Trump’s stormtroopers crush liberty on the streets of Portland – Salon

Pay close attention, very close attention, to Portland, Ore., where Donald Trump's tin-horn-dictator moves against demonstrators threaten us all.

Sending armed federal law enforcement dressed in combat fatigues to grab people off the streets is an intentionally provocative strategy. Some of those arrested, and one shot with a rubber bullet that fractured his skull, appear in videos to have been acting lawfully when they were attacked by what amount to Trump's secret police.

The attacks ordered by the wannabe dictator in the Oval Office and overseen by his consigliere, William P. Barr come with unlimited potential to provoke more violence. Widespread use of these tactics, especially as Election Day nears, could even create a pretext for attempting to overthrow our republic and the peaceful transition of power to a new president should Trump lose the popular vote and the Electoral College.

Such actions could provoke a civil war by emboldening the armed anti-Semites, fascists, nativists, racists and haters of liberty for people they dislike. That risk is remote, at least today, but that could change quickly.

Those are strong words, and the worst may not come to pass. But given the threat of Trump's malevolent nature and mental illness pose, it would be foolish not to warn about the potential in his egregious abuse of power in Portland.

UPDATE: Trump on Mondaythreatened to sendfederal law enforcement into cities "run by liberal Democrats" naming Baltimore, Chicago, Detroit, New York, Oakland (which he called "a mess") and Philadelphia.

Tepid reactions

Sadly, the actions of local officials in Portland, its two U.S. senators and other elected officials have been milquetoast. Writing letters and making phone calls asking Trump officials to please stop is like holding a hand up to a tsunami.

While it would itself be provocative, Mayor Ted Wheeler could order Portland police to arrest anyone grabbing people off the street who is not in uniform. Wheeler is also the city's police commissioner.

Trump is a friend to enemies of law and order. Not only has he called neo-Nazis, Confederacy romanticizers and anti-Semites "very fine people," he has pardoned and commuted the sentences of criminals whose felonies he thinks were proper conduct, as withRoger Stoneand former Phoenix-area sheriffJoe Arpaio.

In 2018,Trump pardoned two ranchersinvolved in the seizure of the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge in southeast Oregon, part of a 41-day standoff by people who claim, like Trump, that they are above the law.

High-level lawlessness

And it's not just private citizens who think violence is the answer to policies they dislike. Last summer State Sen.Brian Boquist, aRepublican state senator in Oregon, threatened during a television interview toshoot any policethe state's Democratic governor might send to force GOP legislators to meet at the Capitol. The Republicans had fled the Capitol to avoid a vote on a climate change bill.

In these circumstances, who knows if those grabbing people off Portland streets sometimes covering their heads as if they were battlefield prisoners and tossing them into unmarked rented vehicles are indeed federal cops or just opportunistic and politically motivated kidnappers?

Law enforcement, used legitimately, has a duty to protect demonstrators and reduce the risk of violence. We see this all the time during heated protests, where local police often segregate opponents and confer with protest leaders to minimize risks to the safety of people and property.

So why arrest Trump's insignia-lacking agents? Better to act in the name of safety and let it all be sorted out in court than to endanger the Portland citizenry by creating opportunities for private militias to exploit such situations. Better, too, to get a clear court ruling on whether Trump is abusing his powers or we need new federal laws to prevent such dangerous actions.

Contempt for the Constitution

The Portland abuses should be viewed in the context of Trump's utter disregard for our Constitution. He hasfalsely claimedthat Article II lets him do anything he wants. George Consovoy, one of his lawyers, told a federal judge last October that were Trump to actually shoot someone on Fifth Avenue, theNew York police could not investigate,even if the victim was killed.

At every turn, Trump emphasizes his view that he is above the law, even after all nine Supreme Court justices explicitly told him otherwise. (The two dissenters in the Manhattan grand jury case bothagreed with that principle, just not Chief Justice John Roberts' majority opinion in full.)

Trump said Sunday hemay not accept the election results if he loses.

Chris Wallace of Fox asked, "Can you give a direct answeryou will accept the election?" Trump replied, "I have to see. Look, you I have to see. No, I'm not going to just say yes. I'm not going to say no, and I didn't last time, either."

