The American Bar Association’s chilling efforts to suppress free speech – Washington Examiner

Every profession has its standards. Doctors who maim people lose their jobs, and teachers who abuse their students won't be licensed for long. But for lawyers, the list of unforgivable sins may be expanding to the heinous act of expressing personal opinions in social settings.

The American Bar Association is an organization that models rules for the legal profession. Different state bars are welcome to adopt their rules, and states overwhelmingly follow their lead. So when the ABA proposed an amendment to their misconduct standards, it was no small deal.

The problem is that the amendment is a violation of free speech. The relevant text states, "It is professional misconduct for a lawyer to ... engage in conduct that the lawyer knows or reasonably should know is harassment or discrimination on the basis of race, sex, religion, national origin, ethnicity, disability, age, sexual orientation, gender identity, marital status or socioeconomic status in conduct related to the practice of law."

For clarity, the ABA also released comments, noting that, "Such discrimination includes harmful verbal or physical conduct that manifests bias or prejudice towards others" in activities including not just actually practicing law, but also "participating in bar association, business or social activities in connection with the practice of law."

This is incredibly broad language. Verbal conduct that manifests bias? Social activities in connection with legal practice?

Lawyers may often discuss controversial topics in forums like Continuing Legal Education events or a local bar dinner. What substantive conversation could lawyers hold that didn't violate a rule with such massive scope? Anyone actually expressing an opinion could run the risk of breaking the rule, which has already received plenty of criticism for "vague and uncertain" application doomed to be "fraught with difficulties" as well as its overbroad language and content discrimination.

But no one actually has to be thrown out of the legal profession for the rule to do its harm. As National Review writer David French points out, "actual enforcement isn't the point. It's about the fear of enforcement the chilling effect ... A mere allegation can ruin a career, and defending yourself from ethics boards can be painful and expensive even if your law practice remains intact. The safest course is always silence." The ultimate effect of rules like this is to reduce healthy debate to fearful compliance.

This rule is not alone in chilling speech in the name of workplace harassment.

For example, in 2006, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission ordered further investigation in the case of an employee who complained that his co-worker's "Don't Tread on Me" hat constituted racial harassment. As UCLA Law professor Eugene Volokh notes, no sane person ignores the risk of massive liability when dealing with speech and harassment claims. It's easier and safer to steer clear of the line, even if that means curtailing legitimate speech. And it's not far-fetched to anticipate this kind of broad prohibition applying to strictly political speech that is construed as racially-motivated criticism or endorsement of a sexist viewpoint.

Proponents of the rule cite sexism as the reason the rule is necessary. And Bloomberg View contributor Noah Feldman warns that "harassing words are prohibited because they are the mechanism whereby discrimination occurs."

But, as many sources have noted (including the Disciplinary Board of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, The South Carolina Bar's Professional Responsibility Committee, the Texas Attorney General's Office, and the Illinois State Bar Association), this rule isn't necessary in the overwhelming majority of jurisdictions that already have anti-harassment rules.

Regardless, addressing sexism wouldn't require adopting a rule that, as a recent Montana Joint Resolution stated, "would unlawfully attempt to prohibit attorneys from engaging in conduct that neither adversely affects the attorney's fitness to practice law nor seriously interferes with the proper and efficient operation of the judicial system."

Various states and organizations have analyzed the proposed rule and rejected it, including those listed above, as well as the Professional Responsibility Committee of the ABA Business Law Section. States that do not adopt the proposed rule simply abide by their current anti-discrimination rules or adopt amended versions of the misconduct standards.

The bottom line is that lawyers don't sign away their free speech rights by virtue of their profession. Opposing harassment is not synonymous with regulating private speech. And when it comes to respecting free speech, this proposed rule simply crosses the line.

Jana Minich graduated from Cedarville University with a degree in political science. She is an incoming law student at the University of Virginia School of Law.

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The American Bar Association's chilling efforts to suppress free speech - Washington Examiner

GOP Rep. on Campus Free Speech: Students and Faculty Are ‘Forced Into Self-Censorship’ – Washington Free Beacon

BY: Kathryn Covert July 27, 2017 1:24 pm

Rep. Jim Jordan (R., Ohio) said Thursday on Capitol Hill that free speech on college campuses is at risk, as students and faculty are "forced into self-censorship" for fear of "triggering, violating a safe space, a micro-aggression, or being targeted by a bias response team."

Jordan opened the House Oversight and Government Reform subcommittee hearing Thursday with a video montage showing examples of free speech being suppressed on U.S. college campuses. The clip included incidents at University of CaliforniaBerkeley, University of Wisconsin Madison, DePaul University, and Middleburry College. Each event consisted of public figures beinginvited to speak and protesters attempting to shut down the events.

Jordan said the incidents exemplified how the free flow of ideason campuses is being restricted.

"Trigger warnings, safe spaces, safe zones, shout-downs, micro-aggressions, bias response teams, and as we saw in the video, even riots on campuses today," Jordan said.

The purpose of the hearing was to identify problems and form solutions in response to the suppression offree speech on college campuses.

"The history of intellectual growth and discovery clearly demonstrates the need for unfettered freedom, the right to think the unthinkable, discuss the unmentionable, and challenge the unchallengeable," Jordan said, quoting a 1974 Yale University Woodward Report.

Jordan saidthe Woodward Report outlined campus policy that was, "for years, the gold standard for what free speech on campus should look like."

"College is a place for young minds to be intellectually bombarded with new challenging ideas," Jordan said. "Unfortunately, today on many campuses students and faculty are forced into self censorship out of a fear of triggering, violating a safe space a micro aggression, or being targeted by a biased response team."

Jordan referenced anincident at Evergreen State College in Olympia, Wash., which he called"the most recent example of how not to promote free speech on campus."

"Students and even faculty at Evergreen State College berated and even threatened a professor for even questioning why a new campus initiative could not be debated," Jordan said. "The police eventually stepped in to warn the professor it was no longer safe for him to actually come to campus."

"The college administrators stood by and did nothing," Jordansaid. "In fact, when asked to defend their behavior and speech policies, Evergreens president George Bridges refused to testify."

Jordan was referring toBret Weinstein, a biology professor at Evergreen State College who "supported Bernie Sanders, admiringly retweets Glenn Greenwald, and was an outspoken supporter of the Occupy Wall Street movement," the New York Times reported.In April, he was labeled "racist" and effectively barred from campus after he questioned an "invitation" for all white faculty and staff members to leave campus during a"Day of Absence."

Jordanmade it clear that the work was just beginning, and Thursday's hearing was the second in a series intended to "highlight the First Amendment."

"This committee is committed to help colleges reinstate the freedom of speech as an important protection," Jordan said. "After all, it's no coincidence that the Constitution's framers prioritized the freedom of speech in the FirstAmendment."

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GOP Rep. on Campus Free Speech: Students and Faculty Are 'Forced Into Self-Censorship' - Washington Free Beacon

The John Roberts court: Champion of free speech – Chicago Tribune

Barack Obama had his share of poor decisions and outright failures. One of his worst moments came during his 2010 State of the Union address. With six justices seated in front of him, he upbraided the Supreme Court for a decision on campaign finance regulation.

"With all due deference to separation of powers," he said, "last week the Supreme Court reversed a century of law that, I believe, will open the floodgates for special interests, including foreign corporations, to spend without limit in our elections." It was a rude breach of protocol, inducing Justice Samuel Alito to shake his head and mouth, "Not true."

Obama's first sin was being disrespectful to justices who were there out of respect to his office. His second was a bad prediction. The legendary First Amendment lawyer Floyd Abrams has found that of the $2.76 billion raised in the 2016 presidential election, corporations and other businesses provided only $67 million 2.4 percent. Finally, Obama failed to recognize the sound principles underlying the decision.

The Citizens United decision has been portrayed by liberal critics as proof that under Chief Justice John Roberts, the court has become a captive of business interests and right-wing ideologues. But Brooklyn Law School professor Joel Gora, who has served the American Civil Liberties Union as a staff attorney and longtime member of its board of directors, says they are mistaken.

That ruling, he writes, is part of a commendable but unsung pattern. Over the past decade, Gora argues, "the Roberts Supreme Court may well have been the most speech-protective court in a generation, if not in our history."

He's not alone in this conclusion. Abrams told me the Roberts court has gotten some decisions wrong, but "taken as a whole, it has rendered First Amendment-protective decisions in an extraordinarily broad range of cases, and it deserves great credit for doing so."

Geoffrey Stone, a First Amendment scholar at the University of Chicago Law School who has fiercely criticized the campaign finance ruling, says, "The Roberts court has given more protection to free speech across a larger range of areas than any of its predecessors have although sometimes unwisely."

Citizens United, argues Gora, has been unfairly maligned. "Here you had a law which made it a crime to put out a movie criticizing a major candidate for the presidency of the United States," he says. The First Amendment, wrote Anthony Kennedy, "prohibits Congress from fining or jailing citizens, or associations of citizens, for simply engaging in political speech."

Critics say the conservative justices saw it that way because corporate spending tends to favor conservative causes (see: Koch brothers). Some other free speech rulings, says Stone, could also be ascribed to a rightward bias such as invalidating rules restricting protests at abortion clinics and overturning a law allowing doctors to keep private the medicines they prescribe.

But as Gora notes, many of the court's First Amendment decisions haven't followed that track. It struck down a federal law making it a crime to falsely claim to have won military medals and a California law barring the sale of violent video games to minors.

A court awarded $5 million to the parents of a Marine whose funeral drew demonstrators with signs bearing such offensive messages as "Thank God for dead soldiers." The Supreme Court said the verdict violated the protesters' freedom of speech.

It also ruled against a George W. Bush administration policy requiring overseas groups getting AIDS prevention funds to adopt "a policy explicitly opposing prostitution." None of those decisions fit the policy preferences of conservatives.

The court has sometimes gone wrong on free speech. It upheld a public high school's suspension of a student who brandished a sign saying "Bong hits 4 Jesus," which it took to be a pro-drug sentiment, at a school-supervised event. The court said public employee whistleblowers have no First Amendment protection for anything they say "pursuant to their official duties."

