Chinese activist uses art to convey a message of freedom – Martha’s Vineyard Times

Playing both live and virtually at the M.V. Film Center this weekend is the documentary Ai Weiwei: Yours Truly. A 2019 film about Chinese artist and activist Ai Weiwei, Yours Truly depicts the connections that develop as the artist creates an extraordinary work of socially engaged art remotely, as he is under house arrest in Beijing. The films director, Cheryl Haines, organized in 2014 a huge exhibit at Alcatraz Island in San Francisco Bay, where the former penitentiary is now a national park.

The scope of the project, with larger-than-life Lego portraits of prisoners of conscience from around the world, was immense, and nearly a million visitors viewed the exhibition. The story behind the vast artistic undertaking is Weiweis weaving his own history into it. His father, a well-known poet, was imprisoned in a remote work camp in the late 1950s. Part of the value of Ai Weiwei is the insights the director gives of his family life as told by his mother, Geo Ying, who describes Weiweis life growing up in exile. A poet, his father was mistreated and detained in the 1950s. Ying describes how Weiwei was told of the 100,000 people put in detention when he was just a child. There are also interviews with his brother and other members of his family.

He and his mother and brother remember the impact a postcard expressing support had on them, and this carries over into Weiweis extensive Yours Truly exhibit, as it also consists of beautifully illustrated postcards with national birds and flowers of the other prisoners countries. Visitors to the exhibit were invited to write messages of hope to the imprisoned or detained activists onto the postcards. Even more inspiring, after the more than 90,000 postcards were sent to prisoners and their families, they began writing back.

The film follows the postcards around the globe, and Haines interviews a number of the activists. Included were Egypts Ahmed Maher, cofounder of the April 6 Youth Movement which marked the beginning of the end of Hosni Mubaraks government. Also interviewed is Ebrahim Sharif al Sayeds family. Al Sayed is the former Secretary General of the Bahraini democratic reformist party.

By the films end, Ai himself is finally free, seeing his own exhibit in public for the first time. He meets with former prisoner Chelsea Manning, and other activists express their wonder at all the connections Ai has made, and the strangers who sent the encouraging messages around the world.

Ultimately, Ai Weiwei: Yours Truly is a call to action, extending the extraordinary reach of the artists exhibit to its viewers.

Information and tickets to Ai Weiwei: Yours Truly, either at the Film Center or virtually, are available at mvfilmsociety.com.

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Chinese activist uses art to convey a message of freedom - Martha's Vineyard Times

The risk of too many freedom of navigation operations – The Japan Times

For the second time since June, a U.S. Navy guided-missile destroyer conducted a "freedom of navigation operation" (FONOP) in the Caribbean Sea off the coast of Venezuela on July 15. For the first time in three decades, U.S. warships in May conducted FONOPs in the Barents Sea near Russias northern coast. And with increasing regularity, U.S. Navy warships press the envelope of challenging Chinese maritime claims with FONOPs as close as 12 nautical miles from Chinese-claimed territory.

Washington Before a mistake or miscalculation results in an armed clash involving a U.S. naval vessel which could draw the United States into a serious conflict we need to examine the utility of aggressive FONOPs.

The ultimate purpose for any military operation away from U.S. shores ought to be the security and prosperity of the country. Any operation or action contributing to that objective should be given serious consideration, but anything that has an unacceptable chance of harming U.S. interests should be rejected. FONOPs, as currently practiced, are increasing the chances the U.S. will one day stumble into a war.

Given the expansion in the number of FONOPs against China, the increase in such operations targeting Russia, and the now-expanding operations into South America, the assumption would be that multiple navies are threatening U.S. freedom on the seas. Nothing could be further from the truth.

Civilian maritime traffic worldwide is shared online to give a real-time update of where global trade is taking place on the seas. You dont have to be an expert to look at the live map at any time to see that there are no gaps near Russia, China, or Venezuela that would signal the need for a muscular American naval response. No one is threatening to block traffic.

To the contrary, China and Russia especially are highly dependent on international trade and need sea traffic to continue unimpeded; they would be the first to lose should either engage in shutting down traffic on the seas.

Like any military organization, it is a necessity to exercise the U.S. Navy to maintain proficiency in its core warfighting skills. They need to be ready, on a moments notice, to defend the U.S. global interests, to repulse any attack, and to viciously punish any who dare strike us. This level of proficiency allows the U.S. to effectively deter any attack but also provides the muscle to defeat any opponent if deterrence fails.

To maintain this level of deterrence and war-winning capacity, the U.S. Navy needs to conduct regular, prudent global patrols and exercises to maintain warfighting proficiency. Doing so will ensure security and economic freedom for U.S. companies and business interests without unnecessarily provoking adversaries to take action against our interests.

One doesnt have to be an apologist for any foreign power to recognize that continual patrols with powerful warships close to their shores is going to precipitate a response. If the Chinese Navy were to challenge U.S. supremacy in the Pacific and Atlantic oceans by building naval bases near the U.S. coast and regularly sailing within 12 miles of U.S. shores, Washington would not passively acknowledge their rights of transiting international waters.

Perhaps more critically, Washington should encourage friendly regional states and allies to enhance their own security via anti-access, area denial (A2/AD) self-defense capabilities. China has become an expert at A2/AD technologies and has made any attack on its territory or forces to be an expensive and deadly prospect.

The best way the U.S. can accomplish its objectives in the Asia-Pacific region is to encourage allies and other friendly states to invest much more heavily in their own A2/AD capabilities that would deter China from attempting to take any of them by military force. Doing so places the responsibility for self-defense more heavily on each country where it belongs and less on asking the U.S. Navy and Air Force to underwrite regional security for states that can afford to invest more in their own defense needs.

FONOPs have a place in Americas tool chest, but only if used sparingly and wisely. Relying too heavily on such operations disincentivizes allied and friendly countries from investing in their own defense, placing an unnecessary burden on U.S. forces and increases the risk the United States may one day be sucked into a war it should never have fought.

Former U.S. Army Lt. Col. Daniel L. Davis is a senior fellow for Defense Priorities. Follow him @DanielLDavis1

. 2020, the Diplomat; distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC

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The risk of too many freedom of navigation operations - The Japan Times

SECDEF Esper: US Will ‘Keep Up the Pace’ of South China Sea Freedom of Navigation Operations – USNI News

USS Gabrielle Giffords (LCS-10) conducts routine operations near the Panamanian flagged drill ship, West Capella on May 12, 2020. US Navy Photo

Esper, speaking at an online event hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies, said the U.S. policy has always been backed up by its actions like FONOps and other presence operations. Last year marked the greatest number of freedom of navigations operations in the South China Sea in the 40-year history of the FONOps program, and we will keep up the pace this year.

The Navy conducted nine FONOps operations in the South China Sea in 2019. Six FONOps have been conducted in the South China Sea this year, starting with the Littoral Combat Ship USS Montgomery (LCS-8) in January, destroyer USS McCampbell (DDG-85) in March, cruiser USS Bunker Hill (CG-52) and destroyer USS Barry (DDG-52) in separate operations in April, destroyer USS Mustin (DDG-89) in May and destroyer USS Ralph Johnson (DDG-114) in the latest operation on July 14.

Esper reiterated the United States governments rejection of Chinas maritime claims and that the new U.S. policy on the South China Sea plainly states that our recognition of maritime claims is consistent with international law, favors the sovereign rights of Southeast Asian partners and rejects the PRCs excessive and unlawful maritime claims that have been used to bully smaller countries from accessing offshore resources in their own Exclusive Economic Zones.

Secretary of Defense Mark Esper speaks to the media during in the Pentagon Briefing Room on April 14, 2020. DoD Photo

Recent dual-carrier strike force exercises in the South China Sea have been a clear and powerful signal that the U.S. will operate wherever international law allows. Later on in the session, he challenged Chinese claims that the U.S. carriers were only allowed to operate in the South China Sea because the Peoples Liberation Army allowed it to.

I dont know what the Chinese meant by that hollow statement about American carriers being there by the pleasure of the PLA. Look, American aircraft carriers have been in the South China Sea and the Indo Pacific since World War II, and we will continue to be there, and were not going to be stopped by anybody. Were going to sail, fly and operate where international law allows, he said, adding that the United States does so to assert international laws and rights and to support the sovereignty of its friends and partners and reassure them that the United States will be there in support of such.

Esper declined to answer what privately communicated red lines he would communicate to Beijing in relation to its maritime claims. He would only to state that the U.S. would defend international norms and rules and live up to its commitments that it has made in the Indo-Pacific. Esper added that the United States was committed to Taiwan and will continue to conduct arms sales to it and continue to conduct FONOps in the Taiwan Straits. He also stated, though, in the case of Taiwan and also the rest of the Indo-Pacific region, it was China that was aggravating the situation

Esper stated that the U.S. was not in search of a conflict but was committed to a constructive and result-orientated relationship with China in regard to the defense relationship, to open lines of communication and to reduce risk. But at the same time, the United States firmly believe no single nation can or should dominate the public commons, and we will continue to work alongside our allies and partners to support a prosperous and secure Indo-Pacific for all.

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SECDEF Esper: US Will 'Keep Up the Pace' of South China Sea Freedom of Navigation Operations - USNI News

Observing 200 Nights of Freedom – Shepherd Express

Yeah, the 1960s. America was known as a hotbed of radicalism, not just in politics, but also when dealing with human rights as well as the general attitude of people. In spite of Milwaukees proud history of Socialist mayors, the systemic mistreatment of black and brown folks meant that here, there were more changes to come.

These were just some of the attributes that proved Milwaukee was in the vanguard of a cultural revolution, with some later referring to it as the Selma of the North. Not only were black folk marching and demanding change, but the Latino/a/x community as well, looking to and being inspired by the housing freedom marches. Throughout the 1940s through the 1960s, Milwaukee had one of the most prosperous black communities in the entire country, a statement you do not hear often. The population went from 7,500 in 1930 to 105,000 by 1970 because of the amount of opportunity here, says Milwaukee activist Adam Carr.Too many of us have forgotten or never learned about the Black-and-Latinx-led activism in the city, and as the protests unfold in 2020, there is no better time to connect with this important local history.

What we remember as a thriving Black-majority Walnut Street neighborhood stretched from 3rd to 12th Streets. Since almost all of the buildings have been demolished, Elm and Roosevelt are relevant landmarks for pointing to where it used to be. There were no laws in place that held landlords accountable and people of color were crammed into dense and undesirable living conditions. Housing discrimination was legal and widely practiced in Milwaukee.

The NAACP Youth Council of Milwaukee held protests and were joined by Father James Groppi. Soon after, Vel Phillips, Milwaukees first female and first Black alderman, presented a bill in the Common Council to introduce fair housing in Milwaukee. After it was voted down, she formed a partnership with the Youth Council and was ready to march alongside them. At the forefront were The Commandos, a group created as a security detail for the Youth Council, a necessary force to defend the youngsters. The bills Philips presented were continually voted down, so on August 28, 1967, the Youth Council marched across the16th St.Viaduct to protest residential segregation. They made it to Koscziusko Park but were continually met by angry mobs looking to uphold the whiteness of the city, particularly on the South Side. Counter-protesters held White Power signs brandishing Nazi symbology. The second day of marching saw tragedy as the MPD burned down the NAACPs Milwaukee headquarters, the Freedom House. They claimed they saw a sniper on the roof and shot tear gas canisters into the building, which lit a fire. Protests went on for 200 nights in total, stretching all over the city.

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Dr. Robert Smith and Adam Carr came together as part of the 50th anniversary of the open housing marches in 2016. It is a subject they are both passionate about, and it became a rich collaboration, collecting stories from leaders, Commandos and the community that was involved. They realized that this history was critically important, not just as a piece of Milwaukee history, but as a pivotal event in the civil rights movement. When it comes to Milwaukee, those are generally overlooked.

Many people involved in the fair housing marches are still here, and were enthusiastic about sharing their stories, as well as contributing to having a coordinating community to honor their history. Just as their plans were coming to fruition, the Sherman Park unrest unfolded and they diverted their attention to uplifting voices and supporting grassroots organizations at that time. They soldiered on, brainstorming ideas as to what they could do to honor the events, and decided on 200 nights honoring the marches. The events ranged from potlucks, to film screenings and storytelling, complete with appearances by Commandos and key players from the day. Schools in Milwaukee have added the 200 nights of freedom marches to their curriculum, something that is truly important. Smith and Carr go to these schools as well and give their presentation, thoughtfully, with their extensive knowledge at the forefront.

During these times, the 200 nights presentation provides a glimmer of hope to people who are sadly still marching for fair treatment. While fists are raised to a seemingly unresponsive system, recalling the events of the past show us that with our continued efforts, monologue can become dialogue, which will lead to changes that are so desperately needed.

To read more Milwaukee history articles, click here.

To read more articles by Juan Miguel Martinez, click here.

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Observing 200 Nights of Freedom - Shepherd Express

Duchess Meghan’s freedom to ‘speak from the heart’ after quitting as senior royal – Opelika Auburn News

Duchess Meghan has more freedom to speak "from the heart" on topics such as racial injustice and gender, since she is no longer a senior royal.

The 38-year-old royal - who stepped down from her royal role earlier this year, along with her husband Prince Harry, and moved to Los Angeles - is carving out a new career as a public speaker and Meghan can now give "punchier" speeches as she is not constrained by royal protocol.

Speaking on the 'Heirpod' podcast, Omid Scobie, author of 'Finding Freedom: Harry and Meghan, and the Making of a Modern Royal Family', said: "[The Girl Up Leadership Summit speech] was Meghan really being able to talk without the constraints of some of the things you might have to bear in mind when writing a speech as a working member of the royal family.

"I understand she spent a long time preparing for this speech. Usually we see members of the royal family reading from very tight scripts when they go up onto a stage, I understand Meghan had bullet points.

"She was perhaps a little punchier than we've seen in the past. She spoke more from the heart than from a script."

And Scobie revealed that Meghan's recent speech for the Girl Up Leadership Summit was a sign of what fans can expect of her in the future.

He explained: "I had an interesting conversation with Team Sussex after this happened. They said this speech really spoke to many of the issues she will continue to focus on passionately moving forward, gender equity, racial injustice, youth empowerment...

"This worked as a really great preview for the Duchess of Sussex and some of her future speaking engagements."

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Duchess Meghan's freedom to 'speak from the heart' after quitting as senior royal - Opelika Auburn News

Why protesters are fed up with Sudan’s tricky transition – Toward Freedom

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

In the last few weeks, tens of thousands of people have, once again, taken to the streets of Sudans major cities to demand freedom, peace and justice, the rallying cry for the protesters who ousted Omar al-Bashir in 2019.

The big difference is that this time they are marching against the civilian-military Sovereign Council, demanding a greater role for civilians in the countrys transition towards democracy and faster reform.

A year ago the people of Sudan were heralding the fall of Bashir, the countrys long-serving strongman. A mass uprising led by the Sudan Professional Association and Resistance Committees had eventually managed to precipitate the deposing of the president. A host of grievances fanned the protests. Among them were endemic corruption, a struggling economy, human rights violations, and a failed health system.

Why then have the protests returned to the street so soon after they vacated them in triumphant euphoria?

The answer lies in the fact that the balance of power in the transition period that follows the fall of a despot is always tricky. This was evident in Tunisia, Algeria and Egypt. When reformers are relatively weak and those determined to protect the status quo are strong, substantive change will be demonstrably lethargic and long-winded. It will sometimes be stalled, and even reversed in certain instances.

