery and laws banning married women from owning property and women in general from entering into various professions. Boaz also does a good job of raising and addressing a variety of standard objections to libertarian ideas that are traditional advanced by critics (particularly mainstream liberals and conservatives in the United States). For example, one chapter has a strong discussion of how civil society efforts are much more successful at caring for the poor than advocates of large welfare states generally assume.

In part because of the books broad scope, there are places where it glosses over important issues. For example, Boaz only briefly mentions the problem of political ignorance, which in my view is a much more central element of the case for limiting the power of democratic governments than his analysis suggests. The book also includes very little discussion of internal disagreements among libertarians, such as that between utilitarians libertarians and advocates of natural rights, the longstanding debate between majority who advocate tightly limited government and the minority who advocate anarchism. Similarly, Boaz assumes with relatively little argument that a highly dovish foreign policy is the right approach for libertarians; that is indeed the dominant view among American libertarians today, but it is far from the only one, either today or historically.

Despite a few limitations like these, this is an extremely valuable contribution to the public debate. As an introduction to libertarian ideas, I think it can be usefully paired with British political scientist Mark Penningtons 2011 book Robust Political Economy, which outlines the libertarian take on several major public policy issues in greater social scientific depth, and also devotes more attention to countries outside the United States.

II. Jacob Levy, Rationalism, Pluralism, and Freedom.

McGill political theorist Jacob Levys Rationalism, Pluralism, and Freedom is a great overview of a longstanding issue in libertarian thought (and liberal thought more generally): the appropriate role of intermediate groups such as religious organizations, voluntary associations, and organized ethnic groups. While such groups can enhance individual liberty, they can also undermine it. As Levy shows, for centuries liberal thinkers have been divided between those who claimed that intermediate groups should have wide autonomy to organize themselves as they see fit, and those who argue that the state must tightly regulate them, lest they become a threat to individual freedom. We see this today, for example, in debates between those who argue that traditional religious groups should have wide autonomy, and those who fear that extending such autonomy to ,e.g., fundamentalist Muslims and Christians, would lead to subordination of women and other injustices. Levy effectively traces this longstanding debate back to the origins of liberal thought in the early through the Enlightenment, the American and French Revolutions, nineteenth century thinkers like de Tocqueville and Mill, and on to the present day.

Levys normative chapters are a bit less strong than the historical ones. He argues that neither pure freedom of association nor complete homogenization of groups to eliminate illiberal tendencies is defensible. Thus, he concludes that the tension between group pluralism and the possible need for centralized control of these groups in order to protect individuals cant be completely eradicated. This is true as far as it goes; like Levy, I am skeptical that any rights should be absolutely inviolable, regardless of circumstances. But I think he tends to underrate the case for strong (even if not completely unlimited) freedom of association and the ways in which competition between groups can give individuals a wide range of options and mitigate abuses, even without extensive government intervention. Be that as it may, this book is a must-read for both libertarians and others interested in debates over freedom of association.

III. Brennan and Jaworskis Markets Without Limits.

Finally, I very much look forward to Jason Brennan and Peter Jaworskis book Markets Without Limits. Despite the title, the authors dont claim that markets should be literally without limits, in the sense that any and all possible commercial transactions are morally defensible. Rather, as the authors put it, they argue that [i]f you may do it for free, you may do it for money. For example, if it is permissible to donate organs, it should also be permissible to sell them in organ markets. On the other hand, it is wrong for a hit man to commit murder for profit, because committing murder is wrong regardless of whether he gets paid for it or not.

View post:

Volokh Conspiracy: Some important new books on libertarianism

Niskanen Center, New Libertarian Think Tank, Launches with Focus on Congressional Action

WASHINGTON, Feb. 26, 2015 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ --The Niskanen Center, a newly established Washington-based think tank, announced this week its plans to build momentum and deliver results for libertarian policies in Congress and across the federal government. The group's initial focus will be on expanding legal immigration; replacing command-and-control greenhouse gas regulation with market-friendly emission controls; strengthening civil liberties protections; reducing defense spending and improving Pentagon planning procedures; and reforming entitlement policy.

"Our mission is simple: to produce concrete results libertarian-friendly legislation and regulation. Success requires us to build the foundations necessary for libertarian policies to become viable in Congress and throughout government," said Jerry Taylor, president of the Niskanen Center. "Niskanen's approach accepts the political terrain and embraces relative policy improvements. Above all, we seek meaningful reforms, whether sweeping in scope or cumulative."

The Niskanen Center's audience is the Washington insiders policy-oriented legislators, presidential appointees, career civil servants in planning, evaluation and budget offices, congressional committee staff, engaged academics, and interest group analysts who together decide the pace and direction of policy change.

The Niskanen Center's focus on policy change complements the work of existing libertarian organizations, most of which are engaged in other activities such as analyzing or criticizing public policy, changing public opinion, blocking counterproductive regulation and legislation, and electing friendly politicians.

Taylor added that there are two important guidelines for the Center's work:

1. Embracing relative policy improvements The Niskanen Center believes that while major changes in legislative or administrative policy are possible, they are rare. More typical are marginal policy changes that, cumulatively, often have major impact and help set the stage for more sweeping reforms down the road. The Niskanen Center will aggressively forward second, third, or fourth best reforms (as allowed by the political terrain) if they represent improvement over current policy while keeping an eye out for windows of opportunity for more sweeping change.

2. Willingness to compromise The Niskanen Center further believes that sustainable policy change is rarely possible without broad coalitions across partisan and ideological lines. Assembling such coalitions will require the Center to tailor its reform proposals so as to be compatible with the preferences of those who often do not share our beliefs. Hence, the exact nature of our reform proposals will likely mutate and evolve in the course of the deal making necessary to construct winning political coalitions.

The Center is named after Will (Bill) Niskanen, former chairman of the Cato Institute. Before his time at Cato, Niskanen was a defense policy analyst at RAND, director of program analysis at the Institute for Defense Analyses, assistant director of the Office of Management and Budget, professor of economics at the University of California at Berkeley, chief economist at the Ford Motor Company, professor of economics at UCLA, and a member (and later, acting chairman) of the Council of Economic Advisers under President Ronald Reagan.

"Bill Niskanen was a personification of the qualities we embrace at the Niskanen Center. He was an exemplary scholar who never let ideology or partisanship color his interpretation of facts and data. He was an idealist but, at the same time, a political realist with a burning desire to improve the state of affairs to whatever extent he could," added Taylor.

For more about the Niskanen Center's theory of policy change and the Center's approach,read our conspectus and visit http://www.niskanencenter.org

More:

Niskanen Center, New Libertarian Think Tank, Launches with Focus on Congressional Action