For the most part, though, the court has been a force for freedom of expression. Gora thinks that will be reinforced by the arrival of Neil Gorsuch, who shares the general approach of the court's conservative wing. The new justice indicated in his confirmation hearings that unlike Donald Trump, he has no desire to make it easier for public figures to win libel suits.

Liberals and others will often find fault with the court, as well as Trump. But thanks to the justices, they will have a wide berth to complain.

Download "Recalculating: Steve Chapman on a New Century" in the free Printers Row app at http://www.printersrowapp.com.

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The John Roberts court: Champion of free speech - Chicago Tribune

Report: Atheism in Russia Falls by 50 Percent in Three Years – Breitbart News

The poll, which was conducted in late June, revealed that the number of Russian atheists, or those who consider themselves absolutely irreligious, fell sharply from 26 percent in 2014 to just 13 percent in 2017.

Religious believers now make up 86 percent of the population, the survey found, with 44 percent describing themselves as quite religious, 33 percent as not too religious and 9 percent as very religious.

Levada, a non-governmental Russian research center, conducted the survey on a representative all-Russian sample of urban and rural population among 1,600 people aged 18 and over in 137 settlements in 48 regions of the country.

Unsurprisingly, the poll found that Orthodoxy remains the dominant and most popular religion in Russia, and more than 92 percent of respondents view the Orthodox church with respect and benevolence. Regarding Catholics, 74 percent of Russians views the Catholic church with respect and benevolence, while 10 percent have conflicted feelings toward Catholics and another 5 percent look on them with dislike or fear.

Fifty-nine percent of respondents hold a favorable view of Islam, while 17 percent have conflicted feelings toward them and 13 percent look on Muslims with dislike or fear.

The poll furthermore seems to indicate that anti-Semitic sentiment is falling in Russia, as the number of those who say they either dislike or fear Jews has dropped significantly, from 15 percent in 2014 to 11 percent today.

The portion of the population that backs the Orthodox Churchs involvement in state politics has risen slightly from 26 percent in 2014 to 28 percent today, while the majority (58 percent) say that the Church should not influence political decisions.

Last fall, Russias Ministry of Justice declared the Levada research centerthe countrys leading independent polling agencyto be a foreign agent just two weeks before parliamentary elections.

Levadas director, Lev Gudkov, said the measure amounted to political censorship.

This practically means the imposition of political censorship and the impossibility of independent polls. Its the typical behavior of this repressive regime, he said.

All the other main polling centers in Russia are government controlled.

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Report: Atheism in Russia Falls by 50 Percent in Three Years - Breitbart News

Salvation in Transhumanism: Humanity merges with machines and lives for ever – ZDNet

From left: Chris Conatser, Allison Page, Kevin Whittinghill, Zoltan Istvan and Allen Saakyan

Zoltan Istvan ran for President of the US as a "Transhumanist" with a campaign that called for massive government funding to eliminate human mortality. Donald Trump won with a much crazier campaign.

Earlier this week on the Eureka science show he talked about Transhumanism and his campaign to become California Governor in 2018.

Digital Transformation: A CXO's Guide

Reimagining business for the digital age is the number-one priority for many of today's top executives. We offer practical advice and examples of how to do it right.

The hosts Allen Saakyan and Kevin Whittinghill were joined by comedians Chris Conatser and Allison Page. The show uses comedy to educate its audience about important scientific issues.

No foodies...

You can tell by the expressions on their faces (photo above) that Istvan's description of Transhumanism and the chance to live hundreds of years wasn't very appealling. Especially the part when he said that we won't need sex or food in a future Transhumanist world.

Istvan looks like a TV presenter because he used to be one -- at National Geographic. And it was on assignment in Vietnam when he almost stepped on a landmine that he vowed to work on ending human mortality.

Excerpts from Istvan's talk:

- Initially we'll be able to extend our lifespans by 500 years or so. [Like Zeno's paradox we won't catch up with our mortality]

- Ageing will be treated and eliminated like any other chronic disease.

- Our organs will be replaced with fresh ones grown from our own cells so there is no rejection and no lifetime medications.

- Machines of various types and sizes will be embedded in our bodies to protect, heal and augment our senses.

- A bionic eye will replace one of our natural eyes and allow us to see beyond the tiny 1% of the light spectrum so that we can see things like carbon monoxide gas - useful for avoiding pollution.

- CRISPR will allow people to change their DNA to look like the people in the Star Wars bar scene - with tails and fur. [Costume shops - the disruption is coming.]

- Sex won't be anything like as we know it and might not even require other people.

- Eating and food won't be the same. Some Transhumanists want skin with chlorophyll. Lunchtime won't require a sandwich -- slip your shirt off and take a walk in the sun.

- Life extending technologies will come down in price and trickle down to the poorest of the poor.

I asked Istvan what will we be doing during our extra 500 years of life especially since our prime motivators of food and sex won't be present. He said this is the million dollar question, "We don't know."

I rephrased it and asked how will you spend the time? He said he would head back to school and pick up four doctorates and also learn how to play a bunch of musical instruments. That leaves 470 years to go...

Life is cheap...

As the last people were leaving the event a 42 year old man was shot dead outside the club. Transhumanism needs to address morality as well as mortality.

What an ironic commentary: we talk about the need for expensive transhumanist technologies to extend a person's life -- but a bullet bought for pennies has the final say. Stopping gun violence extends lives.

- - -

More info:

Zoltan Istvan

600 Miles in a Coffin-Shaped Bus, Campaigning Against Death Itself

Eureka show

Eureka Youtube channel

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Salvation in Transhumanism: Humanity merges with machines and lives for ever - ZDNet

First exomoon might have been spotted 4000 light years away – New Scientist

Scoping out the scene

NASA

By Leah Crane

Its a moonshot. A signal has been spotted that might be the first moon detected outside our solar system, and researchers are gearing up to use the Hubble Space Telescope to confirm it.

David Kipping at Columbia University in New York and his colleagues have been using the Kepler Space Telescope to search for moons around other worlds for years, but they havent found any yet. Weve had candidates in the past and investigated them, and most of them have evaporated, says Kipping.

The Kepler Space Telescope finds planets by watching them pass in front of their stars, causing a dip in the stars light. The new potential moon was found in the same way as a moon orbits its planet, it leads to an extra fall in the starlight coming from behind.

Kipping and his colleagues observed these characteristic dips over three orbits of the planet around its sun-sized star, which is called Kepler-1625. Their observations suggested that a moon was there with a statistical confidence of just above 4 sigma. That means if the moon is not real, theres only around a 1 in 16,000 chance of seeing the exact same signal through a fluke in the data.

It is consistent with the signal that we might expect from a moon, but it might be consistent with other things as well, says Kipping. The system is almost 4000 light years away and relatively faint, so more observations are needed to verify that the Kepler signal was really a moon and not just a statistical blip.

Hubble is much more powerful than Kepler, so the group has proposed to point the telescope at Kepler-1625 in October, when the planet is expected to transit its star again, to get a clear observation.

We anticipate that the proposed measurements would be sufficient to confirm the first unambiguous detection of a moon beyond our Solar System, the team writes in its request for time on the Hubble telescope.

The team says the moon, if it exists, is probably the size of Neptune, and orbiting a Jupiter-sized planet. Given what we know about how planets are born, it seems unlikely this arrangement could have formed to begin with, but the large moon could have been captured by the planet at a later time.

If there really is something there, its such a faint star that itd have to be a planet-sized moon for them to have seen it transit, says David Waltham at Royal Holloway, University of London. It would be spectacularly different than anything we see in the solar system.

Because there are so many diverse moons in our solar system, most astronomers assume that there are lots of moons around more distant planets as well. I think were pretty sure that theyre going to be there, says Waltham. It would be pretty odd that there are hundreds of moons in the solar system but none anywhere else.

If Kipping and his team are able to verify this detection, as well as being the first exomoon weve ever seen, it would be a much larger moon than weve ever seen before. This indicates that there may be even more types of moon than the many weve already observed.

It would be analogous to the first exoplanet detections, which defied our prejudices from the solar system as well, says Duncan Forgan at the University of St Andrews in the UK.

Well have to wait a few months to find out for sure whether its out there.

It may prove to be nothing, or it may prove to be a really fabulous discovery, says Waltham. We wont know until the Hubble data comes back.

Journal reference: arxiv.org/abs/1707.08563

Read more: Find exomoons by watching how they warp their planets light

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First exomoon might have been spotted 4000 light years away - New Scientist

Azerbaijan, Without Explanation, Drops Out of NATO Exercises – EurasiaNet

A U.S. Army graphic of all the exercises taking place around the Black Sea this summer. Armenia is taking part in some of them, but Azerbaijan isn't.

When NATO military exercises kick off in Georgia next week, they will include troops from the United States, Germany, Turkey, Ukraine, and Armenia. But they won't include Azerbaijan, an unexpected, last-minute dropout.

Azerbaijan also didn't participate in another set of recently concluded NATO-affiliated drills in Romania, although in past years they had participated in several previous iterations of the drill. Armenia, meanwhile, took part for the first time in the exercises, under the rubric Saber Guardian

And Azerbaijan also didn't take part in U.S./Ukraine-hosted naval exercises in the Black Sea, called Sea Breeze, in spite of earlier promises that they would. (Armenia didn't take part in these, either, possibly because they have no naval forces.)

It's not clear why Azerbaijan dropped out of the exercises in Georgia and the Black Sea. There has been no official explanation, and neither the Ministry of Defense nor the Ministry of Foreign Affairs responded to The Bug Pit's request for comment.

The exercises are all part of a huge series of NATO drills around the Black Sea this summer in which about 40,000 troops are participating. This, naturally, has aroused Russia's ire. "All these deployments, including the incessant series of exercises, create an absolutely new configuration of forces near our borders, which in a substantial way not only worsen the security situation but also present a danger, a threat to Russia," said Russia's ambassador to NATO, Alexander Grushkov.

And Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Grigoriy Karasin accused Georgia of "aggressive escapades" and that "the exercises being conducted in Georgia with the participation of NATO soldiers do not inspire optimism and a sense of security in the region."

So it may seem unlikely that Armenia, by far Russia's closest ally in the South Caucasus and a member of Russia's anti-NATO, the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), is taking part in these aggressive escapades. It's not clear in what capacity or strength they're taking part -- neither the exercise organizers nor Armenia has given any details about what sort of units it's sending.

But it's common for Armenia to send small units to NATO exercises, and otherwise cooperate in limited ways with NATO. "No doubt, the CSTO and NATO pursue different goals, but... our practice shows that it is possible that a country finds ways for cooperation in different formats to ensure its national security," President Serzh Sargsyan said earlier this year.

The more curious case is Azerbaijan. Baku cooperates with NATO as well; just last month Azerbaijani Defense Minister Zakir Hasanov visited Brussels to discuss the country's participation in NATO's Afghanistan mission, and in May an Azerbaijani delegation went to Brussels to discuss future cooperation. Azerbaijani troops have taken part in a number of exercises in the past.

The story of these exercise dropouts has been more or less ignored by the major Azerbaijani press, but one website quoted military analyst Uzeir Jafarov as saying that Armenia's presence at Noble Partner would justify Azerbaijan staying away. (It's worth noting, though, that Armenia wasn't in the Sea Breeze exercises which Azerbaijan also dropped out of, and both Armenia and Azerbaijan took part, without incident, in the NATO Saber Guardian exercises last year.) Another article, somewhat confusing the timeline of events, suggested that "Azerbaijan is not taking part in the exercises on its own initiative, and in its absence Armenia saw its chance to finally catch NATO's eye."

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Azerbaijan, Without Explanation, Drops Out of NATO Exercises - EurasiaNet

US, European Partners Building ‘More NATO-Centric’ European Defense Force – Department of Defense

NOVO SELO, Bulgaria, July 27, 2017 The U.S. military has stood guard in Europe and supported European security since the end of World War II. But defense leaders say its role is evolving as the role of European partner nations in regional defense preparedness grows.

The annual multinational Saber Guardian exercise showcases this trend, said Brig. Gen. Timothy Daugherty, U.S. Army Europe's deputy chief of staff for operations, who noted that the exercise is transitioning from being a "U.S.-centric" activity to a more "NATO-centric" one.

"It is a collective movement forward," he said. "I think the next phase is to make it more NATO-centric and less U.S. Army Europe-centric so that a lot of this is being driven from a NATO perspective."

Saber Guardian

Saber Guardian is an annual combat-training exercise involving U.S. Army Europe and the armed forces of NATO allies and partner nations at numerous locations in the Black Sea region. The first Saber Guardian took place in Romania in 2013 as a staff exercise, and it has grown in scope each year as more nations join and commit larger numbers of troops.

This month, more than 25,000 personnel -- 14,000 from the United States and 11,000 from 21 nations across Europe -- took part in Saber Guardian. By comparison, Saber Guardian 2016 featured nine participating nations and 2,800 troops.

Its command headquarters has grown as well, and has diversified. Daugherty said Saber Guardian operated last year with a headquarters of about 40 personnel, all of them from U.S. Army Europe. This year, the headquarters staff is around 350, and more than half are from European partner nations.

"NATO is much more receptive -- and driving the train, even -- on Saber Guardian this year," he said. "The exercise is much more NATO-centric, and a more joint and holistic view of the way NATO fights than it was last year. I think next year it will be even better."

He said he would next like to see a NATO facility serve as Saber Guardian's command headquarters and have all of the exercise's operational structures feed into it: "Instead of putting something together, let's use a framework that's already there," Daugherty said.

The general explained that the U.S. military will continue to facilitate large-scale training programs in Europe. But the programs will expand and become more Europe-driven as partner nations join and progressively take up more of the heavy lifting.

Partner Contributions

Romania, for its part, has upped its troop commitment, said Brig. Gen. Gheorghe Visan, commander of the Romanian army's 2nd Infantry Division. Romanian military leaders are striving to enhance Romania's own defense capabilities and make it a stronger regional security force in its own right, he said.

"We increased the level of ambition for this type of exercise. And we have connected it with some of our regional training exercises," Visan said. "We have to demonstrate that our army forces are able to combine and demonstrate credible deterrent and defeating capabilities."

NATO provided a major impetus for increasing Saber Guardian's ambitions last year when, following a summit in Warsaw, NATO leaders decided to establish "tailored forward presences" -- consisting of amassed forces of alliance troops -- in Romania and Bulgaria, along with "enhanced forward presences" of similar size and scope in Poland and the Baltic states. For the forces in Bulgaria and Hungary, Saber Guardian became a training ground in the skills of combining their joint forces effectively and quickly in a crisis, officials said.

"The alliance said it is important to address possible threats in the Black Sea region," said Army Lt. Gen. Ben Hodges, U.S. Army Europe's commander, during a July 20 news conference at Novo Selo Training Area in Bulgaria. Hodges was present that day to witness Bulgarian, U.S., Georgian and Greek forces conduct a live-fire exercise in which helicopters, armor, artillery and infantry coordinated a mass assault.

Hodges praised the commitment of Bulgaria and every other participating nation and noted that the U.S. presence in the live-fire exercise was "actually quite small," consisting of only 14 U.S. armored vehicles amid an otherwise all-European joint combined force. European participation and firepower in Saber Guardian and other regional exercises have grown by remarkable degrees, he added.

"Frankly, even I was surprised by the way this thing has evolved. And that's what we want. The alliance is 29 member nations, not the U.S. plus a bunch of other contributors," he said.

The general added that he hopes NATO's involvement in the exercises might continue to grow in years to come. Ideally, he said, the exercises and NATO's own exercises might integrate with each other.

"I anticipate [by] next summer, we'll have learned from this one and we'll continue to get even more synchronized between national exercises and alliance exercises," Hodges said. "That's what we would all prefer."

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US, European Partners Building 'More NATO-Centric' European Defense Force - Department of Defense

Russia ready to work with non-NATO states that border the Baltic: Putin – Reuters

SAVONLINNA, Finland (Reuters) - Russian President Vladimir Putin said on Thursday that Russia was ready to cooperate with neutral countries that bordered the Baltic Sea like Finland which is not part of the NATO military alliance.

Speaking on an official visit to Finland, Putin said an ongoing joint naval exercise with China in the Baltic Sea was a threat to nobody.

Putin, speaking at a news conference with his Finnish counterpart Sauli Niinisto, said Moscow's military cooperation with China was "an element of stability and security in the world".

The drill started on Tuesday. The Russian and Chinese ships, which set off from a Russian naval base near the Polish border, will practice shooting at naval and aerial targets, the defense ministry said.

Reporting by Denis Pinchuk; Writing by Vladimir Soldatkin; Editing by Andrew Osborn

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Russia ready to work with non-NATO states that border the Baltic: Putin - Reuters

NATO, US Department of State seriously concerned about situation in eastern Ukraine and Crimea – Ukrinform. Ukraine and world news

NATO Deputy Secretary General Rose Gottemoeller and U.S. Special Representative for Ukraine Negotiations Kurt Volker have expressed great concern over the situation in eastern Ukraine and build-up of Russia's military presence in the annexed Crimea.

The NATO Deputy Secretary General held a meeting with the US Special Representative at the Alliance headquarters in Brussels on Wednesday. Ms. Gottemoeller and Ambassador Volker discussed the security situation in eastern Ukraine, Kyivs reforms, and NATOs support for Ukraine, the Alliance press service reports.

I was pleased to meet with Kurt Volker today. We agreed that the situation in eastern Ukraine and Russias military build-up in Crimea continue to be of great concern. Russia must respect the Minsk Agreements, which are vital for Ukraines security and stability, said the Deputy Secretary General.

As noted, NATO continues to provide strong political and practical support for Ukraine.

"Through ten different Trust Funds, NATO Allies have pledged almost forty million euros to support Ukraine in areas such as command and control, cyber defence and medical rehabilitation," the statement reads.

As a reminder, Ambassador Volker previously served as the U.S. Permanent Representative to NATO from 2008 to 2009.

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NATO, US Department of State seriously concerned about situation in eastern Ukraine and Crimea - Ukrinform. Ukraine and world news

Memos reveal new details of NSA & FBI illegal spying on Americans under Obama – RT

The FBI and National Security Agency improperly searched, stored and distributed raw intelligence on Americans, according to recently declassified documents about the controversial Section 702 surveillance program.

The documents, released earlier this month in response to a lawsuit from the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), reveal specific violations that the FBI and NSA disclosed to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISC) or the Justice Department's national security division during President Barack Obamas time in office, between 2009 and 2016.

Reviewing the documents, The Hill found more than 90 incidents that specifically cited an impact on Americans, who are not supposed to be affected by 702 surveillance. Many of the incidents involved multiple people, multiple violations, or extended periods of time, the newspaper noted.

One analyst ran the same search on an American citizen every work day for a period of time in 2013 and 2014.

In 2015, the NSA issued a report that included the name of an American whose identity was not foreign intelligence, according to one incident report. The agency eventually discovered the error and recalled the information.

There were several other instances where names of Americans were improperly shared with other intelligence agencies without being redacted, violating minimization procedures. The information had to be recalled and purged after the fact, according to The Hill.

CIA and FBI received unminimized data from many Section 702-tasked facilities and at times are thus required to conduct similar purges, one report said.

The FBI disclosed three instances of improper disseminations of US persons identities between December 2013 and February 2014.

Though the law requires the NSA to notify other intelligence agencies within five days if and when it wrongly disseminates information about Americans, the documents showed that the average notification time was 19 days, and in some cases took as long as 131 business days.

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The NSA says the mistakes amount to less than 1 percent of surveillance intercepts through the Section 702 program, which was established by Congress in late 2008.

The National Security Agency has in place a strong compliance program that identifies incidents, reports them to external overseers, and then develops appropriate solutions to remedy any incidents, NSA spokesman Michael Halbig told The Hill. Quite simply, a compliance program that never finds an incident is not a robust compliance program.