Entrenched status quo elites will be reluctant to change because this poses a threat to their interests.

Events in Sudan point to this tension.

Following Bashirs ouster, a civilian-military sovereign council headed by a civilian prime minister, Abdalla Hamdok, and made up of six civilians and five military officers, was instituted. Its immediate challenge was ensuring security and stability, negotiating peace with Darfur rebels, and repairing Sudans battered economy.

So what is on its report card a year on?

For starters, the systematic jailing of opponents has stopped, and arbitrary arrests from the security bureau have largely ceased. Censorship and the muzzling of the press has all but stopped. And the public order law has been repealed. This law was notorious for giving police disproportionate powers of arrest and punishment including for moral and religious infractions.

In rebuilding institutional trust, the police chief and his deputy have also been fired, after protesters demanded more measures against officials linked to Bashir.

In addition, serious effort have been made to meet another core protest demand the end to incessant conflicts in Sudan. Peace efforts have been pursued with the rebel Sudan Revolutionary Front. These efforts produced a preliminary peace accord, including the drawing down of the UN peace keeping mission in Darfur.

Most recently, an anti-corruption body to trace ill-gotten wealth and provide accountability has been set up. The confiscation of almost $4 billion of assets from Bashir, his family and associates signals a move in the right direction.

In addition, the transitional government has actively sought to change Sudans standing in the world by shedding its image as a pariah state. This was not of primary concern to the protest movement, which was focused more on issues of bread and butter. But the transitional government nevertheless has acted to mend fences in the hope that it will deliver dividends for the country.

To this end, it has actively lobbied the US government to remove it from the list of state sponsors of terrorism. Washington is still considering this request. In the meantime it has removed the country from a black list of states endangering religious freedom. It has also lifted sanctions on 157 Sudanese firms.

And, for the first time in 23 years, the two countries have exchanged ambassadors.

For its part, Sudan has reduced the number of troops it has in Yemen by two thirds.

But the expectations of last years popular uprising have not been met. The reason for this is that substantive reforms have been slow.

One area of clear frustration has been the snails pace at which civilian control is taking place. The civilian governance footprint on the countrys body politic is not yet evident. Instead, the military elite continues to have de facto control and influence, sidelining the civilians and often pushing for greater compromises from civilian partners.

Examples of this include the fact that a legislative transitional council has yet to be installed. This would have provided a degree of counterweight to the military dominated sovereign council. Legislation is thus being done in an ad hoc manner.

In addition, civilian governors havent been appointed to replace military ones in the various provinces, which would signal another move away from military governance.

The lack of urgency in bringing Bashir and his henchmen to trial is also frustrating people. It appears to be a marginal priority, and in some instances deliberately frustrating.

Nor have the countrys economic woes been addressed. People still queue for three to six hours to buy bread, or fill their tanks at petrol stations. Electricity reliability is still sketchy, with power cuts the norm. Accessing domestic gas is also a problem.

The economy has been contracting and oil revenues have slumped due to falling oil prices and low production capacity. This has affected public expenditure and the investment needed to jumpstart the economic recovery.

COVID-19 has done even more damage.

Sudan has competing power structures that are inhibiting coherent and far reaching reforms. In the one camp are the reformers, in the other those who wish to defend the status quo. Reformers are constantly having to negotiate and make strategic calculations about what changes can be made and how fast.

This game of political brinkmanship is beginning to take its toll.

Clearly the civilian half of the transitional government has struggled to assert or leverage its moral authority or popular legitimacy in the face of military intransigence.

But the prime minister Abdalla Hamdor remains popular. In seeking to placate the demonstrators, he recently admitted that the transitional authority had to correct the revolutions track. This was tacit acknowledgement that on his watch things have gone off the desired path.

But does he have the leverage to correct this diversion from the expectations of the street?

That answer might sadly be, not to a great extent.

For now, the reality that the protesters and civilian elite have to contend with is that after a long and destructive authoritarian legacy, change will not come easily. Nor can it be fast-tracked. Rather it is a product of patience, compromise and above all perseverance.

Author Bio:

David E. Kiwuwa is Associate Professor of International Studies at the University of Nottingham.

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Why protesters are fed up with Sudan's tricky transition - Toward Freedom

Unalienable Rights and the Securing of Freedom – US Embassy and Consulate in Kazakhstan

SPEECH

MICHAEL R. POMPEO, SECRETARY OF STATE

PHILADELPHIA, PENNSYLVANIA

NATIONAL CONSTITUTION CENTER

JULY 16, 2020

AMBASSADOR GLENDON:I am Mary Ann Glendon. Im chair of the Commission on Unalienable Rights, and on behalf of my fellow commissioners, some of whom are here today, I want to welcome you to this presentation of ourreport.

I came in here earlier this morning, and when I saw the seating arrangement, it reminded me of Giacomettis Figures in a Public Square. Those seats looked so distant from one another and so lonely, and of course, that whole sculpture was meant to be an evocation of estrangement of modern man. But now that I see people in the seats, its really just the opposite, and I want to thank you so many of you for having come here today. I know that travel is difficult, and I know youre all here because you care about public life, unlike Giacomettis estranged figures.

So a year ago, when Secretary Pompeo established this commission, he gave us only two very terse instructions: One was to ground our work in the principles of the U.S. founding and in the principles of the international human rights project specifically the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; and the second was to keep our work at the level of policy Im sorry, of principle and not to get involved in policy, where the State Department is already very well supplied with policymakers. And at the time a year ago, many people wondered, well, whats the point of having a commission that doesnt concern itself with the burning issues of the day?

And one answer possibly an answer to that is something that former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger said many years ago. He said when I was a professor, I could work on whatever subjects I wanted and take as much time as I wanted, and a policymaker is always under pressure, has to make decisions in haste sometimes, sometimes on very limited information. And the risk, he said, for the policymaker is that the urgent will sometimes drive out the important. That risk, of course, will never be fully eliminated, but Secretary Pompeo did take a step toward alleviating it when he asked for a study about going back to basics and looking at the principles behind the United States commitment to human rights internationally.

Still, some people asked why now, when so many other matters are pressing for attention. Why have such a study now? And Ill just suggest a few answers. You can think of more, perhaps, but certainly one is the information we got from Freedom Houses report this spring where they told us that political and civil rights worldwide have declined this year for the 14th consecutive year and that half the worlds population 4 billion people currently live under autocratic or quasi-authoritarian regimes.

And perhaps thats why some powerful countries are now openly challenging the basic premises of the great post-World War II human rights project, and by challenging the premises, they are undermining the already fragile international consensus behind the ideas that no nation should be immune from outside scrutiny of how it treats its own citizens and that every human being is entitled to certain fundamental rights simply by virtue of being human.

China, in particular, is aggressively promoting a very different concept in which national priorities of various sorts prevail over the basic rights of speech, assembly, religious freedom, and free elections.

Another set of threats to human freedom and dignity are emerging in technological advances artificial intelligence, biotechnology, data collection, sophisticated surveillance techniques.

I could go on. But what hasnt changed what hasnt changed is the fact that millions of women and men are suffering arbitrary imprisonment, torture, and those women and men are looking to the United States as a beacon of hope and encouragement.

For the commissioners over these past several months, its been humbling as well as moving to see American flags in the hands of so many of the Hong Kong protesters. And it was the fact for us that so many people in so many places count so much on the United States yes, even in the ways that our country falls short of its own ideals, it was that fact that led us to our principal conclusion, which was that as a nation that came into being by affirming certain unalienable rights that belong to everyone everywhere, the United States must now rise to the challenges with the same energy and spirit that it brought to the building of a new international order in the post-World War period.

I hope that those of you who would like to hear more about the report will join us at 4 oclock this afternoon for the public meeting, but now we must turn to todays program, where were very fortunate to have with us Timothy Cardinal Dolan, Archbishop of New York, who will present the invocation; after which we will hear the remarks of the Secretary of State, Michael Pompeo; which will be followed by a conversation between the Secretary and myself in which he may reveal whether the commissions report did or did not come close in any way to what he expected of it.

Please join me in welcoming Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo and Cardinal Timothy Dolan. (Applause.)

And please remain standing for the National Anthem, which will be performed by Army Sergeant First Class Charis Strange.

(The National Anthem was sung.)

CARDINAL DOLAN:Well done. Thanks, Sergeant. Here we go, Mary Ann.

Let us pray, and pray we must, we citizens who cherish this one nation under God, a duty flowing from our bold confession. In God we trust.

So we readily praise the creator who has bestowed upon and ingrained into the very nature of his creatures certain inalienable rights, acknowledged by the founders, enshrined in our countrys normative documents, defended with the blood of grateful patriots. You you, dear Lord have bestowed these inalienable rights not kings, tyrants, or any government; rights flowing from the innate human dignity of the person and the sacredness of all human life. You have made self-evident in reason and nature celebrated in your own revelation.

And while we will never give up beseeching you, dear God, to mend our every flaw, we renew our gratitude for this homeland founded on these inalienable rights, asking your blessing upon this noble project initiated by Secretary Pompeo and Ambassador Glendon and your guidance as we renew our sense of duty to share our countrys wisdom on rights inherent to the very nature of the human person never, ever to be trampled.

To the sovereign of the nations, creator of all, bestower of rights, be honor and glory for ever and ever, amen.

AMBASSADOR GLENDON:Now its my great pleasure to introduce the person whose idea it was to have a study that would help to ground American diplomacy in the principles of our founding and in the principles of the international human rights project, and it is my great pleasure, Mr. Secretary, to present you with a copy of our report.

Ladies and gentlemen, the Secretary of the United States Michael R. Pompeo. (Applause.)

SECRETARY POMPEO:Good afternoon, everyone. It is wonderful to be here. Its beautiful. Its absolutely beautiful here.

Thank you, Mary Ann, for that lovely introduction. I am confident that when we first met and I was a 27-year-old former Army captain that Id be standing here today with you in this beautiful place talking about this important moment.

I was very moved by the rendition of the National Anthem. Lets give a round of applause again to Sergeant First Class Charis Strange. (Applause.) None of you should be surprised that I chose an Army person to come give the opening singing.

Cardinal Dolan, thank you. Bless you for being here today. We are blessed to have you here.

I want to express too my appreciation for the National Constitution Center for hosting us. It took some doing to organize. This isnt how this is normally laid out. Lets give the people who made this all happen from this institution a big round of applause as well. (Applause.)

Im happy too that so many of you took the time to come to Philadelphia a place intentionally chosen even if we do have to be socially distanced. And to those watching livestream atstate.gov, welcome.

A special welcome today too to the commission members who could make it here: Paolo Carozza and David Pan, and to Peter Berkowitz, the commissions executive secretary and the head of the State Departments Policy Planning Staff. We also have Duncan Walker and the rapporteur for the committee Cart Weiland here. I know that all of you and your colleagues put a lot of hard work into this report, and thank you so much for that.

I want to take just a second as well to acknowledge the commissioners who could not be here today: Kenneth Anderson, Russell Berman, Hamza Yusuf Hanson, Jacqueline Rivers, Katrina Lantos-Swett, Rabbi Meir Soloveichik, and Christopher Tollefsen. I value deeply the contributions that each of you made to this important report.

I want to thank too there were lots of public comments. We had a number of public meetings. There were many people who voiced a diverse set of opinions. I want to thank people who contributed, like Martha Minow, Cass Sunstein, and Orlando Patterson, who came to share with us their thinking about how we should write this report.

I know too that the commission is welcoming and providing a further opportunity for public input as we complete our work later this afternoon.

And a special thanks to you, Professor Glendon. You are amongst the most significant inspirations for this report that were unveiling here today.

Many of you will know this, but I spent a few years a few years under Mary Anns tutelage. I was a research assistant for her. She paid me 7 bucks an hour. I thought I was rich. (Laughter.) It was one of my greatest gifts in life.

Ive now read nearly everything youve written. I dont agree with all of it (laughter) but we had a fun time. We debated human rights. We agreed on the big things, the important things, the things that really matter about this remarkable nation.

We agreed that our founders traveled to this great land to enjoy the fruit of freedom, not to spread subjugation.

We agreed, as Professor Glendon, the former 1960s civil rights advocate, wrote in her great workRights Talk,that A rapidly expanding catalog of rightsnot only multiplies the occasion for risks of collision, but risks trivializing core American values.

We agreed that the Declaration of Independence itself is the most important statement of human rights ever written. It made human freedom and human equality our nations central ideas.

And as I said to the Claremont Institute now just over a year ago, we agreed that America draws strength and goodness from her founding ideals and that our foreign policy must be grounded by those ideals as well.

But we know this: We cant do good at home or abroad if we dont precisely know what we believe and why we believe it.

And thats why I asked Professor Glendon to form a commission composed of some of the most distinguished scholars and activists. I asked them not to discover new principles, but to furnish advice on human rights grounded in our nations founding principles and the principles of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Because without this grounding without this grounding our efforts to protect and promote human rights is unmoored and, therefore, destined to fail.

And so the Commission on Unalienable Rights was born.

These rights, these unalienable rights, are essential. They are a foundation upon which this country was built. They are central to who we are and to what we care about as Americans.

Now, I think Cardinal Dolan referred to this, but Americas founders didnt invent the unalienable rights, but stated very clearly in the Declaration of Independence that they are held as self-evident that human beings were created equal and endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights among [those] are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness.

So too did these bright men know that each human being has inherent worth, just by virtue of his or her own humanity a deeply Biblical idea. As Alexander Hamilton wrote, The sacred rights of mankindare written, as with a sun beamby the hand of the divinity itself; and can never be erased or obscured by mortal power.

Now, that may seem commonplace to some of you, but this was a momentous idea. Until 1776, human beings pretty much everywhere were ruled by might and brutality.

The founders changed the course of history when they established a nation built on the premise that government exists not to diminish or cancel the individuals rights at the whims of those in power, but to secure them.

Ill never forget Ill never forget being spellbound by the founders ideas for the first time. As a cadet, too many years ago now, at West Point, I was issued uniforms, a rifle, and the Federalist Papers. I still have that copy. Some have seen it on my desk. Its a bit more tattered now. But Ive continued to go back to that and harken back to those central ideas that these men brought to this great nation. And its important its important for every American, for every American diplomat, to recognize how our founders understood unalienable rights.

As youll see when you get a chance to read this report, the report emphasizes foremost among these rights are property rights and religious liberty. No one can enjoy the pursuit of happiness if you cannot own the fruits of your own labor, and no society no society can retain its legitimacy or a virtuous character without religious freedom.

Our founders knew. Our founders knew that faith was also essential to nurture the private virtue of our citizens. The report speaks to that.

In his now famous letter from 1790, a letter to the Jews of Newport, George Washington proudly noted that the United States gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance.

Our founders also knew the fallen nature of mankind. Alexander Hamilton wrote in Federalist 10: Men are ambitious, vindictive, rapacious.

So in their wisdom, they established a system that acknowledged our human failings, checked our worst instincts, and ensured that government wouldnt trample on these unalienable rights.

Limited government structured into our documents protects these rights. As the report states, majorities are inclined to impair individual freedom, and public officials are prone to putting their private preferences and partisan ambitions ahead of the public interest.

The genius the genius of our founders was evident to one man in particular. In 1838, a 29-year-old 28-year-old lawyer gave a speech to the local young mans lyceum in Springfield, Illinois.

Abraham Lincoln said, quote, We find ourselves under the government of a system of political institutions, conducing more essentially to the ends of civil and religious liberty, than any of which the history of former times tells us.