We've reported in the past about what will happen if Trump refuses to leave the White House. For sure he has thought about how to hang on if voters reject him. Of course, he may try to escape the ignominy of being a loser by playing golf on Inauguration Day or hosting a self-congratulatory party for sycophants at Mar-a-Lago. But should he try to hold on to the Oval Office the moment his successor is sworn in, the Secret Service's duty will shift to the new president. They would frog march a recalcitrant Trump out of the building.

But that assumes we are not in the midst of nationwide violence fomented by Trump'sagents provocateursand that he has not fired senior Secret Service agents who refuse to swear allegiance to himas hetried to get James Comey to dowhen he was FBI director and replaced them with loyalists.

Facts don't matter

Trump appeals to his slowly shrinking base by conflating protesters and anarchists, with little evidence of the latter. But those who only get their news from Fox, Breitbart and the like evidently believe Trump is their savior and those who criticize him are take your pick anarchists, corrupt, communists, fools, idiots or, worst of all, liberals. For many Trumpers, empirical facts don't matter.

On Sunday, Trump told Wallace on Fox, "You know, if you look at what's gone on in Portland, those are anarchists and we've taken a very tough stand. If we didn't take a stand in Portland, you know we've arrested many of these leaders. If we didn't take that stand, right now you would have a problem like you, youthey were going to lose Portland. So, let's see"

Lose Portland? The locals are laughing.

More protests, not fewer

Trump is the principal reason protests in Portland have persisted and grown larger, as the smart newspaperWillamette Week reported Monday morning:

"Trump deployed federal police to Portland to quell six weeks of protests. He has achieved the opposite effect. The crowds gathering outside downtown courthouses on July 18 and 19 were as large as any Portland has seen in the past month. The crowd also appeared significantly older than at any previous demonstration.

"That's in no small part because reports of aggressive tactics by federal officers including shooting a protester in the face with a munition,detaining people in rental vans, and tear-gassing a county commissioner have galvanized residents of this city to confront what they see as a military occupation."

Homeland Security Chief in town

The PortlandOregonian, in a Sunday editorial, mocked a Trump minion for turning annoying protests into an attack on our nation and also called out Trump's self-serving trouble making:

"It's a good thing there was photographic evidence establishing that acting Homeland Security Secretary Chad Wolf actually visited Portland last week. Because based on his florid statement about our city "under siege," a reasonable person would assume the entire city is in flames and no one can go outside safely at night.

"In Wolf's Portland, a mob that 'escalates violence day after day' has been terrorizing the city. He paints a picture of the Wild West or a future dystopia where lawlessness abounds, and local authorities sanction criminality. And in go-for-broke hyperbole, Wolf equates vandalism of the federal courthouse with an attack on America itself.

"Yes, parts of downtown have been trashed. Many public and private buildings have been shuttered to protect them from further damage. But let's call Wolf's visit what it is: A political play by a Trump appointee using Portland as the backdrop. He is seizing the opportunity to create a false narrative of the federal government saving the day.

"In truth, federal intervention has only made things worse."

Disappearing people

This kind of provocative behavior by the Trump administration is not all that far from disappearing people Argentina-style. That Customs and Border Patrol and other federal law enforcement agents are willing toshoot a man for holding up a portable music playershould remind us that bureaucrats, including those who should be in uniform, do as they are told. That's why we sawbabies and small children ripped from their mothers and fathersandput in cages, some of whom have quiteliterally disappeared.

If ever there was a slippery slope argument to be made, it is over Trump's egregious abuse of power in using specialized federal law enforcement or what we at least hope and assume is federal law enforcement to grab protesters off the streets and spirit them away.

Republican collaborators

These actions come as Trump is losing his bullying grip on Republicans. Since he won the Republican nomination four years ago this month only one Republican in Congress has had the fortitude to reject his antics, Justin Amash of Michigan. He quit the GOP. The rest act as collaborators, instead of officials charged with defending our Constitution against all enemies, including Donald Trump.

Even Mitt Romney and the now-former senator Jeff Flake have acted in inconsistent ways as they fear Trump in varying degrees.

After sometime-Trump-supporter John McCain died in 2018, the once vocally anti-Trump Lindsay Graham of South Carolina went all-in for Trump. Graham is a profile in cowardice.