We believe that, particularly when compared with the overall level of activity, the compliance incident rate is very low, Alexander Joel, head of the Office of Civil Liberties, Privacy and Transparency for the director of national intelligence, told The Hill.

Oversight and compliance procedures intended to safeguard Americans are robust and effective, the FBI said in a statement. Section 702 is vital to the safety and security of the American people. It is one of the most valuable tools the Intelligence Community has, and therefore, is used with the utmost care by the men and women of the FBI so as to not jeopardize future utility.

The ACLU, which obtained the documents on July 11 after filing a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) lawsuit, is not convinced.

The NSA claims it has rules to protect our privacy, but it turns out those rules are weak, full of loopholes, and violated again and again, said Patrick Toomey, an ACLU attorney in New York who was involved in the FOIA litigation.

What were now seeing is a history of the NSA not being able to police itself, Neema Guliani, ACLU chief legislative counsel, told The Hill. All of this raises questions about whether the procedures the agencies have put forth are really being followed in all cases.

Shortly before the end of his term in office, in January 2017, Obama "eviscerated" the previously existing limits on sharing of raw NSA intelligence with domestic law enforcement agencies. The full effect of that decision will not be known until the next NSA compliance report, due in April 2018.

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Memos reveal new details of NSA & FBI illegal spying on Americans under Obama - RT

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Accused NSA leaker’s supporters call on feds to drop charges against her – MyAJC

Reality Winners supporters said they delivered petitions with more than 16,000 signatures to the U.S. Justice Departments headquarters in Washington Thursday, asking the agency to drop its charges against the accused National Security Agency leaker.

Among those delivering the petitions on Whistleblower Appreciation Day were representatives from several groups, including CodePink, Defending Rights & Dissent, RootsAction.org, Whistleblower and Source Protection Program and Stand with Reality, a nonprofit campaign that is supporting Winners case through advocacy and fundraising.

"We should not be charging whistleblowers acting in the public interest, disclosing information responsibly to journalists, as if they were traitors to our country. Anyone who cares about a free press should be concerned about her case, Rainey Reitman, co-founder of Stand with Reality, said in a prepared statement.

The Justice Department declined to comment.

Federal prosecutors have accused Winner of leaking to The Intercept online news outlet a top-secret NSA report about Russias meddling in the 2016 presidential election. The Intercept published the report, which says Russian military intelligence officials tried to hack into the U.S. voting system just before last Novembers election.

A federal grand jury has indicted Winner, 25, on a single count of "willful retention and transmission of national defense information. She faces up to 10 years in prison and $250,000 in fines. Winner, who is being held in the Lincoln County Jail, has pleaded not guilty to the charge.

Meanwhile, federal prosecutors are defending their proposed rules for safeguarding top-secret information during her trial, now set for Oct. 23 in Augusta. Winners defense attorneys have argued those rules could block her from getting a fair hearing. Specifically, they have said the governments proposed protective order could prevent Winner from reviewing evidence in the case, including classified information. That, they said, would amount to a violation of the former Air Force linguists Sixth Amendment right to confer with her attorneys.

RELATED:Accused NSA leakers attorneys push back against proposed secrecy rules for trial

But in a court papers filed this week, the prosecutors said she will be given access to the records she is entitled to see under the Classified Information Procedures Act and as required by due process. But her attorneys must ask the court for her to see such documents, the prosecutors said.

The scope of classified discovery in this case has not yet been determined. It may include, for example, classified information to which the defendant has not previously had access, the government said in its court filing. Given the charge against the defendant, disclosing that information to her could further jeopardize national security. If defense counsel believe that they must disclose specific information provided in discovery to the defendant, that should be the subject of a subsequent motion.

Winners attorneys are also seeking permission to quote from records already in the public domain, including newspaper articles. Prosecutors have pointed to case law that says disseminating classified information that has already been made public could harm government intelligence sources and operations. Further, Winners defense team is objecting to proposed requirements that they identify expert witnesses they ask to review classified evidence, saying that would amount to an unfair advantage for prosecutors.

The government has a legitimate interest in knowing who is accessing classified information, the prosecutors said. The defense has not identified any prejudice that would result from disclosing experts identities to the government. Accordingly, the government should receive advance notice of all personnel for whom the defense seeks access to classified discovery and an opportunity to submit objections to the court if necessary.

Originally posted here:

Accused NSA leaker's supporters call on feds to drop charges against her - MyAJC

Posted in NSA

General Dynamics Adds New NSA-certified TACLANE-FLEX Type 1 Network Encryption Platform to Secure Product … – PR Newswire (press release)

"We designed the TACLANE-FLEX to be scalable and customizable to meet the fluid demands of today's missions," said Mike Tweed-Kent, vice president and general manager of the Cyber and Electronic Warfare Systems line of business for General Dynamics Mission Systems. "TACLANE is the most widely deployed HAIPE encryptor in the world, and General Dynamics will continue to invest in and enhance this product family to ensure it addresses customers' requirements today and supports the unforeseen needs of tomorrow."

Built upon the market-leading TACLANE technology, the TACLANE-FLEX is the same form and fit of the TACLANE-Micro (KG-175D), allowing simple swap-out for customers in need of increased data rates and security features in a small form factor. The combination of its low size, weight and power (SWaP) and ruggedized design, provides users with the option to use the TACLANE-FLEX in tactical or strategic environments.

As bandwidth needs grow, and applications and environments change, TACLANE-FLEX offers a cost-effective approach that allows customers to tailor their security solution based on current needs and budget. The innovative design makes TACLANE-FLEX a delivery platform for future software-based capability upgrades, allowing it to scale to meet the dynamics needs customers will face in the years to come.

Customers are able to add functionality to TACLANE-FLEX through two optional software features, TACLANE Trusted Sensor Software and Agile Virtual Local Area Network (VLAN). TACLANE Trusted Sensor Software provides intrusion detection and prevention system capabilities that monitor network traffic, helping customers increase their knowledge of who and what is on their network. Agile VLAN allows users to simultaneously send and receive Layer 2 (Ethernet) and HAIPE traffic, helping to facilitate the flexible deployment of secure networks.

With an expected availability date mid-2017, GEM One, an enterprise-level remote encryptor management solution, enables users to configure and maintain a dispersed network of TACLANE encryptors, easing deployment and increasing network situational awareness. INEs are used extensively in the commercial and government sectors to protect critical networks and infrastructures.

"The diverse mission requirements of our customers warrant flexible products and solutions that address critical needs and are easy to use and deploy," said Paul Pittelli, NSA Chief, Information Assurance Capabilities. "The TACLANE-FLEX encryption platform enables customers to field a single device that allows for various levels of customization including its ability to support layer 2 communications while maintaining interoperability with currently deployed HAIPE devices."

General Dynamics' Customer Investment Protection Program encourages organizations protecting critical networks and infrastructure to maximize their investment and maintain their security posture by using General Dynamics' trade-in programs. A trade-in program will be offered for the TACLANE-FLEX, allowing users of the current HAIPE INEs to take advantage of the new customizable encryption platform's scalable speed and cybersecurity features. Call 888-897-3148 or email our team for additional information.

General Dynamics Mission Systems is a business unit of General Dynamics (NYSE: GD). For more information about General Dynamics Mission Systems, please visit gdmissionsystems.com and follow us on Twitter @GDMS.

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General Dynamics Adds New NSA-certified TACLANE-FLEX Type 1 Network Encryption Platform to Secure Product ... - PR Newswire (press release)

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NSA Doval discusses ‘major problems’ with top Chinese diplomat meet in Beijing – Hindustan Times

Indias National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and top Chinese diplomat Yang Jiechi discussed major problems in bilateral relations during a meeting in Beijing on Thursday, the first substantial contact since the two sides became engaged in a military standoff in Doklam (Donglang) area near the Sikkim border in mid-June.

Details of their discussions were not immediately available but a brief readout from the Chinese side said Yang brought up bilateral issues and major problems during the meeting.

Doval is in Beijing to attend a two-day BRICS security summit but the focus has been on his bilateral interactions with the Chinese leadership against the backdrop of the standoff and intense speculation on whether the two sides would begin a conversation to ease tensions, if not resolve the impasse.

Earlier, there was a question mark on whether Doval and Yang would have a one-on-one meeting given that China had set the withdrawal of Indian troops from Donglang as a precondition for a meaningful dialogue on the standoff.

Official Xinhua news agency didnt share details of the meeting between Doval and Yang but gave a broad outline.

Chinese State Councilor Yang Jiechi Thursday met separately with senior security representatives from South Africa, Brazil and India, Xinhua reported.

Yang also separately exchanged views with the three senior representatives on bilateral relations, international and regional issues and multilateral affairs, and set forth China's position on bilateral issues and major problems, it added.

Earlier this month, Prime Minister Narendra Modi had briefly met president Xi Jinping where they reportedly discussed a range of issues during an informal gathering of BRICS leaders in Hamburg.

China has blamed India for the standoff at Donglang or Doklam, accusing Indian soldiers of trespass and preventing Chinese soldiers from building a road in the area. The region is under the control of China but claimed by Bhutan.

India said it acted in coordination with Bhutan to oppose the road construction, which would represent a significant change of status quo with serious security implications.

Foreign minister Wang Yi told reporters Bangkok earlier this week the problem was very straightforward and even Indian officials publicly said that Chinese soldiers didnt enter the Indian territory. In other words, (the) Indian side admitted (crossing) into Chinese territory.

The resolution of the problem is very simple, he said: Indian troops have to go out.

Doval and Yang are also the officials currently leading the talks under the special representatives mechanism between India and China to resolve the boundary issue. As many as 19 rounds of talks have been held under the mechanism.

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NSA Doval discusses 'major problems' with top Chinese diplomat meet in Beijing - Hindustan Times

Posted in NSA

Will Manafort claim the Fifth Amendment? Where does this leave Donald Jr.? – Newsweek

This article first appeared on the Just Security site.