This is still true. This is still true of America today. America is fundamentally good and has much to offer the world, because our founders recognized the existence of God-given, unalienable rights and designed a durable system to protect them.

But I must say, these days, even saying that America is fundamentally good has become controversial.

The commission was never intended to time the release of this report to the current societal upheavals that are currently roiling our nation. Nevertheless, the report touches on this moment, and so will I, because todays unrest directly ties to our ability to put our founding principles at the core of what we do as Americans and as diplomats all across the world.

Now, its true that at our nations founding our country fell far short of securing the rights of all. The evil institution of slavery was our nations gravest departure from these founding principles. We expelled Native Americans from their ancestral lands. And our foreign policy, too, has not always comported with the idea of sovereignty embedded in the core of our founding.

But crucially crucially the nations founding principles gave us a standard by which we could see the gravity of our failings and a political framework that gave us the tools to ultimately abolish slavery and enshrine into law equality without regard to race.

You dont always hear these ground truths today. Nor do you hear about the greatest strides our nation has made to realize the promise of our founding and a more perfect union.

From Seneca Falls, to Brown vs. Board of Education, to the peaceful marches led by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Americans have always laid claims to their promised inheritance of unalienable rights.

And yet today, the very core of what it means to be an American, indeed the American way of life itself, is under attack. Instead of seeking to improve America, too many leading voices promulgate hatred of our founding principles.

President Trump spoke about this at Mount Rushmore on the Fourth of July. And our rights tradition is under assault.

TheNew York Timess 1619 Project so named for the year that the first slaves were transported to America wants you to believe that our country was founded for human bondage.

They want you to believe that Americas institutions continue to reflect the countrys acceptance of slavery at our founding.

They want you to believe that Marxist ideology that America is only the oppressors and the oppressed. The Chinese Communist Party must be gleeful when they see theNew York Timesspout this ideology.

Some people have taken these false doctrines to heart. The rioters pulling down statues thus see nothing wrong with desecrating monuments to those who fought for our unalienable rights from our founding to the present day.

This is a dark vision of Americas birth. I reject it. Its a disturbed reading of history. It is a slander on our great people. Nothing could be further from the truth of our founding and the rights about which this report speaks.

The commission reminds us its got a quote from Frederick Douglas, himself a freed slave, who saw the Constitution as a glorious, liberty document. That it is.

America is special. America is good. America does good all around the world.

In recent weeks, Ive had the chance to walk around Arlington Cemetery a few times, as I was thinking about today. And Ive been reminded of the hundreds of thousands of young men America sacrificed during the Civil War. We forget them at our peril.

And that grand struggle for rights wasnt the only one in American history. There are many remarkable Americans still engaged in the drive to fulfill the Declarations promises.

One of them is here with us today, David Hardy. David was the founding CEO of Boys Latin School a charter right here in Philadelphia. Hes still very involved in the charter school community.

At Boys Latin, and other schools like it, aspiring young men, nearly all of them from some of the most difficult parts of Philadelphia, have a better chance to pursue their happiness. Eighty-nine percent of the students there matriculate to college.

He David has devoted the great part of his adult life to equal opportunities for a good education, often called the civil rights movement of our time.

Mr. Hardy, please stand. And lets give him a round of applause. (Applause.) David, thank you again for being with us here today.

Our nation, too, has the responsibility to inculcate our founding values and reward their adoption. C.S. Lewis said it best when he lamented that we make men without chests and expect from them virtue and enterprise. We laugh at honor and are shocked to find traitors in our midst.

We must do better. America must build on its founding ideals and its leader must fearlessly defend them.

It is clear and this report makes it even more so it is clear that unalienable rights are central to who we are as Americans. But heres where I come in as Secretary of State. They have to underpin our foreign policy.

The Declaration itself is a foreign policy matter. It was written to explain why our nation broke away from British tyranny.

If we truly believe if we truly believe that rights are unalienable, inviolate, enduring, indeed, universal, just as the founders did, then defending them ought to be the bedrock of our every diplomatic endeavor.

Indeed, our own commitment to unalienable rights at home has proved a beacon of hope for men and women abroad pursuing their own liberties.

The examples are countless. Ill just give a couple.

Natan Sharansky when he heard of President Reagans Evil Empire speech while imprisoned, he said it was a ray of hope in the darkness of his punishment cell.

Last year Professor Glendon referred to this Hong Kong waved the American flag as they protested a communist crackdown. There is no symbol of freedom more recognizable all around the world.

Today, Im proud to have with us Wei Jingsheng, who is considered the father of todays Chinese democracy movement. On December 5th, 1978, the young electrician from Beijing Zoo shook the world by bravely posting an eloquent essay on Beijings short-lived Democracy Wall.

Mr. Wei boldly insisted that the CCPs Four Modernizations in industry, agriculture, defense, and science werent enough to truly make China a modern a modern and civilized nation.

Hearkening back to the May Fourth Movement, generations earlier, he said China needed a fifth modernization: democracy.

The Chinese Communist Party repeatedly threw Mr. Wei in jail for his advocacy.

In 1997, he emigrated. He emigrated to America, where he has continued his courageous call for the Chinese Communist Party to honor the unalienable rights that God has given to every Chinese citizen from Tibet to Tiananmen and from Hong Kong to Hubei.

Mr. Wei, please stand and be recognized. (Applause.) Its a blessing to have you with us here today. Thank you, again.

Now, if you believe our founding principles should inform foreign policy, and especially the promotion of unalienable rights, we have to lay down a framework a framework for how to think about this around the world.

Now, we have to be realistic, because our first duty is, of course, to secure American freedoms. Thats what I raised my right hand to do, when I was sworn in as Americas Secretary of State.

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Unalienable Rights and the Securing of Freedom - US Embassy and Consulate in Kazakhstan

How police reform, defunding, and abolition overlap – Vox.com

A recent political ad, sponsored by the conservative State Government Leadership Foundation, imagines the hellscape of a post-police Minneapolis. A terrified white woman jolts awake at 2 am during a home invasion. She alerts her husband. She grabs her phone. She calls the police. But its too late. They have all been defunded. A dispatcher informs her that a human resources specialist cant help her right now as the camera pans over her sleeping child, the burglar advancing ominously. Radical liberals are fighting for a police-free future, the narrator intones. Dont let them put your family in danger.

There is one thing and only one thing the ad gets right: On all sides, in all directions, the debate over the future of policing remains a debate over safety, driven by communities who desperately, deeply want to feel safe.

In the aftermath of George Floyds killing at the hands of police, virtually every faction in American politics from Trump Republicans to Biden Democrats, from Cato libertarians to intersectional Marxists says they want to change policing.

On one end of the spectrum stand abolitionists, who want to delegitimize the police. These activists demand an entirely new public safety system based on social and economic equity, bolstered by a network of nonviolent emergency responders. They are offering more than a different vision for public safety they are offering a different vision for the composition, and fundamental assumptions, of society. They have a different view of what causes crime. In the world they imagine, America would spend much more on education, health care, and infrastructure, and nothing on police departments as we currently know them.

On the other end stand reformers, who want to restore legitimacy to the police. This group seeks to implement procedural reforms to make officers more accountable and effective. They also, in general, want to spend more on policing. Presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Bidens plan, for instance, spends more on education and health care and infrastructure, but also more on policing: Hes proposed a $300 million increase to the Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) program.

Countless opinions dot the range between in particular, the defund the police movement (more on that in a moment). Much of the debate remains contentious, particularly on how best to defeat violent crime. Yet even amid consternation, bad faith, polarization, disagreement, and partisanship, a common refrain cuts across the parties: America relies too heavily on the police for unrelated services.

We need alternatives to policing, says Thenjiwe McHarris, an activist in the Movement for Black Lives and a police abolitionist. If someone is sleeping on a bench, if theres a mental health issue, policing is the one tactic often a failed tactic used in our communities for the range of needs our people have.

The reality is we have turned to police to handle a lot of problems in society that nobody else wanted to do to handle issues around substance abuse, to handle issues around the homeless, to handle issues around mental health, says Laurie Robinson, who chaired President Obamas Task Force on 21st Century Policing, which produced the basic agenda of the police reform movement. I think they would be very happy to hand off these responsibilities.

Likewise, former NYPD sergeant and Burlington Police Chief Brandon del Pozo asked: Why are we still asking the police as untrained interventionists to deal with people who are overdosing and using drugs or as barely trained crisis interventionists to deal with mental health when we can piggyback or create separate apparatuses that handle that for us?

This cross-coalitional interest in reassigning nonviolent services presents the most promising opportunity for ambitious change to a country rollicked by weeks, and years, of protest against racist policing. In an opening bid, abolitionists have suggested rerouting 50 percent of police budgets to other civil services.

But understanding the areas for compromise also requires seeing where the different visions conflict. So lets go through them in turn.

The police reform movement stands atop two premises. Good policing is good. Reams of research show it does, in fact, reduce violent crime. But bad policing is bad. Its bad on its own terms, because it harms the people it brutalizes, and its bad because it delegitimizes the police in the eyes of the community theyre meant to serve.

In Milwaukee, for instance, an important study showed that 911 calls fell after a publicized case of police brutality. The harm of bad policing, in other words, was both the police brutality and the severing of the relationship between the community and the public agency meant to keep them safe.

Police reformers, then, are trying to do two things at the same time: Make sure there are enough police to keep violent crime low, and make sure those police are both well-trained enough and tightly constrained enough not to abuse their power.

The Obama administrations Task Force on 21st Century Policing formed just after the 2014 uprising in Ferguson, Missouri, and published its report immediately after the 2015 Baltimore uprising. Its policy goals were a shift in policing culture, use of force, transparency, and fairness. As with universal pre-K, a $15 minimum wage, free community college, and a federal jobs program, the report articulated a progressive vision that was never fully achieved. Yet today, as establishment politicians respond to protesters calls for change, the task forces report still offers a window into how traditional reformers imagine a new American policing paradigm.

Among the reports 59 recommendations were that officers acknowledge the role of policing in past and present injustice and discrimination; avoid violence against children, elderly persons, pregnant women, people with physical and mental disabilities, limited English proficiency, and others; and adopt and enforce policies prohibiting profiling and discrimination based on race, ethnicity, national origin, religion, age, gender, gender identity/expression, sexual orientation, immigration status, disability, housing status, occupation, or language fluency.

The task force envisioned officers who are friendly, mentally well-adjusted, highly trained guardians. Through incentives, curriculums, and hiring programs, departments would create officers who prioritize deescalation and nonviolent intervention, abide by strict anti-discrimination laws, operate under strong transparency protocols, and stand accountable to local civilians.

Under this plan, police are not abolished; they are enlightened.

The authors also call for expanding the use of social workers and other nonviolent crisis specialists to supplement police officers. The report recommends reducing crime through a variety of programs that focus on public health, education, mental health, and other programs not traditionally part of the criminal justice system. This broader response to crime represents an area of overlap with the more progressive protests demanding alternatives to policing.

Robinson, the co-chair of the task force, says the ethos of the document has entered into the bloodstream of American policing. Citing a survey of 47 of the largest law enforcement agencies in the United States from 2015 to 2017 conducted by the Major Cities Chiefs Association (MCCA) and the National Police Foundation, Robinson notes that 39 percent of the departments updated their use of force policies and incorporated deescalation training. The survey also reported that officer-involved shootings during this period dropped by 21 percent.

While these data points highlight good news, Robinson also underscores that administrative barriers prevented the policy recommendations from becoming universal policing standards across the country.

We have a highly decentralized system, she says. We have 18,000 separate and very independent state and local law enforcement agencies that are operated and run by, in our case, many local independent mayors and city managers who are responsible for operating and overseeing those local departments. This fragmented bureaucracy clashing and the strength of police unions makes even the more modest reforms suggested in the policing task force more difficult to enact. But Robinson and Obama remains optimistic that the reports recommendations remain the right path forward.

We know there are specific evidence-based reforms that if we put [them] in place today would build trust, save lives, would not show an increase in crime, Obama said in a statement following George Floyds death. Those are included in the 21st-Century Policing Task Force report.

Thomas Abt, another Obama administration alum and author of Bleeding Out, a book on policing urban violence, said in principle he supports conversations around what roles police served and how they might be scaled back. Yet he remains worried about the tenor of the current defunding conversation.

I am supportive of asking these big questions about whether we can start winnowing down the police role. But you dont do that by just slashing police budgets, without a broader conversation about whos going to step up and fill the gap, Abt says.

I worry that people dont understand what it takes to set up a first responder operation. It took us well over a century to put together police, fire, EMT, he continues. To have a government service capable of responding in real time to these things is an enormous undertaking.

Abt and other more traditional reformers continued to see a central role for American police in society. Abt supports a mix of police reforms to increase transparency and curtail the use of force while also deploying surges of concentrated policing in the most violent neighborhoods.

But to the defunders and abolitionists, reform has been tried, and it has been found wanting. This year, the police department in Tucson, Arizona, was noted as progressive and reform-minded and had banned chokeholds and shooting at moving vehicles, embracing a range of measures aimed at reducing police violence, according to the New York Times. Yet local officers still killed Carlos Ingram-Lopez, a Latino man who was reportedly naked and experiencing a mental health crisis when he was killed, and withheld the video for months. Likewise, in Minneapolis, Minnesota, which was celebrated for its progressive mayor, a former civil rights attorney, and their reform-minded police chief, city employees still killed George Floyd.

Citing reform failures, many activists want to go further.

Last month, the Washington Post published an article that cautioned that after a recession budget crunch, Vallejo, California, defunded its police department and officer killings shot up, while crime enforcement plummeted. Vallejos experience offers a glimpse of what a reduced police presence on Americas streets could mean as defunding continues to gain traction, the piece warned.

But austerity-driven disinvestment is not the future defunders want. (It also does not accurately represent the public policy vision that defund advocates are fighting for, as the Washington Post later clarified in the article.)

Part of the push here is that we know what we want to defund the other part about the demands for what we need, says defund advocate and Illinois state Sen. Robert Peters (D). Folks often get caught up in this oh, my god of demanding to defund the police. People need to know theres a whole host of other demands attached to that, which are about uplifting community.

In essence, defunding exists as a suite of public policy ideas premised on investments in individual well-being, community infrastructure, alternative first responder services, and divestment from the use of lethal force.

Defunders dont just emphasize expanding social programs and investments but also removing money from police departments. They argue that the swelling police budgets fuel violence and corruption.

Advocates like the Center for Popular Democracys Kumar Rao argue that police departments run on a broken financial feedback loop where, after poorly policing communities of color and running up huge legal fees for abuse, torture, and unjust killings, departments are rewarded with larger budgets the next year, funding a cycle of violence.

Part of the problem here is the amount of money that has gone toward policing over the last several decades, says Rao. Were now reaching a point where we spend over $100 billion every year on policing. That kind of spending on policing has entrenched an institution and has made it ultimately unaccountable.

For Rao, increasing police budgets increases the number of officers, which increases the scope of officers duties, which increases officers interactions with civilians, which increases opportunities for police violence.

Beyond issues of corruption, defunders also argue that reliance on police departments is poor execution of public policy because police specialize in violent crime, but violent crime only represents a small portion of the sprawling civil services they perform. They believe the money could be used more effectively elsewhere.

Take traffic, for example, where police spend nearly 20 percent of their time working in some cities. Experts like Transportation Alternatives deputy director Marco Conner DiAquoi argue that it is both safer and more efficient for cities to manage traffic through transportation infrastructure investments, automated enforcement, and specialized civilian first responders rather than through police.