That elected Republican officials and some Democrats so fear Trump they will enable his attack on our Constitution, or at least look the other way, tells us that we are not safe so long as Trump holds office. If he gets away with his dictatorial moves in Portland now, we may all soon discover that our liberties are but a memory.

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Trump's stormtroopers crush liberty on the streets of Portland - Salon

Police: Woman hurt as shots were fired between 2 groups near Liberty Heights Park in West Allis – WITI FOX 6 Milwaukee

WEST ALLIS A woman was hurt in a shots fired incident that spanned from West Allis to West Milwaukee Wednesday evening, July 22.

It began around 3:45 p.m. near 62nd Street and Orchard Street, near Liberty Heights Park in West Allis, where police said numerous shell casings were located. Initially, it wasnt clear if anyone was hurt.

According to police, a preliminary investigation revealed two groups confronted each other and shots were exchanged. One group was located by police in the general vicinity while the other fled in vehicle(s).

Police said its believed one of these vehicles was involved in a shots fired incident in West Milwaukee. FOX6s cameras captured police on scene near 50th Street and National Avenue in West Milwaukee.

As the investigation progressed, police learned of a woman unrelated to the groups involved in the confrontation who was struck by gunfire. She was treated for injuries that were not life-threatening.

Police said a firearm was recovered, and several people were taken into custody with detectives working to identify and locate others.

In the past, the West Allis Police Department has worked with citizens, citizen groups and other City of West Allis departments to make Liberty Heights Park and the surrounding area a safe place for people live and play, West Allis police said in a news release. We will continue to do so and will increase police presence in the area. The reckless, criminal behavior of yesterday is not common to West Allis and will not be tolerated.

Anyone with information was asked to contact West Allis police.

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Police: Woman hurt as shots were fired between 2 groups near Liberty Heights Park in West Allis - WITI FOX 6 Milwaukee

Column: Opening day is finally here and the Cubs already are making a lot of news – Yahoo News

Opening day is finally here, and the Chicago Cubs already have made some big news.

No, its not the signing of outfielder Derek Dietrich to a minor-league deal, though Dietrich did announce on his Instagram page that hell play on the Cubs taxi squad in South Bend, Ind.

The real news was the announcement of the long-awaited carriage agreement between Comcast Xfinity and Marquee Sports Network, which will provide the majority of TV-watching Cubs fans in the Chicago-area with a chance to watch their team play.

Crane Kenney, the business operations president for the Cubs, told WSCR-AM670 the multi-year deal was almost done before the originally-scheduled opener on March 26. The coronarivus outbreak paused the season on March 12.

So it took us a little longer, he said, admitting it was unnerving to watch for Xfinity subscribers and calling negotiations multi-dimensional chess.

Kenney said the Cubs also expanded their reach to Indianapolis and Ft. Wayne, which was important to the organization because of the number of Cubs fans in Indiana, where many former Illinois residents have fled in recent years.

It was a long and winding road for the Cubs, but alls well that ends well. Marquee is now on Ch. 202 in high-def on Comcast and was already broadcasting Friday morning.

Kenney also told The Mully and Haugh Show the Cubs hope to have a limited number of fans inside Wrigley Field by Sept. 1 and believes there is a path to do that with a plan in place to seat fans while still being socially distant.

Currently the league and the city do not allow fans inside stadiums. Concessions would be brought to fans instead of having them wait in line, Kenney said.

Were looking down the road at 2021, and were not sure life will be that different next year, he said. So anything we can do to have a little bit of a glimpse of how well have to operate the stadium next year, this year would give us one year to plan for it.

The Cubs season opener against the Brewers is scheduled for 6:10 p.m., with Kyle Hendricks facing Brandon Woodruff. The rooftops will be open and the ballhawks will be out on Waveland Ave., but otherwise, the usual Wrigleyville scene will be muted. The Cubs will pipe in fake crowd noise to try and create a more normal environment for players and fans watching on TV or listening to the radio.

Story continues

The Cubs added more advertising to the ballpark Thursday to help make up for the revenue losses from the lack of gate receipts, and also set up cardboard signs in center field written by children in support of the players.