On Monday night, the leaders of the Senate Judiciary Committee issued a subpoena to compel Paul Manafort, the former chairman of the Trump presidential campaign, to testify at a public hearing on Wednesday.

The subpoena came as a surprise because just days earlier, Manafort and Donald Trump Jr. had reached a deal with the panel where they would provide records and be interviewed privately (versus in open session) in order to avoid being subponeaed at that time.

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Paul Manafort, former Trump's campaign manager, at the Mayflower Hotel April 27, 2016 in Washington, DC. Chip Somodevilla/Getty

According to the statement from Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Chuck Grassley and Ranking Member Dianne Feinstein, negotiations with Manafort broke down over who in Congress would be able to access his transcribed interview:

Mr. Manafort, through his attorney, said that he would be willing to provide only a single transcribed interview to Congress, which would not be available to the Judiciary Committee members or staff. While the Judiciary Committee was willing to cooperate on equal terms with any other committee to accommodate Mr. Manaforts request, ultimately that was not possible.

To better understand this latest development, I turned to Andy Wright, Just Security s in-house expert on congressional investigations, to help explain it.

Manafort made demands that the committee, and likely the broader Congress, could not accept.

The committee wanted to get a transcribed interview of Manafort and Trump, Jr. before any subsequent public hearing. Sen. Grassley, as committee chair, had threatened to issue subpoenas for a public hearing, and used that leverage to obtain agreements to voluntarily appear for transcribed interviews.

However, unlike a hearing under subpoena compulsion, someone who voluntarily appears can seek to extract some procedural concessions from the investigating committee. For example, witnesses might seek commitments on the duration, format, legal representation, and transcript access (so the witness can review for error).

Once negotiations broke down, the committee reverted to its compulsory subpoena power.

First, Manafort wanted to do only one transcribed interview before all of Congress.

From his perspective, one interview minimizes the risk that differences in his answers, whether semantic or material, would be used as a perjury trap.

However, its a terrible deal for Congress. A single shot would mean that other committees, including the Senate Intelligence Committee, the House Intelligence Committee, and the House Oversight Committee would all have to rely on the Senate Judiciarys single transcript.

More important, they would have had to rely on Senate Judiciarys questions. Other committees have different jurisdictions, different interests, and different memberships that may want to take questioning in other directions. Also, it might risk losing the opportunity to get Manafort on the record about facts we learn later.

It appears from the statement that the Senate Judiciary Committee was open to trying to play the pool reporter role for the other committees. I cant imagine any other committee would agree without being able to participate in the questions, and Senate Judiciary has no authority to extinguish other committees interests, especially in the House.

Perhaps Senate leadership could engage in deconfliction, but the House has its own prerogatives and constitutional role.

Second, Manafort sought to get an agreement that Grassley and Feinstein would restrict committee staff and member access to the interview transcript. That was a bridge too far. The transcript would then be of little utility to the investigators. Im not convinced that the committees or Senates rules would allow restrictions on Member access to non-classified materials, especially other committee members.

Confining Manaforts interview transcript within one committee would significantly hamper Congresss investigations.

Committees have different jurisdictions, interests, and agendas. For example, the Senate Intelligence Committee has interests in counterintelligence and Russian election interference. They have access to intelligence products that the Senate Judiciary Members do not.

Naturally, Senate Intelligence will have different questions for Manafort than Senate Judiciary. And those questions are critical to the overall inquiry.

Adding to the confusion, Manafort met with the Senate Intelligence Committee on Tuesday.

It is not unusual for witnesses to make requests that their transcripts, or certain topics covered, be kept confidential by a congressional committee. However, Congress almost never agrees. The problem here isnt that Manafort made the request, but that his legal team believed it was gettable.

Under both House and Senate rules, congressional subpoenas can command two things: production of documents and appearance to testify at a formal hearing or deposition. The rules do not permit compelled transcribed interviews.

That is why Congress uses its subpoena power threat, which raises the specter of public shaming, to extract agreements to sit for nonpublic transcribed interviews. That was the process here, but it apparently went off the rails.

Those negotiations would be separate, although Im sure his legal team is acutely monitoring these developments. We still dont know the terms of Trump, Jr.s interview.

If they dont strike a last-minute bargain, Manafort will need to appear at the hearing ready to testify on Wednesday. If he does not show, the Committee could find him in contempt.

I would not be surprised if Manafort pleads the Fifth at this point. However, given his meeting with the Senate Intelligence Committee, Manafort may have waived the Fifth at this point.

If he does show and testify, I anticipate he will get extremely rough treatment by members of both parties.

Kate Brannen is the deputy managing editor of Just Security and a nonresident senior fellow at the Brent Scowcroft Center on International Security at the Atlantic Council.

Andy Wright is a professor at Savannah Law School and former Associate Counsel to the President in the White House Counsels Office.

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Will Manafort claim the Fifth Amendment? Where does this leave Donald Jr.? - Newsweek

Convictions Overturned: Fifth Amendment Prohibits Use of Testimony Compelled by Foreign Governments – Lexology (registration)

On July 19, 2017, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit overturned the convictions of two former London-based traders for conspiracy and wire fraud in connection with the manipulation of the interest rate benchmark known as LIBOR. The Second Circuit ruled that the use of compelled testimony in a U.S. criminal proceeding even when a foreign government has compelled the testimony constitutes a violation of the Fifth Amendment. This decision has potentially significant consequences for U.S. criminal cases that involve related investigations or prosecutions in foreign countries.

Facts and Procedural History

According to the charges, the two defendants were cash traders at the Dutch bank Rabobank and were directly involved in the bank's submissions for the London Interbank Offered Rate (LIBOR), a reference interest rate for the interbank borrowing market. In 2013, the U.K.'s Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) compelled the two defendants to testify about their involvement in the LIBOR submissions. Both individuals were given direct use immunity meaning their statements could not be used directly against them but not derivative use immunity meaning their statements could be used to derive other evidence that could be used against them in exchange for their testimony. Under U.K. law, they faced imprisonment if they refused to testify under such circumstances, whereas in the U.S., the government can only compel testimony by providing the witness with both direct and derivative use immunity.

Shortly thereafter, the U.S. Department of Justice began its own criminal prosecution. In October 2014, a grand jury returned an indictment charging the defendants with wire fraud and conspiracy. The defendants' compelled U.K testimony was utilized against them at trial, and both were convicted on all counts.

Second Circuit's Decision

The defendants appealed, arguing that the government "violated their Fifth Amendment rights when it usedtheir own compelled testimony against them." The Second Circuit agreed and held that "the Fifth Amendment's prohibition on the use of compelled testimony in American criminal proceedings applies even when a foreign sovereign has compelled the testimony."

The Second Circuit adopted the defendants' position that, to be admissible in a criminal case, a witness's statements including those made to foreign law enforcement must have been made voluntarily. The court emphasized that this requirement stems directly from the text of the Constitution; voluntariness is assessed under both the Self-Incrimination Clause of the Fifth Amendment and the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

Furthermore, the Second Circuit rejected the government's argument that foreign governments are analogous to private employers, which may question employees under threat of termination without running afoul of the Fifth Amendment. The court also rebuffed the government's assertion that the Fifth Amendment applies only if the same sovereign is both compelling and using the testimony against the defendant, also known as the "same sovereign" rule.

In addition to rejecting the government's arguments, the Second Circuit focused on the consequences of the government's position, namely that a defendant's compelled testimony might be introduced directly against the defendant in a criminal prosecution, in effect an end-run around the defendant's Fifth Amendment rights. The court hypothesized that the government's argument could lead to a situation in which the government proffers, "Your honor, we offer Government Exhibit 1, the defendant's compelled testimony." Notably, the government did not dispute this potential result.

The Second Circuit also rejected the government's concern that ruling for the defendants would allow foreign powers to inadvertently or negligently interfere with U.S. criminal prosecutions, noting that that "the risk of error in coordination falls on the U.S. governmentrather than on subjects and targets of cross-border investigations."

Ultimately, the Second Circuit reversed both convictions, holding, inter alia, that the use of compelled testimony was not harmless error.

Impacts/Conclusion

This decision reinforces Fifth Amendment protections against the use of compelled testimony. Moreover, the Second Circuit now joins the Fourth, Fifth, Ninth, and Tenth Circuits in holding that "inculpatory statements obtained overseas by foreign officials must have been made voluntarily" in order to be admissible in U.S. courts.

Barring an appeal, DOJ will have to proceed with caution in its cross-border prosecutions where overseas testimony has been compelled by foreign governments. Mere compliance with the foreign sovereign's laws may not be sufficient to guarantee the admissibility of the evidence in U.S. criminal proceedings. Across the table, defense attorneys should continue to analyze the circumstances of foreign testimony, and in doing so, pay particular attention to any evidence of compulsion that might limit further use of that testimony against their clients.

Originally posted here:

Convictions Overturned: Fifth Amendment Prohibits Use of Testimony Compelled by Foreign Governments - Lexology (registration)

Fifth Amendment Prohibits Use of Compelled Foreign Testimony in … – JD Supra (press release)

The Second Circuit held in United States v. Allen, an appeal arising from the first U.S. prosecution in connection with the LIBOR manipulation scandal, that it violates a defendants Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination to present an investigating grand or a trial jury with testimony that the defendant was compelled to give to foreign officials, regardless of whether the compelled testimony was presented directly or through another witness.

On July 19, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit vacated the conviction of two former London-based bankers, Anthony Allen and Anthony Conti, who were convicted in October 2015 on multiple counts of bank and wire fraud in connection with a scheme to manipulate the London Interbank Offered Rate (LIBOR). See United States v. Allen, Crim. No. 16-939 (2d Cir. July 19, 2017). Witnesses for the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) before both the grand and trial juries had been exposed to inculpatory testimony that the defendants were compelled to give against themselves by the UK government pursuant to UK law, and the Court of Appeals held that using that compelled testimony violated the defendants Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination. The Second Circuit further held that the DOJ failed to carry its heavy burden under the U.S. Supreme Courts decision in United States v. Kastigar, 406 U.S. 441 (1972), to show that the testimony introduced before the grand and trial juries did not derive from the defendants compelled testimony. Because the prosecution failed to carry its Kastigar burden, and using the compelled testimony was not harmless error, the Second Circuit reversed the convictions and dismissed the indictments.