Police officer-based enforcement is less effective than infrastructural alternatives, like street redesigns and automated enforcement, and puts people of color at risk, DiAquoi and co-authors write in The Case for Self-Enforcing Streets. The report, published in June by Transportation Alternatives, seeks to remedy the ways in which enforcement of traffic laws leads to discretionary and often biased policing of minorities.

In New York City, DiAquoi argues, many of the violations that are cited in minority neighborhoods are the natural upshot of poor infrastructure in segregated communities elements like a bike lane, quality sidewalks, or well-designed streets. DiAquoi and the other co-authors make a case for reallocating significant portions of the NYPDs budget to the Department of Transportation to increase investments in street design and automated enforcement to create self-enforcing streets which would reduce the ability of police officers to violate civil rights, cause property damage, or otherwise participate in sueable offenses.

Decriminalization illuminates another part of the vision behind defunding. Defunders like many others believe the war on drugs has been racist and ineffective, and we should simply end it. And if we end it, it makes sense for police budgets, which have grown in part because of the drug war, to be cut.

In Alex Vitales The End of Policing, the Brooklyn College sociologist explains how Portugal successfully decriminalized drug use in 1999; it handed over drug harm reduction to health officials, reaping very favorable results, with most drug use now treated as a health problem.

Studies have found significant reductions in heroin addiction, overdoses, and disease transmission, Vitale writes of the country. In 1999, Portugal had the highest rate of HIV infection among injecting drug users in the European Union; by 2009, the number of newly diagnosed HIV cases among drug users had decreased substantially. Likewise, reporting on Portugals decriminalization of drugs for the New York Times, journalist Nicholas Kristof found the number of heroin users there fell by three-quarters, and the overdose fatality rate was the lowest in Western Europe.

Meanwhile, after decades of policing, the United States was losing about 70,000 Americans a year from overdoses, Kristof continued. In effect, Portugal appeared to be winning the war on drugs by ending it.

Even scholars like Stanford Universitys Keith Humphreys, who has been skeptical of the methodology used in the Portugal research, note that similar results can be seen in the United States. Citing data from the Criminal Justice Statistics Center, Humphreys notes that after California lawmakers decriminalized marijuana, the state saw decreased interaction with the police. According to the study, marijuana possession arrests in California dropped by 86 percent after the law decriminalizing possession of small amounts of the drug. We dont need Portugal, says Humphreys. We, in the United States, have done these things. I think we could probably start moving on to what happened in California.

There was no evidence of substitution effect, either, he adds. Some people worry that the police will just find another reason to arrest the same person you know, get you for jaywalking or whatever. But that doesnt seem to have been the case.

Theres police time involved in making those arrests, Humphreys says. If youre going to cut the police force or defund them more, this might be a way to do it without doing any real damage to public health. At least for cannabis, people may use it a little more, but it doesnt seem to be they use a lot more than that. I think a lot of people would see that as a reasonable trade.

Crucially, Humphreys also argues that investing in health responses to drug abuse indirectly lowers interaction with the police, as users who successfully undergo treatment decrease the criminal and antisocial behaviors affiliated with narcotic use and trade.

Here, again, the case for defunding the police rests on the concept that it is more effective and efficient to shift responsibility away from officers and departments to civil service and care workers specifically trained to handle medical and logistical problems. Repeating this policy thought experiment across mental health, domestic counseling, homelessness, and more, defunders outline the playbook to move away from policing.

Many of these advocates still see a role for police officers, albeit a significantly diminished one. They view officers as a last resort, reserved for the most serious crimes, and for true emergencies as opposed to the roles they currently serve as default first responders. In this way, they differ from the abolitionists.

In interviews, advocates of defunding the police speak very favorably of abolitionists, and vice versa. In fact, in the short term, there is virtually no policy difference between many defunders and abolitionists. This symmetry can be seen in the recent vote by the Seattle City Council to cut the citys Police Department by 50 percent and reroute that money to social programs. This policy action, led in part by non-abolitionists elected officials, mirrors the policy recommendation of Mariame Kaba, the prison industrial complex abolitionist who recommended a 50 percent defund this summer in the New York Times.

That said, the long-term difference between those who want to defund and those who want to abolish is that the former believe police to be necessary in the case of true violence and extreme emergencies. Abolitionists dont; they ultimately call for alternative interventions, even for violent crimes.

In addition to all the critiques levied by defunders, abolitionists contend that the police remain an inherently racist institution, with its legacy stretching back to slave patrols, a history of supporting white supremacy groups like the Ku Klux Klan, and contemporary patterns of the racialized brutality on Black, brown, Indigenous, and vulnerable communities.

Abolitionists describe ending the police as an integral part of Americas third Reconstruction, where in addition to full citizenship and economic rights, Black people and all people will be free of wanton state violence at the hands of the police.

Police and prison abolition can be traced in the modern context to radical Black feminist and anti-capitalist thinkers like Angela Davis. In her 2003 book Are Prisons Obsolete?, Davis pushed readers to question their acceptance of the carceral state, principally prisons, in American life.

In most circles prison abolition is simply unthinkable and implausible. Prison abolitionists are dismissed as utopians and idealists whose ideas are at best unrealistic and impracticable, and, at worst, mystifying and foolish, she wrote.

This is a measure of how difficult it is to envision a social order that does not rely on the threat of sequestering people in dreadful places designed to separate them from their communities and families, she continued. The prison is considered so natural that it is extremely hard to imagine life without it.

The same goes for police. Abolitionists envision ending both police and prisons as the next critical chapter in the Black freedom struggle following up on the end of slavery and Jim Crow. They believe that much of the crime that police officers respond to reflects broader conditions, disinvestments, and oppressions present across society, which are then used as justification for the policing and carceral states. Police, in this telling, mask deep societal sins, and only by removing them can we see the real work and transformation needed.

In the Boston Review, attorney and activist Derecka Purnell outlines what the road to police abolition might mean in broad strokes:

Police abolition could mean and require society to decrease and eliminate its reliance on policing. Rather than re-center police as a public good, the nation must become good and public. The prisonindustrial complex must be dissolved. Communities must rebuild labor organizing to shift capital, and the state must drastically disrupt rising wealth inequality. Congress may have to pass laws around prison labor, voting rights, gun ownership, and campaign finance, and decriminalize thousands of behaviors. Social workers and activists must work with communities to find solutions for patriarchal, homophobic, and mental healthbased violence. Police abolition advocates and scholars have robust visions for the future beyond transformation.

The vision is sweeping. Foundational to police abolition is what Purnell describes as eliminating reliance on policing. Kaba describes this idea as wanting not merely to close police departments but to make them obsolete. This is abolition as innovation. It is social engineering calling for a bold public policy action to address chronic social and economic issues and provide for basic human needs.

In this view, the primary aim centers on preventing criminogenic preconditions (joblessness, underinsurance, etc.) that lead to the violence for which people rely on the police. To the degree that violent crime persists even during and after these policies take effect, activists favor what they described as non-carceral interventions.

The Breathe Act, introduced by Reps. Rashida Tlaib and Ayanna Pressley, promotes programs that view violent crime as akin to a public health problem, requiring public health-style responses. Violence, in this view, spreads like a virus, and successful violence interruption programs rapidly deescalate neighborhood tensions following a shooting to stop the further transmission of violent retaliation. A recent memo from Data for Progress outlines the successful pilot programs using violence interruption to curb shootings in the neighborhoods with the highest levels of gun violence.

It summarized:

Repeated evaluations of Cure Violence have shown that it significantly reduces violence. In West Chicagos West Garfield Park, the program reduced shootings by 67% in its first year. A NIJ/ Northwestern University evaluation found that Cure Violence reduced shootings across Chicago by 41% to 73%. Other studies have also found that Cure Violence reduced shootings in cities like New York and Philadelphia.

Similarly, a 2017 UCLA analysis on violence interruption described the program as an effective way to curb violence by tasking civilian community interventions workers to mediate conflict and control rumors following a reported gang crime.

Our analyses of quasi-experimental interventions in Los Angeles indicates that civilian Community Intervention Workers, tasked by the Gang Reduction Youth Development program, cut gang retaliations by 45.3%, independently of the effects of policing, the authors wrote.

The Breathe Act leans on such non-policing alternatives to transition away from police solutions to crime. It also calls to expand Medicaid, implement a living wage, create targeted job programs for the long-term unemployed, and other economic justice initiatives.

You can tell a lot about a country based on how it allocates its resources. Were saying that now is a time when we target budget, local and federal where we say, divest from these institutions that have been harming us and invest in what our communities have always needed and will continue to need, says Thenjiwe McHarris, the abolitionist and Movement for Black Lives activist. We actually want to have access to safety. And what that means for us is a divestment from policing, and the institution of policing and an investment in what our communities need: quality housing, quality education, health services, particularly in the midst of a pandemic.

While abolitionists like McHarris have radical political aspirations, they remain committed to translating that vision into more immediate policy. Beyond the Breathe Act, abolition goals articulated in the Movement for Black Lives platform and in the more recent 8 to Abolition campaign outline first steps municipalities can take toward reducing, and eventually ending, the need for police.

Critics of police abolition remain skeptical about these activists ability to create alternative forms of care and emergency response to address violent crime. These traditional policymakers fear reducing the police force will result in spiking neighborhood violence. Since clearance rates and crime reporting in low-income communities of color remain abysmally low, abolition advocates often embrace a new policy framework.

Activists view the abolish mission as part of a multigenerational Black freedom struggle, and a radical tradition. Its a marathon, its not a sprint. Were inside of a particular opening. It was decades to get us here. Were all inside of multi-decade strategies, says McHarris.

Sharp, and even seemingly irreconcilable, differences exist in the competing visions of reform, defunding, and abolition. Yet the shortcomings of the American police system and American public policy more broadly stretch so wide that it creates a significant zone of overlap. Policing fails to address much of American inequality, dysfunction, and civil disorder. We have asked them to do too much, and we have neglected the investments and institutions that would make their presence less necessary.

More than half of police work addresses non-criminal issues according to an analysis of public records by the New York Times and an observational study in Criminal Justice Review. Likewise, policing scholars like NYU Laws Barry Friedman argue that crimefighting actually is a very small part of what police do every day.

Moreover, officers themselves often question the utility of using police for issues like mental health and homelessness. Im not even saying now that the budgets shouldnt be looked at, and seeing if theres another way to do that, Vince Champion of the International Brotherhood of Police Officers said on a recent episode of The Daily. Look, a lot of officers, were social workers. Were marriage counselors. Were doctors sometimes. Were more than actually what we were trained to be. I mean, we try to train for everything that we can, but we just cant be.

Then-President Barack Obama echoed a similar sentiment in his 2016 Dallas police speech, when he castigated America for underinvesting in schools, allowing poverty, underfunding drug treatment and mental health programs, not regulating guns, and then telling the police youre a social worker; youre the parent; youre the teacher; youre the drug counselor.

Converting common sense into consensus policy remains a daunting task for a country ailed by overlapping health and economic crises and diminishing political capacity.

This is a difficult debate on its own terms, happening at many levels simultaneously. Racial justice activists seek to address the problem at the scale at which it exists that is, on the scale of multigenerational theft, divestment, and discrimination. For many, this is too daunting to contemplate and too complicated to legislate. But it doesnt make it any less necessary.

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How police reform, defunding, and abolition overlap - Vox.com

Origins of prejudice – The Statesman

The origin of the prejudice against a black complexion cannot be ancient. Krishna, the eighth incarnation of Vishnu, had a dark complexion and therefore is invariably portrayed in blue. Another version of Krishna, and a popular one, is Srinathji whose famous temple is situated at Nathdwara, north of the Chittor Fort in Rajasthan. Here, he is always portrayed in black. A few years ago, Prof SR Rao discovered the original city of Dwarka established by Krishna which had, in an earthquake, sunk to the bottom of the sea.

Most of the retrieved artefacts of Dwarka have been preserved at the Museum of Oceanography in Goa. Prof. Rao considered Krishna to be contemporaneous with the Harappan (Indus Valley) civilization. This means that the acceptance of dark complexion is not unduly old. Prejudice against the blacks in America began as recently as the 18th century when the slave trade from Africa began. Until then, it was not unusual to have black characters prominent in European literature.

The name of Othello, the hero of the Shakespearean great tragedy, is an example. The question arises whether such prejudices are related to power. In India, we have people of virtually all complexions and there is no social prejudice against any of them, although when choosing a bride there may well be a preference for the fair and lovely girl. This is all very surprising when one thinks of the four year bloody American Civil War fought between the northern Unionists and the southern Confederates.

While most white people on both sides of the divide reconciled themselves to the new post- Civil War unity, a fringe group of blacks could not march lockstep with the rest of the nation. Much earlier than the American Civil War, sincere efforts were made by several white leaders to either abolish slavery or make it less harsh. The slave trade was dominated by British slave traders. Yet, the leader of the Abolitionists was a gentleman from Hull, Yorkshire in England. He was William Wilberforce, a Cambridge graduate born of well-to-do parents and of liberal sentiment.

He leaned towards evangelism for quite a while in his life, and at other times, towards Methodism. It is possible that religious sentiments had their influence on Wilberforces views. He was a Member of Parliament for a good ten years. Wilberforce had another great advantage in the pursuit of his cause; he was friendly with William Pitt the Younger. Pitt became the Prime Minister, at the age of 24 and continued to remain the head of government continuously for 22 years. Essentially liberal in his outlook, Pitt supported, as far as politically possible, the cause of abolition of slavery.

The slaves thus had the sympathy and help of two powerful Englishmen. Yet, the vested interests must have been so deeprooted that the acquisition of slaves on the west coast of Africa, called the Horn of Africa, continued. It was not until passage of a Bill called the Slave Trade Act of 1807 by the British parliament that serious political steps began being taken towards ending this inhuman activity. For the practice of slavery to be abolished though, it took several more years, till the passage of the Slavery Abolition Act in 1833, again by the British Parliament, which abolished slavery in large parts of the British Empire.

The 1833 Act was essentially an expansion of the jurisdiction of the Slave Trade Act of 1807. However, no matter what the British parliament did, vested interests located outside the British Isles continued with their profit-making. African slaves were captured inland by Arab slave traders and then handed over to British traders. The hapless Africans were then transported in ships that had very little space and no toilets. Imagine sailing across the Atlantic with no toilet at all in the hold. How suffocating and unhygienic such a voyage must have been.

Many of the slaves being so herded across the ocean died during the voyage, which also shows how cheaply they had been acquired. In other words, the traders who had got hold of them could afford to lose a substantial number. The accounts of these atrocities, both narrated and read, prompted any number of sympathisers to plead for the slaves. Their names included such distinguished individuals as William Ewart Gladstone ~ Prime Minister of Britain from 1868 to 1894 and others. However, the role of the American Civil War (1861-65) is seminal in ending the practice of slavery in the Western world.

It was a war that threatened to undo the United States of America itself. Had the USA not remained a single country after its Civil War, it is a matter of conjecture as to what the fate of Western civilization would have been. One thing is certain, though; a divided USA would have been a great threat to this civilization. Imagine what would have happened as a result of German aggression and imperial ambitions in Europe, resulting in both the World Wars, had there been no undivided USA to come to the aid of and preserve the liberal Western civilization.

What if there had been no USA to stand up to the (now deceased) Soviet Union, an equally dangerous foe? As an aside, my own familial experience with Africans might be instructive in bringing into focus how prejudices or preconceived notions might hamper mutual understanding among communities. One of my nieces is married into a Christian Nigerian family. Particularly, to show moral support and to demonstrate our lack of racial prejudice, my wife and I attended the wedding in New Jersey. I must say that I discovered to my surprise, the Nigerians were different; they were better educated and culturally more polished.