There are no cardboard cutouts of fans, as several other teams are doing. Chairman Tom Ricketts told broadcaster Len Kasper on Kaspers podcast he wasnt sure the cutouts would be a fit in the unique settings of Wrigley Field.

As we saw on opening night Thursday in Washington, both teams are likely to make a visual statement on the Black Lives Matter movement, either through taking a knee during the national anthem, displaying support on shoulder patches or both.

Cubs manager David Ross said the team is supportive of the movement, but declined to say what they plan to do.

I think youll see our groups message (Friday), he said. And then we can address that then.

Baseball is behind the NBA and NFL when it comes to speaking out against systemic racism, but baseball operations president Theo Epstein, along with White Sox vice president Ken Williams, have been instrumental in ensuring the game becomes more vocal in its support of the movement.

Epstein said he was proud of the way Cubs players have openly discussed social injustices, noting the unity it has created inside the clubhouse.

I dont want to get ahead of things, but youll see (Friday) how unified they are, how thoughtful theyve been in engaging in this extremely important issue, Epstein said. And I think theyre poised to be part of the solution.

Ross said baseball has a lot of strides to make and theres a lot of listening we all can do to be supportive. Continue to grow as human beings and listen to our hearts and whats right.

As for the last-minute decision by MLB to expand the postseason from 10 to 16 teams, Ross said he had mixed thoughts on the subject.

Im a believer (that) baseball is a game about overcoming adversity, and this is as big of an adversity as you can put yourself in, he said. The team that did the best job (during) the downtime of being prepared and staying ready should be rewarded.

Whether thats the big market team or a team that wasnt even on the radar to make the playoffs if they play well in these two months they deserve to get in and fight for a championship.

Im probably a little bit against expanding it. Lets make it mean something. Lets get after it from day one. I think everyone is into the sprint mentality, and Im into it and every game matters. Lets not water anything down.

Epstein seemingly was more open to the playoff expansion. The existing format was fine, he said, but if they want to expand it before the first pitch of the first game, well certainly be on board.

Either way, opening day is here, and its a good time to count your blessings and enjoy a brief respite from the numbing news of the COVID-19 pandemic.

We all have an awareness of what the country and the world, what were all going through, Epstein said. That concern never goes away, but through all the crises weve faced as a nation and all the tragedies, theres always been a place for baseball as a helping hand of sort to assist people in getting back to normal and helping the country as a whole get back through it.

Its always been about our ability as an industry to pull this off safely, but if we can continue to do that, what a great feeling that will be to provide some much-needed entertainment and joy to people who have been through so much already this year in a number of areas.

2020 the Chicago Tribune

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Column: Opening day is finally here and the Cubs already are making a lot of news - Yahoo News

The Abolition of Work – Wikipedia

"The Abolition of Work" is an essay written by Bob Black in 1985. It was part of Black's first book, an anthology of essays entitled The Abolition of Work and Other Essays published by Loompanics Unlimited.[1] It is an exposition of Black's "type 3 anarchism" a blend of post-Situationist theory and individualist anarchism focusing on a critique of the work ethic.[2] Black draws upon certain ideas of Marshall Sahlins, Richard Borshay Lee, Charles Fourier, William Morris, and Paul Goodman.

Although "The Abolition of Work" has most often been reprinted by anarchist publishers and Black is well known as an anarchist, the essay's argument is not explicitly anarchist. Black argues that the abolition of work is as important as the abolition of the state. The essay, which is based on a 1981 speech at the Gorilla Grotto in San Francisco, is informal and without academic references, but Black mentions some sources such as the utopian socialist Charles Fourier, the unconventional Marxists Paul Lafargue and William Morris, anarchists such as Peter Kropotkin and Paul Goodman, and anthropologists such as Marshall Sahlins and Richard Borshay Lee.

In the essay Black argues for the abolition of the producer- and consumer-based society, where, Black contends, all of life is devoted to the production and consumption of commodities. Attacking Marxist state socialism as much as liberal capitalism, Black argues that the only way for humans to be free is to reclaim their time from jobs and employment, instead turning necessary subsistence tasks into free play done voluntarily an approach referred to as "ludic". The essay argues that "no-one should ever work", because work - defined as compulsory productive activity enforced by economic or political means is the source of most of the misery in the world. Black denounces work for its compulsion, and for the forms it takes as subordination to a boss, as a "job" which turns a potentially enjoyable task into a meaningless chore, for the degradation imposed by systems of work-discipline, and for the large number of work-related deaths and injuries which Black characterizes as homicide.