Alleged LIBOR Manipulation

Allen and Conti worked at Coperatieve Centrale Raiffeisen-Boerenleenbank B.A. (Rabobank), a Dutch bank. During the 2000s, Rabobank was one of 16 banks that submitted its borrowing rates for U.S. dollars and Japanese yen on a daily basis to the British Bankers Association (BBA), the entity that calculated the LIBOR. The LIBOR is a series of daily benchmark rates at which banks can borrow funds in various currencies for various time periods. For each currency for which it calculated the LIBOR, the BBA accepted rates the banks submitted, discarded certain high and low submissions, and averaged the remaining submissions. Many financial transactions, including interest rate swaps, are tied to the LIBOR on a particular date, and those transactions are either profitable or not depending on the LIBOR in the relevant currency for the relevant time period on the relevant date, called the fixing date.

Allen and Conti each had, at various times and with varying frequency, responsibility for Rabobanks rate submissions to the BBA. Neither Rabobank nor the UK government had any policies concerning the submission of rates used to derive the LIBOR. Like a number of other banks that submitted their borrowing rates to the BBA, Rabobank was a party to a large number of LIBOR-tied transactions.

The prosecutions evidence at trial, which the Court of Appeals reviewed in detail, showed that the defendants received requests from Rabobank traders who had taken LIBOR-tied positions in transactions that would either make or lose money for the bank depending on the LIBOR. The Court of Appeals wrote, The Governments theory of the case was that these trader requests were dictated by the traders (and thus Rabobanks) interest in having LIBOR be higher or lower on particular dates based on the transactions that the trader had entered or positions they held.

The defendants conceded that it was inappropriate to base Rabobanks LIBOR submissions on rates that would benefit Rabobank, rather than on market-based evidence of the range of reasonable rates that fairly represented the rate at which Rabobank could borrow in dollars or yen for various intervals on that day. The defendants position at trial was that, although they received requests from traders for higher or lower submissions to the BBA, they did not honor those requests.

Financial Conduct Authoritys Investigation and Aborted Prosecution

The UKs Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) worked in parallel with officials from the DOJ to investigate allegations of LIBOR manipulation and to interview individuals, including the defendants, in 2013. It was undisputed in the proceedings before the Court of Appeals that defendants Allen and Conti were compelled, on pain of imprisonment, to testify before the FCA. The FCA offered the defendants direct use immunity for their compelled testimony, but not derivative use immunity, according to the court. In other words, the FCA could not use the defendants statements against them at trial (i.e., no direct use), but could introduce evidence against them that it obtained based on their compelled statements (i.e., derivative use).

In contrast, when the DOJ seeks to compel a witness to testify over the witnesss invocation of his or her Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination, the immunity order that is entered confers both direct and derivative use immunity. To avoid having the DOJs LIBOR investigation tainted by compelled testimony, the DOJ and the FCA interrogated witnesses on different days, with the DOJ interviewing first.

The FCA and the DOJ also investigated a Rabobank employee with rate submission responsibilities, Paul Robson, whom the FCA later charged with criminal conduct for his role in manipulating the LIBOR. As part of its pre-trial process in the UK, the FCA disclosed to Robson the compelled testimony that Allen and Conti had given. The Second Circuit stated that Robson closely reviewed that testimony, annotating it and taking several pages of notes. The FCA later abandoned its prosecution of Robson, and the DOJ picked up where the FCA left off.

In April 2014, a grand jury in the Southern District of New York indicted Robson and two other individuals but not Allen and Conti charging them with wire fraud, among other things. Robson proffered, signed a cooperation agreement, and pled guilty in summer 2014. Although Robson did not testify before the grand jury, information he provided to the DOJ was presented to the grand jury through an FBI agent. The grand jury subsequently indicted Allen and Conti, charging them with wire and bank fraud charges.

Allen and Conti waived extradition and filed a motion under Kastigar to suppress Robsons testimony at trial. The trial court deferred the Kastigar hearing until after trial. Robson testified at trial, and the jury convicted the defendants on all charges.

At the post-trial Kastigar hearing, Robson explained that he had been exposed to the defendants compelled testimony before the FCA. The trial court found, however, that Robsons statement that he had independent knowledge of the facts he presented at trial (and that had been presented to the grand jury through an FBI agent) was an independent source within the meaning of Kastigar.

Court of Appeals Holds Fifth Amendment Self-Incrimination Privilege Applies to Foreign-Compelled Testimony

The Court of Appeals held that the Fifth Amendments privilege against self-incrimination requires that a defendants statement to a foreign government official be voluntary before it can be admitted in a U.S. trial. The Second Circuit emphasized repeatedly that the self-incrimination privilege is a personal trial right that is absolute. As a result, in the courts opinion, the self-incrimination privilege applies to bar the admission in U.S. trials of a defendants compelled statements to a foreign government official even when, as in this case, the foreign government official acted pursuant to the foreign nations legal process in obtaining those statements. In short, if a sovereign power compelled the defendant to testify under the cruel trilemma of self-accusation, perjury or contempt, the statement cannot be used in a U.S. court to indict the defendant or obtain a conviction. The Court of Appeals was unwilling to countenance the DOJs position in the case, which would remove all impediment to introducing the defendants foreign compelled testimony, as in, the court wrote, Your honor, we offer Government Exhibit 1, the defendants compelled testimony.

The Second Circuit considered misplaced the U.S. governments concern that a foreign government might attempt to sabotage U.S. prosecutions by compelling and then broadcasting a defendants testimony to potential witnesses. The court quoted a speech by former Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division Leslie Caldwell, who spoke of the DOJs efforts to coordinate with its counterparts abroad in investigating and prosecuting crime. The court noted that the DOJ was aware of its burden to avoid using compelled testimony as reflected by the interview scheduling system used in this case. The court also left open the possibility that there may be a different result if the foreign power appeared to be attempting to undermine a U.S. prosecution, noting that it would call into question whether the testimony obtained was really involuntary.

Having defined the defendants Fifth Amendment rights, the court concluded that the government violated their privilege against self-incrimination by introducing Robsons testimony at trial and to the grand jury through an FBI agent. Relying on Kastigar, the court explained that the privilege against self-incrimination applies not only to the testimony itself but to evidence derived from that testimony. The court noted that, when a defendant has been compelled to testify and is later prosecuted, the trial court will convene a hearing, a so-called Kastigar hearing, at which the prosecution must carry the heavy, albeit not insurmountable, burden that the evidence it will introduce was derived from legitimate independent sources. Typically, the prosecution meets this burden with canned testimony, that is, testimony the witness gave before he or she was tainted by exposure to the compelled testimony.

At the Kastigar hearing before the trial court in the Allen case, the exact opposite happened: Robson admitted that his testimony to the FCA was very different from the testimony he gave in the United States after reviewing the testimony of Allen and Conti. The Second Circuit held that the Kastigar hearing actually proved Robson had been tainted by the defendants compelled testimony to the FCA. The court concluded that the presentation of the tainted evidence to the grand and trial juries was not harmless, and it both vacated the conviction and dismissed the indictment against the defendants.

Implications

The Second Circuit explained that cross-border prosecutions are on the rise and observed that the DOJ is detailing its prosecutors to foreign investigators, including INTERPOL and the FCA. The court understood that, in the governments view, witness testimony is often the key to unraveling international financial crime. Although the court would not presume to know exactly what this brave new world of international criminal enforcement will entail, it was certain that these developments abroad need not affect the fairness of our trials at home.

Indeed, earlier this year, the DOJs Antitrust Division issued a Division Update, explaining that international cooperation on investigations of cartels was a top a priority and it was exploring bi-, tri- and multilateral agreements to foster greater international cooperation. Additionally, at a recent speech in Brazil, Acting Principal Deputy Assistant Attorney General for the Criminal Division, Trevor N. McFadden stated that cooperation with our foreign partners has become a hallmark of our work and observed that reciprocity in information sharing is a vital tool in the modern prosecutors toolbox.

Indeed, recent settlements and investigations show that the DOJ is actively coordinating its efforts with the FCA and other foreign investigators. For example, earlier this year, State Street Corporation announced that it had reached a settlement with the DOJ concerning allegations it overcharged certain clients, an allegation first disclosed to the FCA in 2011. Also, in April, it was reported that the DOJ and the FCA are collaborating in an investigation into whether individuals at Barclays Bank engaged in civil or criminal misconduct in attempting to unmask a whistleblower. And the U.S. Attorneys Office for the Southern District of New York, the office that prosecuted Allen and Conti, announced late last year that it had charged several individuals with wire and securities fraud, identify theft and computer hacking following an investigation conducted in concert with Lahav 433, the cyber unit of the Israeli National Police, which, like the FCA, can legally compel witness testimony.

This international cooperation also is occurring among government regulators with civil remedies at their disposal. For example, when the SEC announced the filing of a Foreign Corrupt Practices Act complaint against executives at investment firm Och-Ziff Capital Management Group in January 2017, the SEC thanked the FCA and financial regulators in Guernsey, Jersey, Malta, Cyprus, Gibraltar and Switzerland for assisting in the investigation that led to the complaint.

Given the increase in cross-border investigations involving cooperation between U.S. and foreign law enforcement and regulatory authorities, practitioners representing defendants who have been interrogated abroad should investigate the possibility that compelled testimony was disseminated to witnesses the DOJ put before the grand jury or will call at trial. While the fact pattern in Allen is somewhat unique, there is a significant tactical advantage to identifying whether any witnesses were exposed to the compelled testimony and forcing the prosecution to carry its heavy burden under Kastigar of showing its evidence is untainted.