Since the family is Christian, the wedding was also held in a church. About one-third of the population follows Jesus Christ and is concentrated in the south-east of the country which is known as Biafra. According to their custom, speeches were made by relatives of the bride and bridegroom. Overall their side made better speeches and altogether appeared to be better, at least by Western standards. It has been a happy marriage, and their values appear to be like those of a joint family, not very different from an Indian one. The son-in-law was a F.R.C.S. from London, but this qualification was inadequate to practice in the USA; he was therefore, studying for another surgery course good enough for his new country.

Ten years later, the new surgeon heads three hospitals in the Pennsylvania and is flourishing as a medical star. The couple has produced three intelligent daughters who all wish to study at Ivy League universities like Harvard and Princeton. On balance, these West Africans appeared a lot superior to their East African cousins. The point I am making is how different the people in different parts of the world are than we presume. Incidentally, the Nigerians we met at the wedding were slim with trim figures even at comparatively advanced ages. The other niece is married into a family which hails from Jamaica and is settled in Canada, mostly around Toronto.

They are educated too, and earn their livelihood through professional work. They were well read and betrayed no complexes. We came to know about ten of them as they had dined with us in Delhi. What was remarkable was that they were quite indifferent to the colour of their skin. Two of the ladies were almost as white as Europeans, while two others were black. The men were of mixed colour, the kind that are described as mulatto in South Africa. In short, our observation was that they could not care less about their complexions. This in turn, was an indication that they bore no complex on this issue.

The marriage of my niece has been a happy one and their husband is quite a popular uncle amongst all our relatives. The couple has produced a boy and has adopted an attractive girl child from near Bhopal. What is striking about both these families is that they had no interest in talking about their problems, either racial or national. For example, the Jamaicans did not talk about their difficulties in their native country, which had been the reason for their migration to Canada.

Despite probing by me, none of the Nigerians seemed prepared to discuss the civil war of 1967 in their country between the southern Biafrans and the northern Nigerians, and its accompanying slaughter. Their uniform answer was that all that was a long time ago. For us Indians, there is a lesson to learn. When we go overseas, we should avoid discussing our communal, linguistic or casteist disputes with foreigners.

(The writer is an author, thinker and former Member of Parliament)

Link:

Origins of prejudice - The Statesman

A conversation with the president of Don’t Shoot Portland – Vanguard – Psuvanguard.com

Tai Carpenter is the current president of Dont Shoot Portland, a Black-led and community driven nonprofit known for its bystander intervention work and community advocacy. Carpenter served as Dont Shoots communications director before recently becoming president.

Portland State Vanguard: For how long have you been involved with Dont Shoot?

Carpenter: Well, Teressa Raitford is my mom, and she founded Dont Shoot in 2014. So Ive been helping out for a long time. I started by writing press releases and social media posts whenever we needed it. I was the communications director for the last year and a half, and about three weeks ago I became the president.

VG: Can you detail some of the key ways that Dont Shoot has been involved in mutual aid projects since the pandemic started?

Carpenter: We had to stop all of our programming in February and switched most of our work to an online format. But we started to use our space as a distribution space. So, people would come in before protests and we would help them load up their cars with snacks, first-aid kits and cases of water. We even had a couple of restaurants that started to reach out to us who have donated meals. So, we were able to get meals dropped off to people. We fed a lot of houseless camps and weve also done a lot of work with jail support during the protests. Mostly, our focus right now is helping people out at the Justice Center. I know a lot of people pull shifts down there, so weve been really good about making sure that people who need tarps, sleeping bags, meals or first-aid kits are helped out.

VG: I know Dont Shoots primary objective is disbanding [the Portland Police Bureau], but can you elaborate on what you think that should look like?

Carpenter: I know PPB pledged to slash its budget by a few million dollars, but I think thats just a drop in the bucket. We need to reimagine what public safety is and what it looks like, and that means slashing the budget and reallocating those resources to other social programs. You know, having specialized units to deal with people that are in crisis. Not everything needs to be dealt with by a bully with a gun. I think we need to put more focus on real community policing and taking care of our homeless communities, because theyre the ones dealing with the blunt end of all of this. You can see inequities on the street, you can see it in our city audits that they put out every year. The fact that PPB has such an obsession with murdering Black and brown people is sick and weve got to do something about it.

VG: When you talk about disbanding PPB, reallocating funds to social safety net programs and working towards real community policing solutions, do you think that there should still be a specialized armed force that is prepared to respond to violent crisis situations?

Carpenter: Absolutely. Im in no way advocating for the amnesty of violent criminals. Its just that [armed police officers] are the only force we have right now. I would love to know that if Im in danger or if people cant protect themselves that there is going to be a unit for that. I just dont think armed officers need to be the only unit.

VG: Polling from 538 shows that an average of 31% of Americans support police abolition while 58% oppose it. Those arent winning numbers. What kind of efforts do you think need to be made to garner widespread support for the cause? How do you go about changing peoples minds?

Carpenter: I dont know if its up to the activists. People have their demands and have spelled them out clearly, I just think people are afraid to actually take those steps. We have city leaders that are leaning towards reform, but no one will come out and say it. Thats the problem because I think too many people, including community partners, may be benefiting from having policing ties, and having these relationships with the police. Im actually surprised that 31% of people support police abolition, I thought the number would be a lot lower. I know abolition is a scary word, but a lot of people didnt want to abolish slavery. So, its not as scary as you think.

VG: On June 9, the judge in the lawsuit against PPB using tear gas granted the motion for a temporary restraining order against them using tear gas. The order was recently extended to last until July 24. I know tear gas is now regularly being used by federal law enforcement. Is Dont Shoot making any efforts to stop federal law enforcement from using these weapons?

Carpenter: The thing is, even though they extended the order through July 24, I feel like theres probably only been one night or two where tear gas hasnt been used at these protests. With Trump sending Homeland Security here, its been brutal. And so now theres a way for them to work around using munition and the tear gas. Theyve been trying to make it seem like PPB has been abiding by the ban, but now federal agents are using it so its gotten much worse. And yes, were currently working on [court] filings on this issue.

VG: Ive seen a lot of rhetoric by organizers online around calling for peaceful protesting being a red flag of sorts for the objectives of the movement. In fact, I saw a comment from Dont Shoot on Instagram that said, Peaceful protests are an exercise in #alllivesmatter co-opting. Can you elaborate on what you mean by this?

Carpenter: That was when an article was put out a few weeks ago where Black community leaders were interviewed and expressed their outrage at the protests. The piece was trying to create division among protesters. And I just thought it was funny because the people they quoted in the article had never actually been to a true Black Lives Matter protest. However you decide to protest is a protest. If youve ever been to a protest, you know its peaceful until the cops show up. Whenever I see someone crying for peaceful protests, thats trying to walk someone into a category instead of addressing the real violence that we all face from the police. It feels like the argument is being made in conjunction with the city to make the city look good. You cant tell people how to protest. You cant condemn one group for how they react to 400 years of oppression and then salute these other kids just because theyre behaving a certain way. I think that further divides the movement. You cant co-opt liberation. Were all angry, and whatever we decide to do is going to happen.

VG: There have been many instances where established Black leaders have called for peaceful protests. How do you strike the balance of critiquing these calls for peaceful protests while also not splintering the solidarity of your coalition?

Carpenter: I think we need to take a hard look at whose voices we elevate. There are plenty of people who are just now saying Black Lives Matter, including Black leaders in our community. Just because the media says theyre leaders or just because they were invited to Ted Wheelers barbecue doesnt mean they represent us. So, you should always respect and listen to Black voices. But you should also know and acknowledge their track records. And you need to know if thats someone that you feel comfortable speaking for you.

VG: There are, and have been, a variety of groups in town organizing protests right now, and there are protests occurring in various places at any given time in Portland. Going forward, do you think there needs to be a centralized voice that can unify these groups?

Carpenter: I feel like this is a process that cant be controlled. Its difficult to have a specific structure with all of this going on. I dont know if creating a central voice is going to ensure that everyones voices are heard. But I think the community has shown that it is dedicated to this. So, at this point the responsibility is on our local government to make these changes.

VG: In the past few weeks weve seen a lot of attention around the tragic deaths of Dominique Dunn and ShaiIndia Harris. Do you have any updates on how Dont Shoot is helping seek justice for those victims?

Carpenter: Weve been in touch with Dominiques family and we published a press release on that. And were trying to get in touch with the Harris family. You can find information on how to help those families on our social media accounts and our website.

VG: There seems to be a good deal of momentum around writing in Teressa Raiford for mayor in the upcoming election. After she lost in the primary, did she intend to pursue a write-in campaign?

Carpenter: After the primary, the plan was to take a break. But a few days later, George Floyd was murdered and we started to get contacted about a write-in campaign and how to make that happen. So, Teressa got on board with it and were excited. Outside of Dont Shoot, Im helping with the campaign a little bit. I feel really good about the momentum were seeing from people finally standing up. Right now, I think a lot of people are waking up. This is what democracy is about. Write-in campaigns are successful and people need to get this notion out of their minds that they have to choose between the lesser of two evils.

Dont Shoot Portland continues to do mutual aid work during the ongoing protests. They have an intake form on their website for anyone who has been harmed by law enforcement officials.

See the article here:

A conversation with the president of Don't Shoot Portland - Vanguard - Psuvanguard.com

Clemency Is The Must-Watch Movie Of Our Time – British Vogue

In the minds of many, the United States of America is synonymous with its epithet the land of the free. That sentiment is difficult to square, however, with its statistics on prisons. The nation has the highest documented incarceration rate in the world with 655 inmates per 100,000 of the national population. Furthermore, 28 of its 50 states still enact the death penalty.

It is against this merciless backdrop that the award-winning writer and directorChinonye Chukwu, (currently working on the upcoming television adaptation of Chimamanda Ngozi AdichiesAmericanah, starringLupita NyongoandUzo Aduba),setsClemency,her latest feature film.

Its a bleak character study highlighting the dehumanising effect that a lifetime career in the correctional sector has on prison warden Bernadine Williams, played by Alfre Woodard. Years of carrying out death row executions have taken their toll; memories of a recently botched execution plague her daily and the emotional void in her marriage grows. As she prepares to execute another inmate, Bernadine must confront the psychological and emotional demons her job creates, ultimately connecting her to the man she is sanctioned to kill.

Having won a grand jury prize at Sundance last year, Clemency is only picking up momentum. ItsUK release coincides with forceful and unyielding calls to defund the highly militarised US police force which in turn were catalysed by the Black Lives Matteruprisings in response to the brutal murder of George Floyd at the hands of policeofficers.

I chatted toChukwu via Zoom she in LA, me in London about her thoughts on the indie film industry, racial tensions, prison abolition and mental health.

Wow, what a question. I was really excited to scope the prize, but I wish that I was the tenth or even the fiftieth person of my demographic to win the award, rather than the first. I wish that these milestones didnt still have to be broached.

Right now, we are really asking ourselves, what does justice look like? What does rehabilitation look like? And is that really feasible and possible given the current systems we have? One of the things that I think Clemency really interrogates is the function and the necessity of prisons and popular punishments specifically, but prisons and the social complex and the criminal legal system in the US [in general].

For me, I think we have to really reimagine what justice looks like, completely separate from what we have now. That means making society much more equitable and liveable. So, we need to dismantle the white supremacist capitalist systems that are embedded in criminal legal systems. Im not reform-minded at all, because I dont believe there is reforming a system that has its roots in enslavement.

I was inspired to make the film the morning after Troy Davis [an African-American man convicted of the 1989 murder of police officer Mark MacPhail in Georgia, US, whose death became a symbol of racial imbalance and the arguments against the death penalty] was executed in 2011.I spent four years researching for Clemency. I spoke with six different wardens, interviewed corrections officers, death row lawyers, lieutenants and a director of corrections about their experiences working in prisons and in death row facilities. I spoke with men currently on death row and one man who was exonerated from death row, after being incarcerated for 28 years for a crime he did not commit.

Im really good at emotionally compartmentalising. For years, I really just suppressed a part of myself emotionally in order to make the film because I had a job to do. There were definitely moments when I was researching, particularly when I was reading testimonies from men who were on death row, where I was literally in tears while I was writing.

Once I was done writing I just shut that part myself off and made the film. But there was one scene on set where I couldnt hold it together, the part where Anthony [Woods, an inmate who maintains his innocence] is alone in his cell. I was holding it together so well but then saw the scene play out in monitor. I just had to just let it out and sob for a while.

I made an intentional decision to not focus on what Anthony was convicted of, because I didnt want the audiences ability to see his humanity, to be contingent upon knowing whether hes innocent or guilty.

I think that as a society we tend to want to know what someone did to determine what we think about them, and that gets in the way of us really questioning and interrogating the system. And so I just wanted to take that away and really force audiences to grapple with his humanity.

Alfre Woodard and director Chinonye Chukwu discussing a scene on set.

Paul Sarkis

We dont see any psychological support for any of the characters in the film. Is this representative of the US system?

Yes, a lot of prisons dont have the psychological support. There are some prisons where a few wardens definitely provide, or try to provide some psychological support, but we dont see it a lot. I definitely didnt see it when I was teaching in prisons, and thats part of the dehumanisation process.

When I was writing the Bernadine character and talking it through with Alfre Woodard, who plays her, we both came to an understanding that for this character, her career comes first. Work defines her. She has worked in this particular prison system for so long, shes become numb to it. And she lives in that numbness.

Yes, and that just goes to show how this kind of systematic dehumanisation that is inherent in prison spaces, and specifically capital punishment, affects those who are tasked to oversee or carry out that dehumanisation. It cuts off a part of them as well, that allows them to be fully human and fully feel.

More states are questioning the economic feasibility of the death penalty, but I hope that through films such as this, the abolition movements continues to grow stronger.

Clemencyis released on Bohemia Media and Curzon Home Cinema streaming platforms from Friday 17 July

More from British Vogue:

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Clemency Is The Must-Watch Movie Of Our Time - British Vogue

Trading Cops for Social Workers Isn’t the Solution to Police Violence – Truthout

The U.S. today appears to be approaching a tipping point in dismantling its historical oppression of Black people specifically, the overt and racialized state-sanctioned violence perpetuated by carceral systems including the police. Decades of abolitionist and Black liberation movement efforts have brought us to this moment in which defunding police departments is not only happening, but also serving as a call to ask why we have police at all. From Frederick Douglass to Critical Resistance, abolition has always been about more than just ridding our society of slavery and carceral systems. Angela Davis, Ruth Wilson Gilmore and Mariame Kaba have taught many of us that prison-industrial complex abolition is not only about eliminating imprisonment, policing and surveillance, but about transforming our society, building different responses to harm, reinvesting and redistributing resources, and prefiguring the world we want to live in. A common question of abolitionist work is: What will be done about crime in a world with less or no police (and by extension less or no jails, prisons and surveillance)?

An increasingly popular idea has been to replace police with social workers, or to bring more social workers to work alongside the police. There is support in the social work profession for these ideas, including the National Association of Social Workers (NASW), the most prominent national professional organization, whose CEO recently spoke on MSNBC about the value of police social workers of which he said, They love us. They have our backs as social workers, and we have their backs, so its a very good partnership. The comments from NASWs leadership are reflective of a major dissonance within social work.