He views the subordination enacted in workplaces as "a mockery of freedom", and denounces as hypocrites the various theorists who support freedom while supporting work. Subordination in work, Black alleges, makes people stupid and creates fear of freedom. Because of work, people become accustomed to rigidity and regularity, and do not have the time for friendship or meaningful activity. Many workers, he contends, are dissatisfied with work (as evidenced by absenteeism, goldbricking, embezzlement and sabotage), so that what he says should be uncontroversial; however, it is controversial only because people are too close to the work-system to see its flaws.

Play, in contrast, is not necessarily rule-governed, and, more important, it is performed voluntarily, in complete freedom, for the satisfaction of engaging in the activity itself. But since intrinsically satisfying activity is not necessarily unproductive, "productive play" is possible, and, if generalized, might give rise to a gift economy. Black points out that hunter-gatherer societies are typified by play (in the sense of "productive play"), a view he backs up with the work of anthropologist Marshall Sahlins in his essay "The Original Affluent Society," reprinted in his book "Stone Age Economics" (1971). Black has reiterated this interpretation of the ethnographic record, this time with citations and references, in "Primitive Affluence," reprinted in his book "Friendly Fire" (Autonomedia 1994), and in "Nightmares of Reason" (a critique of Murray Bookchin posted at TheAnarchistLibrary.org).

Black responds to the criticism (argued, for instance, by libertarian David Ramsey-Steele) that "work," if not simply effort or energy, is necessary to get important but unpleasant tasks done, by contending that much work now currently done is unnecessary, because it only serves the purposes of social control and economic exploitation. Black has responded that most important tasks can be rendered ludic or "salvaged" by being turned into game-like and craft-like activities, and secondly that the vast majority of work does not need doing at all. The latter tasks are unnecessary because they only serve functions of commerce and social control that exist only to maintain the work-system as a whole. As for what is left, he advocates Charles Fourier's approach of arranging activities so that people will want to do them. He is also sceptical but open-minded about the possibility of eliminating work through labor-saving technologies, which, in his opinion, have so far never reduced work, and often deskilled and debased workers. As he sees it, the political left has, for the most part, failed to acknowledge as revolutionary the critique of work, limiting itself to the critique of wage-labor. The left, he contends, by glorifying the dignity of labor, has endorsed work itself, and also the work ethic.

Black has often criticized leftism, especially Marxism, but he does not consider anarchism, which he espouses, as always advocating an understanding of work which is consistent with his critique of work. Black looks favorably, if critically, on a text such as "The Right to Be Greedy", by the Situationist-influenced collective For Ourselves (he wrote a Preface for the Loompanics Unlimited reprint edition), which attempts to synthesize the post-moral individualism of Max Stirner ("The Ego and Its Own") with what appears to be an egalitarian anarcho-communism. What has been called "zero-work" remains controversial on the left and among anarchists.

"The Abolition of Work" has been reprinted, as the first essay of "Instead of Work," published by LBC Books in 2015. Eight more essays follow, including an otherwise unpublished, lengthy essay, "Afterthoughts on the Abolition of Work." The introduction is by Bruce Sterling.

"The Abolition of Work" was a significant influence on futurist and design critic Bruce Sterling, who at the time was a leading cyberpunk science fiction author and called it "one of the seminal underground documents of the 1980s".[3] The essay's critique of work formed the basis for the antilabour faction in Sterling's 1988 novel Islands in the Net.[3] "The Abolition of Work" has been widely reprinted. It has been translated into French, German, Dutch, Spanish, Portuguese (both continental Portuguese and Luso-Brazilian), Swedish, Russian, Serbo-Croatian, Slovenian, Esperanto, Catalan, Azari (the language of Azerbaijan), and probably other languages.