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Fifth Amendment Prohibits Use of Compelled Foreign Testimony in ... - JD Supra (press release)

Section 702 surveillance should not be extended until the Fourth Amendment is honored – Washington Times

ANALYSIS/OPINION:

Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act Amendments of 2008 (FAA) authorizes the government to seize and search the international communications of American citizens without probable cause or warrants in violation of the Fourth Amendment. It should not be extended beyond its current expiration date of December 31, 2017 unless Congress cures its constitutional infirmity.

Members of Congress are bound by oath or affirmation to uphold and defend the Constitution period; no commas, semicolons, or question marks. The murderous abominations of the 9/11 terror attacks changed nothing on that score.

The Supreme Court admonished in Ex Parte Milligan:

The Constitution of the United States is a law for rulers and people, equally in war and in peace, and covers with the shield of its protection all classes of men, at all times and under all circumstances. No doctrine involving more pernicious consequences was ever invented by the wit of man than that any of its provisions can be suspended during any of the great exigencies of government. Such a doctrine leads directly to anarchy or despotism

As a cornerstone of our liberty-centered constitutional universe, the Fourth Amendment makes citizen privacy the rule and government encroachments the exception. Warrants issued by neutral magistrates based upon probable cause with particularized evidence that crime is afoot are ordinarily required to justify government invasions of privacy.

In the narrow circumstances that excuse warrants, a government search or seizure must still satisfy a standard of reasonableness.

Justice Louis D. Brandeis elaborated in Olmstead v. United States (dissenting):

The makers of our Constitutionsought to protect Americans in their beliefs, their thoughts, their emotions and their sensations. They conferred, as against the Government, the right to be let alone the most comprehensive of rights, and the right most valued by civilized men. To protect that right, every unjustifiable intrusion by the Government upon the privacy of the individual, whatever the means employed, must be deemed a violation of the Fourth Amendment.

The American Revolution was ignited by opposition to hated British Writs of Assistance, general search warrants that empowered every petty colonial official to rummage through homes or businesses in search of smuggled goods. An address by William Pitt the Elder to the British Parliament thundered throughout the colonies, and epitomized the spirit of the Amendment:

The poorest man may in his cottage bid defiance to all the forces of the Crown. It may be frail, its roof may shake; the wind may blow through it; the storms may enter, the rain may enter, but the King of England cannot enter; all his forces dare not cross the threshold of the ruined tenement.

Speaking through Justice Antonin Scalia, the Supreme Court decreed in Kyllo v. United States that the Fourth Amendment today should be interpreted should be adapted to secure that degree of privacy against government that existed when the Fourth Amendment was adopted notwithstanding staggering advances in technology. At that time, government encroachments on privacy were minimal. Federal criminal laws were few. Investigations were minimal. And no intelligence community existed to snoop on Americans to gather foreign intelligence.

Section 702 authorizes invasions of citizen privacy orders of magnitude beyond the degree of privacy that existed when the Fourth Amendment was ratified in 1791. It empowers the National Security Agency singly or in conjunction with sister intelligence agencies to intercept, store and search the international communications of U.S. persons with a targeted communicant reasonably thought to be located outside the United States and in possession of foreign intelligence information.

The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISC) does not review each discrete NSA interception to insure the target is a foreigner outside the United States or that the communications intercepted relate to foreign intelligence, including international terrorism. Instead, the FISC simply approves annually surveillance procedures that the Attorney General and Director of National Intelligence certify are calculated to target only foreigners located abroad for foreign intelligence purposes. The latter is broadly defined to include any information that relates to the foreign affairs of the United States.

The government has employed section 702 to collect more than 250 million internet transactions annually as of 2011, which includes communications between two foreigners as well as those involving a U.S. person. According to an affidavit of Bill Binney, former high-level NSA official and perhaps the foremost expert in the world on electronic surveillance:

When I was at the NSA, each analyst was theoretically required to review 40,000 to 50,000 questionable records each day. The analyst gets overwhelmed, and the actual known targets from the metadata analysis get ignoredThe NSA cannot identify future terrorism because 99.9999% of what it collects and analyzes is foreseeably irrelevant.

The intelligence community is clueless as to how many of the 250 million annual internet warrantless interceptions under section 702 involve the international communications of U.S. persons. But the Fourth Amendment vice does not cease after the seizures. The communications are typically stored for at least five years and searched without warrants or probable cause for either to discover foreign intelligence or evidence of crime a second Fourth Amendment transgression.

Supreme Court decisions establish that the government must obtain a warrant that satisfies the Fourth Amendment to intercept or search the contents of communications of U.S. persons for either criminal justice or domestic security purposes. The high court has not approved an exception when the communications are seized and searched pursuant to section 702 for law enforcement or foreign intelligence purposes.

Title III wiretap orders under the Omnibus Crime Control Act are vastly less intrusive on privacy. They require a warrant that satisfies the Fourth Amendment by specifying the phone line to be tapped, the conversations to be seized, and the crime under investigation. Moreover, reasonable measures must be taken by the government to avoid recording innocent conversations. And the targets of the warrants and their communicants are typically notified of the wiretap within 90 days of its termination to enable them to challenge its legality.

In contrast, surveillance under section 702 does not require a warrant. It does not require probable cause. It does not require suspicion of criminality. It is not confined to communications involving only foreign powers or their agents. There is no mechanism for monitoring the seizure of the communications to exclude those portions irrelevant to foreign intelligence. And the communicants whose conversations are intercepted, stored, and searched are not notified of the invasions of privacy unless they are lead to a criminal prosecution.

In the vast majority of cases, U.S. persons will never learn that the privacy of their international communications had been compromised.

Even if no warrant were required under the Fourth Amendment for the seizure, storage and search of the international communications of U.S. persons under section 702, it would still fail the reasonableness test.

While the government interest in national security is of the highest order, Section 702 sweeps far more broadly to include anything relevant to the foreign policy of the United States, for example, the emission of greenhouse gases or free trade agreements. It also authorizes searches of citizen communications for crimes unrelated to national security and not based on probable cause. And as Bill Binneys affidavit underscored, the stupendous volume of communications capture by section 702 cripples the NSAs ability to separate the wheat from the chaff.

Proponents of extending Section 702 argue that government officials have refrained from using its alarming powers to oppress U.S. persons. But as Thomas Jefferson advised, In questions of power, then, let no more be heard of confidence in man, but bind him down from mischief by the chains of the Constitution.

Moreover, Justice Brandeis correctly taught that, every unjustifiable intrusion by the Government upon the privacy of the individual, whatever the means employed, must be deemed a violation of the Fourth Amendment.

In sum, Section 702 should not be extended unless it requires a warrant to seize or search international communications of U.S. persons based upon probable cause to believe they contain evidence of international terrorism and with particularity describe the means of seizing or searching the communications. Further, U.S. persons should be notified within 90 days of any interception or search.

The Fourth Amendment is too important to be left to the intelligence community.

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[This is the first of a series of articles on extending Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act Amendments of 2008 scheduled to expire December 31, 2017]

Continued here:

Section 702 surveillance should not be extended until the Fourth Amendment is honored - Washington Times

DC Circuit upholds right to bear arms for DC residents – Washington Post

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit has ruled that the District government must grant handgun carry licenses to D.C. residents on the same basis that carry permits are issued in most states. In particular, D.C. may not limit carry permits only to persons who prove a special needfor self-protection distinguishable from the general communityas supported by evidence of specific threats or previous attacksthat demonstrate a special danger to the applicants life. Instead, D.C. must follow the standard American system: issuing permits to adults who pass a fingerprint-based background check and a safety training class.

The Circuit Courts opinion comes in a pair of cases: Wrenn v. District of ColumbiaandMatthew Grace and Pink Pistols v. District of Columbia. (Pink Pistols is a LGBT advocacy group that has played an important rolein Second Amendment cases.) The opinion was written byJudge Thomas B. Griffith and joined by Senior Judge Stephen F. Williams. Judge Karen LeCraft Henderson dissented. The cases have a long and complicated procedural history; when Wrennwas before the D.C. Circuit in an earlier round, I participated in an amicus briefexamining Anglo-American legal history on the right to carry.

Background: The right to bear arms has gone through the following developments in D.C. in the past decade:

2007 (pre-Heller) License is required to carry arms, even to carry a firearm from one room to another in ones home.

2008 (Hellerdecision) Supreme Court strikes down the D.C. handgun ban and the D.C. ban on having any functional firearm in the home. In the course of litigation, D.C. had promised that if the handgun ban were struck, then it would issue plaintiff Dick Heller a license to carry in his own home. Thus, the court stated, We therefore assume that petitioners issuance of a license will satisfy respondents prayer for relief and do not address the licensing requirement.

2008 (post-Heller) TheD.C. Council repeals its handgun ban and enacts a new handgun registration ordinance. Once a handgun has been lawfully registered, no permission is needed to carry it inside the home. There is no provision for licensed carry outside the home.

2009-2016 In response to public criticism (e.g., Emily Millers book Emily Gets Her Gun) and litigation, the D.C. gun registration statute and its application are improved, from being dysfunctional to instead being exceptionally strict, but mostly functional.Meanwhile, new litigation, led byHellers victorious attorney Alan Gura, engages the right to carry outside the home. In 2014, the D.C. law making it impossible to obtain a permit to carry outside the home is held unconstitutional. (Similar to an Illinois statute that was held unconstitutional by the 7th Circuit in 2012.)

Rather than appealing the decision, D.C. adopts a very narrow licensing law: Carry permits for outside the home will be issued only if there is a good reason, defined to mean that the applicant has a special need.After much procedural delay, the issue is finally decided on the merits on July 25, 2017. Thedistrict courts inWrenn andPink Pistolshad split on whether the D.C. special need ordinance was constitutional. The Court of Appeals rules that the ordinances violates the Second Amendment.

Majority opinion: To begin with, the court finds that the right to keep and bear Arms includes the right not only to keep arms in the home but also to bear arms outside the home. Hellersaid so. So did the 19th-century cases favorably cited byHeller.They recognized a right to carry, and also upheld non-prohibitory regulations on the manner of carry. For example, the legislature may choose to require that arms be carried openly, rather than concealed. The few 19th-century cases that upheld carrying bans were all based on the flawed premise that the right to arms is only about the militia; sinceHellerdispelled that theory, the militia-only precedents are of little value.