For clarity, we recognize social work to include all workers who identify with the field encompassing a wide range of commitments to social justice. From social service workers, to organizers, from clinicians to policy makers, from the noncredentialed to the most credentialed. Yet, the most powerful organizations, inclusive of NASW and the Council on Social Work Education, and individuals leading the profession of social work have often negated its organizing value of social justice in the pursuit of capital, professionalization and legitimacy.

Get the latest news and thought-provoking analysis from Truthout.

This has meant aligning social work with systems and structures of power, conceding much of its capacity to address deeply rooted oppression and racialized injustices. A key neoliberal manifestation of these concessions has been to locate the roots of social problems and crime in the individual. This harmful idea that society is endangered not by systems and institutions of the state but by individual behavior has been foundational to the prison-industrial complex and much of social work. It is then not surprising that social work is so readily accepted as a palatable alternative to police.

Uprisings and rebellions like the one happening now present us with an opportunity to reflect, and to stretch our imagination and behaviors so that our everyday practices, our relationships and our organizations can actualize the values we profess. This moment is asking all of social work, including our institutions like NASW, to reckon with our own history of being accomplices to state violence and to ask ourselves: What can liberatory abolitionist social work look like? And what kind of efforts in the social work community are already paving the way?

To transform social work, we must first reckon with how it is carried out now, as well as within the past. Social works reckoning must include confronting our complicity in colonization, in racial capitalism and the logics of neoliberalism, and in our relationship to the carceral state, all of which have become core to social work practice.

Suggesting that the answer to reducing the harm of police is to replace them with social workers misses three interconnected truths surfaced by abolitionist work.

The first is that ending police violence will require much more than changing the who and the how of responding to harmful behavior. Police violence is a window into the prison-industrial complex, which has required massive investments in the subjugation, criminalization and incarceration of Black people, Indigenous people and other marginalized communities, all the while divesting from their welfare and well-being. Any serious efforts to end police violence must not only transform our responses to harmful behavior, but must also include a massive redistribution of resources, and a reconfiguration of relationships and responsibilities. PIC abolition requires that we invest in the welfare of all people, starting with those at the margins, and that everyone has access to the essential human needs of our society including health care, housing, education and employment.

The second is that social workers have a long and troubled history as partners to the state, more often serving as carceral enforcers than as collaborators toward liberation. Mimi Kim has documented the history of social works reliance on law enforcement to address domestic violence and the many resulting harms on people at the margins. Dorothy Roberts, Don Lash and others have demonstrated how the child welfare system has served to criminalize and punish Black families and families of color. Most recently, Beth Richie and Kayla Martensen offered the term carceral services to identify social work services that replicate the control, surveillance and punishment of the prison nation.

The partnership with the state begins early on in social work education, where many students are trained via field education internships inside jails, prisons, probation and parole. However, as a 2013 study concluded, less than 5 percent of social work education offered courses with content related to the criminal legal system. And while we recognize the value of reducing harm within these institutions, the lack of education provided to social work students (among other social, economic and historical forces) often result in an acquiescence to structures of domination, and punitive and often racist ideologies.

Herein lies the foundation of cultivating an abolitionist social work. We must uproot these ideologies white supremacy, anti-Black racism, colonialism, cisheteropatriarchy that undergird the foundation of the U.S., guide the practices of carceral systems and permeate the ethos of social work. Like social work, police and prisons are relatively new social phenomena, yet they are all informed by unjust belief systems of human hierarchy, where Black people are perceived as inherently criminal, Indigenous people as disposable and LGBTQ people as a threat to the binaries that cement their relevance. A full examination of social works complicity in upholding these ideologies and atoning for the harm we have caused is a necessary step towards abolition social work.

Abolition social work is an evolving concept and we ourselves continue to grapple with what it is and isnt, as well as the potential it has for our current moment and for the future we want to build. At its best, social work will be the chorus for abolition partnering in the work of ending state violence, while supporting life affirming relationships, practices and organizations. While our code of ethics is by no means perfect, it nods in the direction of liberation by requiring social and political engagement to ensure that all people are able to meet their material needs and to achieve self-actualization. Building on our charter, abolition of the prison-industrial complex provides a framework and strategies to recalibrate what social work is and can be. And this will require that social work become unrecognizable from its current form. We can imagine a social work rooted in solidarity over charity, one that is decolonized, de-professionalized, anti-capitalist, and is committed to repair, accountability and continual transformation. Black feminist thought and organizing has taught us to create with intention, to build and imagine simultaneously, and to root our work in possibility.

As we grow abolitionist social work, discerning which efforts are more or less liberatory is not always self-evident, but its of critical importance. In our current moment, in which the defunding of police is already happening, we dont have the luxury to require perfect responses, but we can still move forward toward abolition. Dean Spade has helped many of us identify the difference between reformist reforms and liberatory reforms. We have adapted his questions slightly (with permission) to help us consider and discern liberatory social work efforts.

Many social workers are already engaged in building abolitionist work, giving us tangible examples of whats possible. Formations and organizations like Survived and Punished and Release Aging People in Prison are working to free people from prison while building power with those most affected. S.O.U.L. Sisters Leadership Collective mobilizes systems-involved girls and femmes of color Black, Brown and Indigenous to interrupt cycles of state violence, poverty and oppression. Creative Interventions has worked to stop interpersonal violence through transformative justice, building practices and guidance for responding to harm outside of the state. And even outside of social work, organizations like Movement for Family Power are working to end the foster systems policing and punishment of families and to create a world where the dignity and integrity of all families is valued and supported.

The road to actualizing abolition social work and the transformation of society will be arduous. But the blueprint is there. We must reckon with truth as we transform, and most importantly, we must dare to imagine, and co-create a world where every human being has the right to self-actualize and be free from harm. Social workers wont end police violence. Still, we believe in the possibility of a more liberatory social work that sees ending state violence as central to our practice.

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Trading Cops for Social Workers Isn't the Solution to Police Violence - Truthout

The Official Website Of The Islands Of The Bahamas

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background-color: #EDF2F8; border-bottom: 2px solid; padding: .5em; font-weight: 500; text-shadow: 1px 1px 1px white;}/* line 9143, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.show-hidden.flight-title div,.show-hidden.show-bar div { display: inline-block;}/* line 9147, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.show-hidden.flight-title::before,.show-hidden.show-bar::before { content: ""; font-family: "FontAwesome", Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; padding-right: .5em;}/* line 9153, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.show-hidden.flight-title::after,.show-hidden.show-bar::after { content: ""; top: 1px; font-weight: 100; font-size: 1.25em; line-height: 1em; transform: rotate(0deg); transition: transform .25s; float: right;}/* line 9164, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.show-hidden.flight-title.hide,.show-hidden.show-bar.hide { background-color: #E67588; color: #FFF !important; text-shadow: -1px -1px 1px #e0526a; border-color: #e0526a;}/* line 9170, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.show-hidden.flight-title.hide::after,.show-hidden.show-bar.hide::after { content: ""; transform: rotate(90deg); transition: transform .5s; top: 1px;}/* line 9178, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.show-hidden.flight-title:hover,.show-hidden.show-bar:hover { background-color: #FADA80; border-color: #F7C83D; color: #FFF !important; text-shadow: -1px -1px 1px #F7C83D;}/* line 9187, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.flight-wrapper > h3 { font-weight: 500; text-transform: uppercase; letter-spacing: .0475em;}/* line 9194, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.flight-table { width: 100%; margin: 0 auto 1.5em; border: 1px solid #EBEBEC; clear: both;}/* line 9200, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.flight-table th { color: #FFF; background: #013252; font-weight: 500;}/* line 9206, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.flight-table td,.flight-table th { text-align: left; padding: 3px 6px;}/* line 9213, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.site-link { float: right; text-transform: uppercase; font-size: .875em; letter-spacing: .02em; margin: 0 0 0 .5em;}.field-name-field-hidden > .field-items > .field-item { padding-bottom: 1.5em; overflow: hidden;}#block-views-header-image-header-image-small {max-width: 1140px;}#block-views-blog-block-15 .views-row { margin-bottom: 1em; padding-bottom: 1em; border-bottom: 1px solid #EBEBEC;}#block-views-blog-block-15 .views-row-last { border-bottom: 0; padding-bottom: 0;}.blog-image-small img { display: block; width: auto; margin: 0 auto; max-width: 100%;}.paragraphs-items .entity > h2 + .paragraphs-items .entity-paragraphs-item > h2, .paragraphs-items .entity > div > h2 + .paragraphs-items .entity-paragraphs-item > h2 { color: #959496;}.paragraphs-items .entity.bg-dark > h2 + .paragraphs-items .entity-paragraphs-item > h2, .paragraphs-items .entity.bg-dark > div > h2 + .paragraphs-items .entity-paragraphs-item > h2 { color: #F7C83D;}@media (min-width: 1040px) { h2.pattern-overlay.large { font-size: 3.5em; line-height: 1.1em; }}.tab-nav {margin-bottom: 30px;}/* line 724, ../sass/_normalize.scss */.columns-flex { display: flex; justify-content: space-between;}/* line 727, ../sass/_normalize.scss */.columns-flex.align-center { align-items: center;}@media (max-width: 768px) { /* line 784, ../sass/_normalize.scss */ .columns-3.columns-flex { display: block; }}@media (max-width: 640px) { /* line 789, ../sass/_normalize.scss */ .columns-flex { display: block; }}p.large, span.large {font-size:1.2em; line-height:1.5em;}p.small, span.small {font-size:0.9em; line-height:1.4em;}.gray-box.border-box { background: transparent; border: 2px solid #EBEBEC;}/* line 1030, ../sass/_normalize.scss */.padded-table { width: 100%; margin: 0 auto 1.5em !important;}/* line 1034, ../sass/_normalize.scss */.padded-table th, .padded-table td { padding: 0.25em 0.75em;}/* line 1035, ../sass/_normalize.scss */.padded-table th { background: #717073; color: #FFF;}/* line 1040, ../sass/_normalize.scss */.padded-table tr:nth-child(2n) { background: rgba(65, 64, 66, 0.05);}/* line 1044, ../sass/_normalize.scss */.border-table { border: 1px solid #EBEBEC;}.link-card--content .field-name-field-p-long-text { padding: 0 30px 20px;}.link-card--content .field-name-field-p-long-text .field-item > p:last-child { margin-bottom: 0;}/* line 7663, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.p2s-list .view-content { overflow: hidden;}/* line 7667, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.p2s-list .pts-image { display: block; position: relative;}/* line 7672, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.p2s-list .best-value { position: absolute; top: 0; right: 5px; width: 90px; height: 90px; margin: 0 auto; background: url(/sites/all/themes/custom/bahamas2016/images/best-value-badge.png?2019) no-repeat top center; background-size: 69px;}/* line 7681, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.p2s-list .best-value span { display: none;}/* line 7684, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.p2s-list .pts-title { margin-top: 0.25em; margin-bottom: 0; font-size: 1.25em; line-height: 1.3em;}/* line 7691, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.p2s-list .pts-island { display: block; font-size: 1.1em; line-height: 1.1em; margin-bottom: 0.5em;}/* line 7698, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.p2s-list .pts-buttons { font-size: 0.75em;}.page-node-done .region-title-image + #page-title { display: none;}/* line 12121, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.button-alt-color,a.button-alt-color { background: #013252; border-color: #0096BB; text-shadow: 1px 1px 2px #001320;}/* line 12127, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.button-alt-color:hover,a.button-alt-color:hover { background: #4DADCA; border-color: #88c8dc; text-shadow: 1px 1px 2px #297288;}/* line 12133, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.button-alt-color:active, .button-alt-color:focus,a.button-alt-color:active,a.button-alt-color:focus { background: #3aa4c3; border-color: #74bfd6;}/* line 12139, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.button-yellow,a.button-yellow { background: #F7C83D; border-color: #f9d66e; text-shadow: 1px 1px 2px #dea809;}/* line 12145, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.button-yellow:hover,a.button-yellow:hover { background: #FADA80; text-shadow: 1px 1px 2px #f8cc4f; border-color: #f9d66e;}/* line 12151, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.button-yellow:active, .button-yellow:focus,a.button-yellow:active,a.button-yellow:focus { background: #f9d46c; border-color: #fbe094;}.col-rows .field-name-field-columns > .field-items { display: block; margin: 0;}.col-rows .field-name-field-columns > .field-items > .field-item { width: 100% !important; display: block; margin-bottom: 1.5em; max-width: 100%; padding: 0;}.col-rows .field-name-field-columns > .field-items > .field-item:last-child { margin-bottom: 0;}.yellow-box { background: #F7C83D; color: #013252; padding: 20px; overflow: hidden; text-shadow: 1px 1px 1px #FADA80;}/* line 10501, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.yellow-box h3 { color: #013252;}/* line 10503, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.yellow-box a,.yellow-box a:link,.yellow-box a:visited { color: #013252;}/* line 10509, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.yellow-box a:hover { color: #0096BB;}/* line 10513, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.yellow-box > *:last-child { margin-bottom: 0;}.yellow-box hr { border-color: #FFF; background-color: #FFF;}.gray-box hr { border-color: #0096BB; background-color: #0096BB;}.yellow { color: #F7C83D;}.covid-status span { position: absolute; bottom: 0; background: rgba(0,40,65,0.8); width: 100%; padding: 3px 5px; text-transform: uppercase; letter-spacing: .01em; font-size: 13px; color: #fff; box-sizing: border-box; text-shadow: none;}.covid-status.certified::before { content: ''; width: 100px; height: 100px; position: absolute; top: 0; left: 0; background: url(/sites/default/files/covid_compliant_clean_and_pristine_certified.png) no-repeat center center; background-size: 100%;}.views-field-field-featured-image .covid-status span { display: none;}.views-field-field-featured-image .covid-status { max-width: 1180px; position: absolute; top: 0; left: 50%; width: 100%; transform: translateX(-50%);}.views-field-field-featured-image .covid-status.certified::before { width: 180px; height: 180px; left: 10px;}#views-exposed-form-places-to-stay-certified .views-exposed-form { text-align: center;}#views-exposed-form-places-to-stay-certified .views-exposed-form .views-exposed-widgets { display: inline-block;}#views-exposed-form-places-to-stay-certified .views-exposed-form .views-exposed-widgets label { display: none;}#views-exposed-form-places-to-stay-certified .views-exposed-form .views-exposed-widgets .form-submit { margin: 0; padding: 8px 12px;}.flight-table { width: 100%; margin: 0 auto 1.5em; border: 1px solid #EBEBEC; clear: both;}/* line 9171, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.flight-table th { color: #FFF; background: #013252; font-weight: 500;}/* line 9177, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.flight-table td,.flight-table th { text-align: left; padding: 3px 6px;}/* line 8936, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block .block-title { text-align: center;}/* line 8940, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block .view-filters { text-align: center;}/* line 8943, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block .view-filters > form { display: inline-block;}/* line 8948, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block .views-exposed-form .views-exposed-widget .form-submit { margin-top: 0;}/* line 8952, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block #edit-field-vendor-island-tid-wrapper,#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block #edit-tid-wrapper { text-align: left;}/* line 8956, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block #edit-field-vendor-island-tid-wrapper label,#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block #edit-tid-wrapper label { display: none;}/* line 8960, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block #edit-field-vendor-island-tid-wrapper select,#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block #edit-tid-wrapper select { padding: 8px 4px;}/* line 3835, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.three-image-grid { overflow: hidden; max-width: 1600px; margin: 0 auto;}@media (min-width: 640px) { /* line 3835, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ .three-image-grid { display: flex; }}/* line 3844, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.three-image-grid .grid-item { position: relative; overflow: hidden; padding-bottom: 60%;}@media (min-width: 640px) { /* line 3844, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ .three-image-grid .grid-item { padding: 0; }}/* line 3853, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.three-image-grid .grid-item h3 { transition: all .25s; position: absolute; margin: 0; background: #0096BB; background: rgba(0, 150, 187, 0.875); z-index: 2; top: 0; left: 0; display: flex; text-align: center; align-items: center; text-transform: uppercase; color: white; font-size: .6875em; line-height: 1.2em; width: 90px; height: 76px; max-width: 100%; max-height: 100%;}@media (min-width: 640px) { /* line 3853, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ .three-image-grid .grid-item h3 { width: 100px; height: 76px; }}@media (min-width: 980px) { /* line 3853, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ .three-image-grid .grid-item h3 { width: 150px; height: 118px; }}/* line 3884, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.three-image-grid .grid-item h3 .sr-only { transition: all .75s; transition-delay: 1s; opacity: 0;}/* line 3890, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.three-image-grid .grid-item h3 a { display: block; height: 100%; width: 100%; color: white; display: flex; flex-direction: column; justify-content: center; vertical-align: middle;}/* line 3900, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.three-image-grid .grid-item h3 a img, .three-image-grid .grid-item h3 a svg { display: block; margin: 0 auto 1em; width: auto !important; height: 36px !important; fill: white !important;}@media (min-width: 640px) { /* line 3900, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ .three-image-grid .grid-item h3 a img, .three-image-grid .grid-item h3 a svg { height: 40px !important; }}@media (min-width: 980px) { /* line 3900, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ .three-image-grid .grid-item h3 a img, .three-image-grid .grid-item h3 a svg { height: 70px !important; }}/* line 3918, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.three-image-grid .grid-item:hover h3 { background: #0096BB; background: rgba(0, 150, 187, 0.5); transition: all 1s; width: 640px; height: 640px; max-width: 100%; max-height: 100%;}/* line 3927, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.three-image-grid .grid-item:hover h3 .sr-only { transition: all .75s; transition-delay: .25s; opacity: 1; position: relative; width: auto; height: auto; padding: 0; margin: 0; clip: unset;}/* line 3941, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.three-image-grid .grid-image-link { display: block;}/* line 3944, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.three-image-grid .grid-image-link img { display: block; width: 100%; top: 50%; position: absolute; max-width: none !important; transform: translateY(-50%);}@media (min-width: 640px) { /* line 3944, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ .three-image-grid .grid-image-link img { position: relative; top: 0; width: 100%; max-width: 100% !important; transform: translateY(0); }}/* line 4298, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.background-img-section { position: relative; max-width: 1600px; margin: 40px auto 0; overflow: hidden;}/* line 4304, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.background-img-section img { display: block; width: auto !important; height: 340px !important; max-width: none !important; float: right;}@media (min-width: 840px) { /* line 4304, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ .background-img-section img { float: none; margin: 0 auto 40px; width: 100% !important; height: auto !important; }}/* line 4319, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.background-img-section .container { clear: both; position: relative; top: -40px; z-index: 2;}@media (min-width: 480px) { /* line 4319, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ .background-img-section .container { padding: 0 40px; }}@media (min-width: 840px) { /* line 4319, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ .background-img-section .container { position: absolute; top: 50%; left: 50%; transform: translate(-50%, -50%); padding: 0 20px; }}/* line 4338, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.background-img-section .volunteer-box,.background-img-section .content-box { background: white; padding: 40px 20px 0; text-align: center;}/* line 4344, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.background-img-section .volunteer-box h2,.background-img-section .content-box h2 { font-size: 1.5em; margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 1.5em;}@media (min-width: 840px) { /* line 4344, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ .background-img-section .volunteer-box h2, .background-img-section .content-box h2 { font-size: 1.75em; margin-bottom: .5em; }}/* line 4355, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.background-img-section .volunteer-box p:last-child,.background-img-section .content-box p:last-child { margin-bottom: 0;}@media (min-width: 480px) { /* line 4338, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ .background-img-section .volunteer-box, .background-img-section .content-box { padding: 40px 4s0px 0; }}@media (min-width: 840px) { /* line 4338, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ .background-img-section .volunteer-box, .background-img-section .content-box { background: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.85); padding: 80px; width: 620px; text-align: left; box-sizing: border-box; }}@media (min-width: 1200px) { /* line 4338, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ .background-img-section .volunteer-box, .background-img-section .content-box { width: 500px; }}@media (max-width: 480px) { /* line 4338, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ .background-img-section .volunteer-box, .background-img-section .content-box { padding: 40px; }}/* line 5226, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ul.check-list { list-style-type: none; padding: 0;}/* line 5235, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ul.check-list a { text-decoration: none;}/* line 5240, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ul.check-list li { margin-bottom: 0.25em; line-height: 1.3em;}/* line 5245, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */ul.check-list li:before { font-family: "FontAwesome", Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; content: ""; color: #0096BB; padding-right: 5px;}.field-name-field-columns.field-type-paragraphs { overflow: hidden;}#section-1448 { margin: 40px auto;}]]]]>]]>