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The Abolition of Work - Wikipedia

What Is Abolition, And Why Do We Need It? | Vogue

Rather than creating safety, our punishment system is an active source of harm for many. And the systems violence extends far beyond what makes the news. Black, disabled, and sex-working women and trans people are especially vulnerable to police violence and often face sexual assault at the hands of the police. Disabled people are estimated to make up as many as half of those murdered by police. Between 70 and 100 million Americans have a criminal record, and one year in prison takes two years off ones life expectancy. Further, there are more than 10 million arrests per year, and a misdemeanor arrestthe standard encounter between police and civilianscan upend a life, leading to lasting exclusions from employment and other opportunities.

So while some ask how we will be safe without police and prisons, abolitionists point out that most people cannot be safe so long as they exist. For this reason, abolitionists are, at heart, buildersbuilders of community safety, well-being, accountability, and harm prevention. As abolitionist Ruth Wilson Gilmore has said, abolition is about presencethe presence of life-giving systems that allow people to thrive and be well, that prevent harm and better equip communities to address harm when it occurs.

To be clear, building toward a world without prisons is different than believing in a world without harm. As one contributor to the prisoner-run publication In the Belly writes, abolitionists are not promising a world without harm. People hurt each other, and that wont change. But why do we all just accept that the appropriate response to harm is more harm, administered by the state?

Instead, when presented with harm, abolitionists reject the false choice of putting someone in a cage or doing nothing. In fact, abolitionists are actively building various models of preventing and responding to harm, focusing in particular on community accountability processes that, as our #8ToAbolition cocreators recently explained, seek safety for those harmed, changed behaviors for those who caused harm, and a transformation of the conditions that allowed the harm to occur.

Countless groups across the country are doing the work of safety building. In Washington D.C., the Collective Action for Safe Spaces (CASS) trains community members to intervene in gendered public harassment and, through the Rethink Masculinity program, helps men to identify harmful behaviors and build relationships of accountability and care. Likewise, the Bay Area Transformative Justice Collective holds regular labs to help community members build skills around transformative justice and ending child sexual abuse. Across the country, violence interrupters work to halt lethal violence before it happens by resolving conflicts and building healthy relationships between community members. And beyond programming centered on ending violence, groups focusing on mutual aid are doing the work of abolition by meeting community members needs and building local models of self-sufficiency. This is a small sliver of the work being done by abolitionists.

Ultimately, abolitionists do not have all the answersbut we are committed to finding them together. Prison is a one-size-fits-all solution, sending people to cages for violating a criminal law. Abolition requires just the opposite, recognizing the complexity of harm and the indispensability of humanity.

Ultimately, abolition is a verb, a practice. It consists of the actions we take to build safety and to tear down harmful institutions. People do abolition every day when they connect to their community, learn how to take accountability, and foster communal responsibility for preventing and responding to harm.

Abolition is within our reach; its up to us to build it.

Reiana Sultan and Micah Herskind are 2 of the 10 cocreators of the #8ToAbolition campaign.

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What Is Abolition, And Why Do We Need It? | Vogue

We Must Not Exchange One Cage for Another — Let’s Abolish …

As millions of people ponder a future without police and prisons, and as authorities try to dream up ways of derailing the momentum of popular insurrection, Maya Schenwar and Victoria Laws new book, Prison By Any Other Name: The Harmful Consequences of Popular Reforms, provides a guide to staying on the path to transformation. In the book, Schenwar (Truthouts editor-in-chief) and Law (an investigative reporter who has been covering prison issues for Truthout and other outlets for years) balance two critical needs. First, they alert us to reformist policy tricks and rebranding that authorities will use to keep reproducing oppression on a mass scale. Second, they help us shape our imagining of a different society to view abolition not like a monumental goal we have no hope of ever reaching, but something we practice every day. In this interview, Schenwar and Law discuss how they came to write the book, why reform movements can often co-opt the push for abolition, and why working toward abolition is not simply a distant vision but something we must practice every day.

James Kilgore: How did you come to write this book and why do you think it is relevant at this moment?