Legal history: D.C. had argued that Englands 1328 Statute of Northampton banned all arms-carrying, and this controls the meaning of the Second Amendment. (Several legal historians and I argued to the contrary, in the amicus brief cited above.) On the matter of English history, the D.C. Circuit found that for every point there is an equal and oppositecounterpoint. However, the state of the law in Chaucers England or for that matter Shakespeares or Cromwells isnot decisive here. Instead, the history showcased in Heller Icontradicts the main scholar (Patrick Charles) who contends that there is no right to carry. For example,Hellersaid that by the time of the English Bill of Rights in 1689, the right to arms included the right to carryweapons in case of confrontation. Likewise, James Wilson earlycommentator, virtual coauthor of the Constitution, and memberof the Supreme Courts first cohort, had explicated that Founding-eraNorthampton laws banned only the carrying of dangerous andunusual weapons, in such a manner, as will naturally diffuse aterrour among the people.

D.C. had offered a second major argument that there is no meaningful right to bear arms: Based on the writings of Saul Cornell, D.C. contended that several 19th-century state surety of the peace statutes prohibited carrying in most circumstances. As the court pointed out, this argument was based on misreading the statutes. Under these statutes (the first of which was enacted in Massachusetts), anyone could carry arms. If someone else brought a civil case alleging that carrier was threatening to breach the peace, the carrier could be forced to post bond for good behavior. After posting bond, the carrier could go on carrying.

Thus, the Districts historical arguments that there is no right to carry, or no right to carry in cities, were incorrect. To the contrary, carrying beyond the home, even in populatedareas, even without special need, falls within the Amendmentscoverage, indeed within its core (citing, among other authorities, Eugene Volokhs oft-cited Implementing the Right to Keep and BearArms for Self-Defense: An Analytical Framework and aResearch Agenda, 56 U.C.L.A. L. Rev. 1443 (2009)).

Standard of review: In general, judicial review of a law that affects constitutional rights depends on what the law does. Laws that merely regulate the time, place or manner (e.g., no using loudspeakers in the park after 10 p.m.) received intermediate scrutiny. Laws that regulate the content of speech (e.g., people can have parades for holidays, but not for political purposes) receive strict scrutiny. Laws that destroy a right, or laws that discriminate based on the viewpoint of speech, are categorically unconstitutional (e.g., radio stations may praise the conduct of the war but may not criticize it).

TheHellercase involved a handgun ban. Rather than applying strict or intermediate scrutiny, the Supreme Court held the ban to be categorically unconstitutional. Suppose that instead of banning handguns, D.C. had allowed handgun possession only by a small minority with a special need to possess. The D.C. Circuit was doubtful that the Supreme Court would have upheld such a near-total ban. Indeed, the D.C. handgun ban had what the Supreme Court called minor exceptions, but theHelleropinion said that the exceptions were not relevant here.Instead, theHeller opinion recognized a general right to arms, not a right only for persons with a special need.Hellervindicates the rights of those who possess common levels of need.

For almost all D.C. residents, the special need requirement amounts to a total ban on their right to bear arms. Hence, it is categorically unconstitutional, for the same reason that the total ban on handguns was held unconstitutional inHeller.

Dissent: Judge Henderson dissented, as she has in every previous case that has upheld a scintilla of Second Amendment rights. In the D.C. Circuit, the case that later becameD.C. v. Heller in the Supreme Court wasParker v. D.C.While the majority held D.C.s handgun ban unconstitutional, Judge Henderson invented the novel theory that because the Second Amendment says the security of a free State, the Second Amendment does not apply in the District of Columbia. (This was refuted in Volokh, Necessary to the Security of a Free State, 83 Notre Dame L.Rev. 1 (2007), which is cited inHeller; free State in this context means a free polity.)

Similarly, inHeller III, the D.C. Circuit majority upheld some D.C. registration requirements, while rejecting others, such as the requirement that registered guns must be re-registered every three years. The alleged purpose was to inform the police about lost or stolen guns, but D.C. already had a separate law requiring the reporting of lost or stolen guns. Judge Henderson would have upheld all of the D.C. registration ordinance.

In accord with opinions from the 2nd, 3rd and 4th Circuits, she argued that the right to arms outside the home is far from the core of the Second Amendment. Accordingly, no more than intermediate scrutiny should apply. Especially when considering the unique needs of the densely populated District, with it many security concerns, courts should defer to the D.C. Councils judgment that a near-total ban on carrying would promote public safety.

Conclusion: Lower federal court judges have varied widely in how rigorously they apply the Supreme CourtsHeller decision. Some, like Judge Henderson, have opted for a very weak form of intermediate scrutiny (or even less) that will uphold just about every gun control other than a handgun ban. Others have applied a more vigorous review, and have found some (but certainly not all) gun controls to be unconstitutional. (For a survey of the decisions, see Kopel & Greenlee, The Federal Circuits Second Amendment Doctrines, 61St. Louis U.L.J. 193 (2017).)

In my view, theWrennmajority correctly followedHeller, which teaches that total bans (or 99 percent bans) applied to law-abiding citizens are categorically unconstitutional. Notably, theWrenndecision acknowledgesHellers dictum that carrying maybe prohibited in sensitive places, such as schools and government buildings. Given the multitude of government buildings in the District, there are still many places where carrying may be prohibited. However, when a woman is walking at night from her apartment to an automobile parking lot, the District may not prohibit her from being able to defend herself.

As explainedelsewhere in ThePost, The ruling from a three-judge panel gives city officials 30 days to decide whether to appeal for review by a full complement of D.C. Circuit judges. If the court does not agree to revisit the case sitting as an en banc panel, the order would take effect seven days later. After losing in Parker and Heller III, the D.C. attorney general petitioned for en banc review, which requires an affirmative vote by the majority of non-senior Judges. Neither petition was granted.

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DC Circuit upholds right to bear arms for DC residents - Washington Post

Big labor bullies First Amendment with Scientology playbook – OCRegister

The Church of Scientology maintains the universe is 4 quadrillion years old and that most of mankinds problems are traceable to an imperialistic alien named Lord Xenu. Some 75 million years ago, Xenu won an intergalactic battle by stuffing thetans sort of like human souls into volcanos, on which Xenu then dropped hydrogen bombs. Millions of these immortal thetans later attached themselves to humans, causing humans to become sick, confused, depressed and insecure.

The goal of Scientology is to help humans to clear their bodies of thetans by devoting hundreds of thousands of dollars to cleansing processes developed by the religions founder, L. Ron Hubbard, who holds the record for the greatest number of books published by one author (1,064). His sacred science fiction works are stored in a nuclear-blast-proof vault below the surface of planet Earth.

Despite having only 25,000 American members by some counts, the Church of Scientologys liquid assets of $1 billion exceeded those of the Roman Catholic Church in 2013. But the Los Angeles-based Church of Scientology almost collapsed in the 1990s under a $1 billion bill from the Internal Revenue Service for unpaid taxes. The IRS finally restored the organizations tax-exempt church status in 1993 in exchange for the church halting a barrage of lawsuits it had filed against the agency, including 2,300 Freedom of Information Act suits.

Today, a big labor union is using a strategy against the Freedom Foundation similar to the strategy the Church of Scientology used to defeat the IRS. The Service Employees International Union has filed multiple expensive lawsuits against the Foundation, an SEIU detractor, in hope of defunding it. To SEIU, bleeding the Freedom Foundation dry is as good as a court order blocking the Foundations freedom of speech.

Freedom Foundation Managing Attorney Greg Overstreet told me in June that SEIU is running out of arguments. Consequently, theyve hit us with a barrage of frivolous lawsuits and campaign-finance complaints. In substance, theyre no different from cases weve always won before. But each one requires a response. [T]he unions arent filing these new cases with any expectation of winning. Their true objective is simply to overwhelm our capacity to defend ourselves and thereby bankrupt their most persistent and effective adversary. It wont work.

I hope Overstreet is right that SEIUs strategy wont work, even though the same strategy has brought the IRS and other Scientology detractors to their knees. In 1973, the church sued Paulette Cooper, author of The Scandal of Scientology, 19 times and falsified evidence to arrange her indictment by a grand jury for sending bomb threats.

One advantage the Freedom Foundation has that the IRS lacked is citizen appeal. Few private citizens have gone to bat for the IRS. But history is rich with people willing to risk a great deal to defend freedoms supposedly protected by the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution.

Many of the people who should start sticking up for the Freedom Foundation would gain by doing so. The Freedom Foundations only crime is informing people about existing law. In 2014s Harris v. Quinn, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled SEIU violated the First and Fourteenth Amendment rights of home health caregivers by automatically extorting agency fees which are essentially union dues paid by non-members from them.

In the wake of Harris, the Capital Research Center reported in May 2017, the Freedom Foundation launched an outreach program that employed dozens of paid canvassers who have gone door to door all across the state and into neighboring Oregon to inform health care providers of their right to opt out of paying dues or fees to SEIU.

The Foundations outreach efforts were successful. In response, however, SEIU has orchestrated a litany of frivolous lawsuits against the Foundation to stop it from speaking to workers, Freedom Foundation Litigation Counsel David Dewhirst told me in July. The unions have even convinced the Washington State Attorney General, Bob Ferguson, to pile on and prosecute the Foundation for not reporting as campaign expenditures its various pro bono legal services to citizens across the state.

Laborers are being scammed, but not by an intergalactic alien monster. The West Coast has its own labor lord, and it has government reinforcements.

Michael T. Hamilton (mhamilton@heartland.org, @MikeFreeMarket) is a research fellow and editor at The Heartland Institute. He drew facts about the Church of Scientology from the Pulitzer Prize-winning Lawrence Wrights book Going Clear: Scientology, Hollywood, and the Prison of Belief (2013), which HBO made into a documentary in 2015.

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Big labor bullies First Amendment with Scientology playbook - OCRegister