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The Official Website Of The Islands Of The Bahamas

Deals & Packages | The Official Site of The Bahamas

.content { overflow: hidden;}.webform-two-column .node > .content > .webform-content { float: left; width: 60%; margin-bottom: 1em;}@media (max-width: 980px) { .webform-two-column .node > .content > .webform-content { float: none; width: 100%; }}.webform-two-column .node > .content > .webform-client-form { float: right; width: 36%; box-sizing: border-box; padding: 20px; background: #EBEBEC;}@media (max-width: 980px) { .webform-two-column .node > .content > .webform-client-form { float: none; width: 100%; }}.field-name-body + .paragraphs-items-field-persons { padding-top: .5em;}.webform-content .paragraphs-items-field-persons { padding-bottom: 1em;}.field-name-field-persons > .field-items { display: flex; flex-wrap: wrap;}.field-name-field-persons > .field-items > .field-item { flex: 1 1 450px;}.paragraphs-item-person { margin: 1em auto;}.paragraphs-item-person > .content { display: flex; justify-content: flex-start;}.paragraphs-item-person > .content .field-name-field-headshot { flex: 0 1 150px; min-width: 150px;}.paragraphs-item-person > .content .field-name-field-headshot img { display: block; margin: 0 auto; width: 200px; border-radius: 50% 0;}.paragraphs-item-person > .content .group-person-details { display: flex; flex-direction: column; justify-content: center; padding: 0 20px; color: #00466A;}.paragraphs-item-person > .content .field-name-field-p-heading { font-family: "Silk Medium", Didot, "Didot LT STD", Hoefler Text, Garamond, Times New Roman, serif; text-transform: uppercase; font-size: 2.25em; line-height: 1.2em; margin-bottom: .2em; letter-spacing: .035em;}.paragraphs-item-person > .content .field-name-field-position { font-weight: 500;}.blue-dark { color: #00466A;}.form-item.form-type-checkbox.form-item-consent { font-size: .875em;}/* Island Hopping. *//* line 9127, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.flight-title,.flight-wrapper { max-width: 960px; margin-left: auto; margin-right: auto;}/* line 9134, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.show-hidden.flight-title,.show-hidden.show-bar { color: #0096BB !important; background-color: #EDF2F8; border-bottom: 2px solid; padding: .5em; font-weight: 500; text-shadow: 1px 1px 1px white;}/* line 9143, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.show-hidden.flight-title div,.show-hidden.show-bar div { display: inline-block;}/* line 9147, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.show-hidden.flight-title::before,.show-hidden.show-bar::before { content: ""; font-family: "FontAwesome", Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif; padding-right: .5em;}/* line 9153, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.show-hidden.flight-title::after,.show-hidden.show-bar::after { content: ""; top: 1px; font-weight: 100; font-size: 1.25em; line-height: 1em; transform: rotate(0deg); transition: transform .25s; float: right;}/* line 9164, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.show-hidden.flight-title.hide,.show-hidden.show-bar.hide { background-color: #E67588; color: #FFF !important; text-shadow: -1px -1px 1px #e0526a; border-color: #e0526a;}/* line 9170, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.show-hidden.flight-title.hide::after,.show-hidden.show-bar.hide::after { content: ""; transform: rotate(90deg); transition: transform .5s; top: 1px;}/* line 9178, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.show-hidden.flight-title:hover,.show-hidden.show-bar:hover { background-color: #FADA80; border-color: #F7C83D; color: #FFF !important; text-shadow: -1px -1px 1px #F7C83D;}/* line 9187, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.flight-wrapper > h3 { font-weight: 500; text-transform: uppercase; letter-spacing: .0475em;}/* line 9194, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.flight-table { width: 100%; margin: 0 auto 1.5em; border: 1px solid #EBEBEC; clear: both;}/* line 9200, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.flight-table th { color: #FFF; background: #013252; font-weight: 500;}/* line 9206, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.flight-table td,.flight-table th { text-align: left; padding: 3px 6px;}/* line 9213, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.site-link { float: right; text-transform: uppercase; font-size: .875em; letter-spacing: .02em; margin: 0 0 0 .5em;}.field-name-field-hidden > .field-items > .field-item { padding-bottom: 1.5em; overflow: hidden;}#block-views-header-image-header-image-small {max-width: 1140px;}#block-views-blog-block-15 .views-row { margin-bottom: 1em; padding-bottom: 1em; border-bottom: 1px solid #EBEBEC;}#block-views-blog-block-15 .views-row-last { border-bottom: 0; padding-bottom: 0;}.blog-image-small img { display: block; width: auto; margin: 0 auto; max-width: 100%;}.paragraphs-items .entity > h2 + .paragraphs-items .entity-paragraphs-item > h2, .paragraphs-items .entity > div > h2 + .paragraphs-items .entity-paragraphs-item > h2 { color: #959496;}.paragraphs-items .entity.bg-dark > h2 + .paragraphs-items .entity-paragraphs-item > h2, .paragraphs-items .entity.bg-dark > div > h2 + .paragraphs-items .entity-paragraphs-item > h2 { color: #F7C83D;}@media (min-width: 1040px) { h2.pattern-overlay.large { font-size: 3.5em; line-height: 1.1em; }}.tab-nav {margin-bottom: 30px;}/* line 724, ../sass/_normalize.scss */.columns-flex { display: flex; justify-content: space-between;}/* line 727, ../sass/_normalize.scss */.columns-flex.align-center { align-items: center;}@media (max-width: 768px) { /* line 784, ../sass/_normalize.scss */ .columns-3.columns-flex { display: block; }}@media (max-width: 640px) { /* line 789, ../sass/_normalize.scss */ .columns-flex { display: block; }}p.large, span.large {font-size:1.2em; line-height:1.5em;}p.small, span.small {font-size:0.9em; line-height:1.4em;}.gray-box.border-box { background: transparent; border: 2px solid #EBEBEC;}/* line 1030, ../sass/_normalize.scss */.padded-table { width: 100%; margin: 0 auto 1.5em !important;}/* line 1034, ../sass/_normalize.scss */.padded-table th, .padded-table td { padding: 0.25em 0.75em;}/* line 1035, ../sass/_normalize.scss */.padded-table th { background: #717073; color: #FFF;}/* line 1040, ../sass/_normalize.scss */.padded-table tr:nth-child(2n) { background: rgba(65, 64, 66, 0.05);}/* line 1044, ../sass/_normalize.scss */.border-table { border: 1px solid #EBEBEC;}.link-card--content .field-name-field-p-long-text { padding: 0 30px 20px;}.link-card--content .field-name-field-p-long-text .field-item > p:last-child { margin-bottom: 0;}/* line 7663, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.p2s-list .view-content { overflow: hidden;}/* line 7667, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.p2s-list .pts-image { display: block; position: relative;}/* line 7672, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.p2s-list .best-value { position: absolute; top: 0; right: 5px; width: 90px; height: 90px; margin: 0 auto; background: url(/sites/all/themes/custom/bahamas2016/images/best-value-badge.png?2019) no-repeat top center; background-size: 69px;}/* line 7681, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.p2s-list .best-value span { display: none;}/* line 7684, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.p2s-list .pts-title { margin-top: 0.25em; margin-bottom: 0; font-size: 1.25em; line-height: 1.3em;}/* line 7691, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.p2s-list .pts-island { display: block; font-size: 1.1em; line-height: 1.1em; margin-bottom: 0.5em;}/* line 7698, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.p2s-list .pts-buttons { font-size: 0.75em;}.page-node-done .region-title-image + #page-title { display: none;}/* line 12121, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.button-alt-color,a.button-alt-color { background: #013252; border-color: #0096BB; text-shadow: 1px 1px 2px #001320;}/* line 12127, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.button-alt-color:hover,a.button-alt-color:hover { background: #4DADCA; border-color: #88c8dc; text-shadow: 1px 1px 2px #297288;}/* line 12133, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.button-alt-color:active, .button-alt-color:focus,a.button-alt-color:active,a.button-alt-color:focus { background: #3aa4c3; border-color: #74bfd6;}/* line 12139, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.button-yellow,a.button-yellow { background: #F7C83D; border-color: #f9d66e; text-shadow: 1px 1px 2px #dea809;}/* line 12145, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.button-yellow:hover,a.button-yellow:hover { background: #FADA80; text-shadow: 1px 1px 2px #f8cc4f; border-color: #f9d66e;}/* line 12151, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.button-yellow:active, .button-yellow:focus,a.button-yellow:active,a.button-yellow:focus { background: #f9d46c; border-color: #fbe094;}.col-rows .field-name-field-columns > .field-items { display: block; margin: 0;}.col-rows .field-name-field-columns > .field-items > .field-item { width: 100% !important; display: block; margin-bottom: 1.5em; max-width: 100%; padding: 0;}.col-rows .field-name-field-columns > .field-items > .field-item:last-child { margin-bottom: 0;}.yellow-box { background: #F7C83D; color: #013252; padding: 20px; overflow: hidden; text-shadow: 1px 1px 1px #FADA80;}/* line 10501, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.yellow-box h3 { color: #013252;}/* line 10503, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.yellow-box a,.yellow-box a:link,.yellow-box a:visited { color: #013252;}/* line 10509, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.yellow-box a:hover { color: #0096BB;}/* line 10513, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.yellow-box > *:last-child { margin-bottom: 0;}.yellow-box hr { border-color: #FFF; background-color: #FFF;}.gray-box hr { border-color: #0096BB; background-color: #0096BB;}.yellow { color: #F7C83D;}.covid-status span { position: absolute; bottom: 0; background: rgba(0,40,65,0.8); width: 100%; padding: 3px 5px; text-transform: uppercase; letter-spacing: .01em; font-size: 13px; color: #fff; box-sizing: border-box; text-shadow: none;}.covid-status.certified::before { content: ''; width: 100px; height: 100px; position: absolute; top: 0; left: 0; background: url(/sites/default/files/covid_compliant_clean_and_pristine_certified.png) no-repeat center center; background-size: 100%;}.views-field-field-featured-image .covid-status span { display: none;}.views-field-field-featured-image .covid-status { max-width: 1180px; position: absolute; top: 0; left: 50%; width: 100%; transform: translateX(-50%);}.views-field-field-featured-image .covid-status.certified::before { width: 180px; height: 180px; left: 10px;}#views-exposed-form-places-to-stay-certified .views-exposed-form { text-align: center;}#views-exposed-form-places-to-stay-certified .views-exposed-form .views-exposed-widgets { display: inline-block;}#views-exposed-form-places-to-stay-certified .views-exposed-form .views-exposed-widgets label { display: none;}#views-exposed-form-places-to-stay-certified .views-exposed-form .views-exposed-widgets .form-submit { margin: 0; padding: 8px 12px;}.flight-table { width: 100%; margin: 0 auto 1.5em; border: 1px solid #EBEBEC; clear: both;}/* line 9171, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.flight-table th { color: #FFF; background: #013252; font-weight: 500;}/* line 9177, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.flight-table td,.flight-table th { text-align: left; padding: 3px 6px;}/* line 8936, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block .block-title { text-align: center;}/* line 8940, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block .view-filters { text-align: center;}/* line 8943, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block .view-filters > form { display: inline-block;}/* line 8948, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block .views-exposed-form .views-exposed-widget .form-submit { margin-top: 0;}/* line 8952, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block #edit-field-vendor-island-tid-wrapper,#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block #edit-tid-wrapper { text-align: left;}/* line 8956, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block #edit-field-vendor-island-tid-wrapper label,#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block #edit-tid-wrapper label { display: none;}/* line 8960, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block #edit-field-vendor-island-tid-wrapper select,#block-views-getting-here-and-around-block #edit-tid-wrapper select { padding: 8px 4px;}/* line 3835, ../sass/components/_misc.scss */.three-image-grid { overflow: hidden; 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Deals & Packages | The Official Site of The Bahamas

Bahamas to Ban International Travel Amid COVID Concerns – Voice of America

Officials in the Bahamas say that starting Wednesday, it will ban travelers from the United States due to the coronavirus pandemic.

Officials say the large increase in COVID-19 cases throughout the United States and other countries is the reason for the ban; however, some international travel will be permitted, although it will be confined to Canada, Britain, and the European Union. COVID-19 is the disease caused by the coronavirus.

The ban marks a sudden shift from the Bahamas decision three weeks ago to reopen to virtually all international tourism.

Those still permitted to travel to the Bahamas under the new requirements must test negative for COVID-19 from an accredited lab 10 or fewer days before traveling, or otherwise quarantine themselves for 14 days.

Regrettably, the situation here at home has already deteriorated since we began the reopening of our domestic economy, Prime Minister Hubert Minnis said Sunday. It has deteriorated at an exponential rate since we reopened our international borders.

The prime minister also said, Our current situation demands decisive action if we are to avoid being overrun and defeated by this virus. He said these strong actions were being taken to save lives.

Bahamas airline, Bahamasair, is halting all flights to and from the United States.

The new travel bans are an attempt to halt the increase of the virus in the Bahamas. According to the Johns Hopkins Universitys COVID-19 dashboard, the Bahamas has 153 confirmed cases with 11 deaths.

We cannot risk the death of Bahamians and residents. We must be resolved in our collective willingness to save lives, said Minnis.

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Bahamas to Ban International Travel Amid COVID Concerns - Voice of America

Most US tourists banned from the Bahamas in effort to contain coronavirus spread – CNN

(CNN) The Bahamian government is banning travelers from the US and other countries where coronavirus cases are surging in an effort to prevent further spread of the virus in the Caribbean nation.

All international commercial flights are banned from entering the Bahamas, effective Wednesday, July 22. The only exemptions are visitors from the United Kingdom, European Union and Canada who have tested negative, Prime Minister Hubert Minnis said in a nationally televised address Sunday.

"Our current situation demands decisive action if we are to avoid being overrun and being defeated by this virus," Minnis said in his address, noting that the Bahamas has confirmed 15 new cases for a total of 153 cases. 49 of the cases had been identified since the Bahamas reopened its borders on July 1.

Sea vessels carrying commercial passengers will also not be permitted to enter. However, private international flights, charters and yachts from all countries will be allowed.

National airline Bahamasair will end flights to the US immediately and a number of beaches and parks have been closed until further notice, according to Minnis.

"The better we are at this, the more our economy could open up and people could make a living," he said.

See the original post here:

Most US tourists banned from the Bahamas in effort to contain coronavirus spread - CNN

The Bahamas Is Welcoming Visitors: What Travellers Need To Know Before They Go – PRNewswire

Variety of Options for All Travellers Across Islands Of The Bahamas; Visitors Must Present Negative COVID-19 Test and Complete an Electronic Health VisaForm to Be Granted Entry

NASSAU, Bahamas, July 17, 2020 /PRNewswire/ --The Bahamas is pleased to be welcoming international travellers back to the beautiful island nation. Just a short flight or boat ride from the U.S., The Islands Of The Bahamas are perfectly situated to spoil travellers with an unforgettable tropical escape that's close to home. With 16 islands to choose from, there is something to appeal to all interests, no matter how social or distant travellers prefer to be.Visitors will find secluded stretches of beaches and turquoise waters, accommodations to satisfy every type of family, and outdoor adventures like boating, fishing and diving.

The health and wellbeing of both residents and visitors remains the number one priority, and even greater emphasis is being put on ensuring The Bahamas is a safe and clean destination for all to enjoy. When planning a visit, here are a few things travellers need to know before they go:

It is recommended that all travellers review requirements and Frequently Asked Questionsat Bahamas.com/travelupdatesbefore booking to determine what steps need to be taken to be granted entry. For all questions regarding the Health Visa application process, or to check on status of your application, contact [emailprotected].

PRESS INQUIRIES

Anita Johnson-PattyBahamas Ministry of Tourism & Aviation[emailprotected]

Weber ShandwickPublic Relations[emailprotected]

SOURCE Bahamas Ministry of Tourism & Aviation

Originally posted here:

The Bahamas Is Welcoming Visitors: What Travellers Need To Know Before They Go - PRNewswire

The night a giant stopped at Reds Night Club – The-review

In the grainy black and white photo it appears I am 8-years-old, standing in the aisle between the barstools and booths in Reds Night Club, my parents business in Malvern, wearing penny loafers, jeans cuffed at my ankles, and a white T-shirt. Im smiling nervously. Over my chest is a hand the size of a catchers mitt, my cheek cradled just above the thumb, the long fingers descending past the middle of my T-shirt.

A couple hours earlier, I had been upstairs in our apartment above the bar, settling in to watch the late movie. A knock came to the door. I opened it to Butchie Clark, one of the pin boys in Daddys bowling alley.

"Theres a giant in the bar! Come quick," stated Clark as he wheeled around and tore down the darkened stairway. I slipped on my loafers and went after him.

Friday nights were usually good business, but this was different. Daddy Red, as he was known, hustled behind the bar, pulling drafts, retrieving bottled beverages, making Coney Islands. Every barstool was taken. Customers crowded the aisle. Butchie stood on his tiptoes, poking his head into the cigarette smoke floating above the customers heads.

I couldnt see what the hubbub was about, so I swung behind the bar where Daddy worked. Now I could see seated customers, torso up. Down the line I looked until my eyes lighted on a long, weathered face.

Joe Keister, my dads best friend, got my attention. "Thats Paul Bunyan, Tommy."

I knew Paul Bunyan from the Disney cartoon. The man sitting at the bar was no axe man. But then I heard a long, frightening bellow that could have been made by Paul Bunyans blue ox, Babe. Men stepped back in the aisle. The man with the weathered face hunched over the bar, scrunching his eyes, both big hands balled into fists. He grimaced and bellowed again. Men moved farther back. A woman, a petite bleached blonde sitting beside him, vigorously rubbed the mans back.

He shuddered and unballed his fists. He breathed out in relief. Everyone in the bar seemed relieved too. Paul raised his massive head, opened his eyes. There was a far-away weariness in them.

He placed his hands on the edge of the bar and pushed back. He was so big he couldnt sit on a barstool. There was no room for his legs. So he bent one knee on the barstool and stretched the other leg into the aisle. And now he was rising, lifting that knee off the stool, backing away, standing, straightening his back, his head nearly brushing the ceiling. He swiveled and walked to the restroom, a little limp in his step. Customers in the crowded aisle parted before him. He hunched his shoulders and ducked his head, disappearing into the restroom.

Paul Bunyan was a professional wrestler. His real name was Max Palmer. He stood 8 feet 2 inches, wore size 21 shoes, weighted 421 pounds. He had wrestled that evening at Cantons Memorial Auditorium. He and his wife were driving from Canton to Pittsburgh, where he was to appear the next afternoon on a wrestling show. Daddys insistent neon sign flickering "Reds Night Club" had induced them to stop.

Paul came out of the restroom and at each step, men thrust out their hands. He took each, not in an actual shake, but a touch, left and right. As the night moved toward 1 a.m., the bar grew ever more crowded as word spread around town.

I dont think Paul bought one drink that night. Butchie later told me he drank a case of beer, surely an exaggeration. But he did drink plenty and when he was ready for another, he called to my dad in his bass drum voice, "Barkeep." Before Daddy could even uncap the bottle, someone dropped money on the bar.

Aside from the occasional bellow that customers were getting used to, Paul sometimes leaned forward, his long, black hair falling over his face to his chin. Then he tossed back his head, the hair moving like a wave. He held it in place with one hand and dragged a comb through it with the other.

Mr. and Mrs. Palmer stayed at Reds until closing time at 2:30 p.m. At one point someone from another business came in, sidling up to Paul to tell him that if he and his wife came with him, there would be free chicken dinners and all the drinks theyd like.

The wrestler recognized impropriety when he heard it. He thanked the emissary for the offer, but declined. He was settled, he said.

He looked Daddys way and raised one big hand. "Barkeep," he said.

That night at Reds in 1957 was surely memorable for anyone who stopped in. It has stuck with me over sixty years. Id never seen anyone that tall before, even though I realize now that I was surrounded by men and women of equal stature: Limp Savona, Jimmy McCort, Loreto Facchini, just to name a few. People of integrity, generosity, and good will.

Later, Id recognize those traits in classmates, too, like Danny Wackerly. Look around. Youll see giants in business, religion, politics, and education. Youll see them in the community. There are giants everywhere.

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The night a giant stopped at Reds Night Club - The-review

Hope Mars probe is headed for the red planet after picture-perfect launch – CNET

A history-making launch for the UAE.

The United Arab Emirates has taken a historic first step to interplanetary exploration, with the launch of the Arab world's first mission to Mars. The Hope, or Al Amal, spacecraft departed Earth from Tanegashima, Japan, with an assist from a Mitsubishi rocket booster on Sunday, shortly before 3 p.m PT.

As with all rocket launches, it started with a countdown. But like many aspects of the mission, the countdown was also history-making. The final 10 seconds prior to launch were broadcast in Arabic for the first time. The mission was not without its hiccups earlier in the week, when weather in Japanforced the launch to be delayed twice. And a bigger issue plagued the development of Hope: the shadow of the coronavirus pandemic hovered over the mission.

"The pandemic was not something we had in the program," Fahad Al Mehri, executive director of the space sector at the UAE space agency, said during a live broadcast. "It's not something we could engineer ourselves around."

But the pandemic became but a lingering thought and the skies cleared for launch on Sunday. At 2:58 p.m. PT/1:58 a.m. UAE time Monday, the Mitsubishi rocket booster made its picture-perfect departure from the Tanegashima Space Center.

"Just before the launch, there was pin drop silence," Faraz Javed, a reporter at the Mohammed bin Rashid Space Center, saidduring a live broadcast. "Once the rocket took off there were cheers, there was joy -- I actually even saw people crying."

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The rocket punched through the blue to the upper layers of the atmosphere, and the first stage boosters separated cleanly. At around 3:55 p.m. PT, the Hope probe separated from the Mitsubishi rocket booster to light applause from the launch center in Japan. The separation placed the car-sized probe into a transfer orbit that will now carry it around 500 million kilometers (310 million miles) to the red planet.

Provided the journey is a smooth one, the probe will arrive at Mars in about seven months and, shortly after, begin its first observations.

The spacecraft is destined to take up residence in Mars orbitto "study the dynamics in the Martian atmosphere on a global scale, and on both diurnal and seasonal timescales," according to the UAE Space Agency's Emirates Mars Mission website. The probe is also equipped to take high-resolution photos of the red planet.

While large agencies like NASA, the European Space Agency and Roscosmos tend to hog the limelight, the UAE Space Agency is helping show that there's room for smaller programs to make a mark on space exploration.

Hope is one of several missions aiming to launch within a window of opportunity when Earth and Mars are in optimal positions in relation to each other. NASA hopes to follow suit with its Perseverance rover at the end of July, while China is also set to send off its own orbiter and rover in the Tianwen-1 mission later this month.

If these missions move ahead as scheduled, then it will be a busy February for Mars watchers. Hope has the distinction of being the first of the three to start the epic journey.

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Hope Mars probe is headed for the red planet after picture-perfect launch - CNET

The Timeless Testimony of Alan Bennett’s Talking Heads – Redbrick

A series of dramatic style monologues written by playwright Alan Bennett have been revived via the BBC. Having originally aired in 1988, Bennetts monologues have been translated from paper to a personal viewing experience online.

The more you have to offer as a person, the better you are as an actress. Actings really just giving. I wonder, if I killed Ralph, all those death-dealing breakfasts. These unique yet equally compelling revelations exhibit a curious charm, achieved through their gradual transition from a casual chat, to you, the viewer, becoming their sole confidant in a much darker, more suppressed story.

The individual monologues are captivating; the gaze of the character, and thus their confidence, rests directly with the viewer, as if the viewer is intruding upon their internal monologue. This is especially prevalent within An Ordinary Woman featuring Sarah Lancashire. Audiences have noted this tale of unlawful lust as a particularly uncomfortable watch.

Bennetts 12 monologues, two of which have been recently written for this revival (The Shrine and An Ordinary Woman), have seen the emergence of a new cast. Amongst them are familiar faces, including Killing Eve breakout star Jodie Comer as a struggling actress in Her Big Chance, and Harriet Walter as a financially insecure woman in Soldiering On.

Speaking to the BBC, Bennett said It has been a profound and fascinating experience to work out a way of making them again, this time with a company of phenomenal actors who are the equal of those who first made them; with a group of leading theatre directors, colleagues and friends of long standing; and with a team behind the camera that represents the best of the British TV and film industries.

Given the COVID-19 pandemic, Bennetts monologues were shot following current social distancing guidelines. However, this certainly did not inhibit the intimacy of each story. Jodie Comer, star of Her Big Chance, has spoken of shooting in exceptional circumstances. She relayed how we had never met in person. Our first time in the same room was on the shoot day. In spite of this, Bennetts monologues continue to hold relevance.

A running theme throughout each story is loneliness, from Graham Whittakers (Martin Freeman) repressed identity within A Chip in the Sugar, to Majorys (Rochenda Sandall) isolated home life in The Outside Dog. With two in five UK adults feeling lonelier over lockdown, Bennetts monologues are timeless, exhibiting relevance from 1988 to the present day.

Watching Bennetts monologues is a fascinating opportunity, and this revival has given audiences unfamiliar with Bennetts work the opportunity to immerse themselves within the various monologues and the individual world of 12 characters. Moreover, the translation of the monologues to the screen enables those who are not fond of reading to experience Bennetts monologues in a different style.

Each story is around 30 minutes long, with the gradual revelation of detail keeping the viewer actively engaged. Bennetts ability to explore the dark, uncomfortable and unobserved corners of the individual mind is a unique feat like no other. All 12 episodes, or experiences more appropriately, are available to stream via iPlayer.

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The Timeless Testimony of Alan Bennett's Talking Heads - Redbrick