Victoria Law: We started writing this book in 2015. We could never have predicted this moment of demands to defund the police, increasing calls for abolition and people wanting to know what a world without police (and prisons) might look like. But here we are and our book examines the pitfalls of popularly proposed reforms that come up repeatedly as alternatives to mass incarceration. These alternatives fail to recognize that policing and imprisonment are built on bedrocks of white supremacy, colonialism and patriarchy. They also ignore the underlying causes of why people commit harm (or engage in acts that are criminalized). Instead, these alternatives pose seemingly more humane measures than locking people in physical buildings, called jails, prisons or immigrant detention centers. But theyre still forms of coercive control. One wrong step like going to the store without permission could mean incarceration. We challenge these reforms and highlight how people are creating new ways to address and prevent violence and harm. Like everyone, I have engaged in and been personally impacted by violence and harm. Punitive policies do nothing to prevent or address harm, nor help people heal from harm.

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Maya Schenwar: Yes Vikki and I were both wary of how sinister new forms of confinement and policing and surveillance were gaining traction in the name of reform.

Part of this wariness emerged from witnessing my sister go back and forth between jails, prisons and other forms of confinement for 15 years, mainly due to her addiction to heroin. When she wasnt in jail or prison when she was free she wasnt actually free. She was bound to an electronic monitor, under harsh probation restrictions, or confined in a mandated drug treatment facility she couldnt leave. This took a toll on her. She would always say her main desire was to be entirely free from institutions, but it felt impossible. None of these alternatives did anything to help her move beyond addiction; study after study has shown us that in general, you cannot mandate people into lasting recovery.

Meanwhile, Id been researching incarceration and editing stories about prisons for many years for Truthout. When I started writing about prisons in 2005, few people wanted to read about that issue. By 2015, there was so much energy fueling the prison reform train. And there was a massive and long-overdue national focus on police violence, anti-Blackness and racial injustice, in the midst of the Black Lives Matter movement and related struggles.

Although there was momentum behind shrinking the system among grassroots activists and powerful organizing happening, politicians were putting energy into reforms that would not change the carceral system at all. We saw a need for a book that would address the limits of and the harm caused by many popular reforms that were being accepted as improvements.

What do you mean by your title: Prison By Any Other Name?

Schenwar: Our title shows how the common reforms we describe are often new forms of imprisonment. Electronic monitoring is a good example; its basically a form of house arrest, as you note in your work, James, terming it e-carceration. We also write a lot about the use of psychiatric hospitals and locked-down drug treatment centers as places to put people as alternatives to prison. These reforms are popular, including among many liberals, because they seem kinder and gentler but they still involve keeping people whove been criminalized out of the larger society. They dont challenge the process of deeming people criminal, a label which is overwhelmingly applied to Black and Indigenous people and other people of color, trans people, disabled people, drug users and other marginalized groups.

These things are not the same as prison: Most people would rather be confined and surveilled in their home than behind bars. But the only options should not be a bad cage or a worse cage. We need to imagine a society with no cages at all.

Can you talk about one or two of the most memorable or surprising encounters you had with people you interviewed in researching this work?

Law: One of my early and most memorable interviews was with Elliott Fukui. Starting from the age of 12, Elliott had been placed in involuntary psychiatric confinement 20 times in seven years. He described how psychiatric confinement, which is often seen as something helpful or protective for those who are experiencing suicidal ideation or mental health crises, actually mimic the punitive structures of imprisonment including solitary confinement, physical violence, lack of human contact, and failures to acknowledge the role of systemic racism and oppressions or underlying traumas leading to mental health issues.

By the time I interviewed Elliott, he was in his thirties, had built a strong support system and developed a safety plan among his friends and community to support him when he was verging on crisis. Hes now an organizer who gives trainings about disability justice training which includes both examining the political history behind the ideas of madness and confinement and building a wellness and safety support system so that a person (and their loved ones) can avoid being entangled in a system that might end with involuntarily confinement, under medication or other controls. His experience challenges the idea that people who are most impacted must look to outside experts to determine what is best for them and instead can create their own paths to safety and wellness.

Schenwar: Patricia, a mother of five, wrote me about being confined to an electronic monitor. Shed been charged with burglary for entering the home of a friend, with whom she had an open-door policy, to retrieve her own medicine. When she got in touch, she had been on house arrest with a monitor for two years. Shed expected to be done in six months. Her sentence dragged on and on largely because she could not pay the weekly fees of $115 to be on the monitor. She cut corners. Her family went a winter without heat, their car was repossessed, they stopped going to the doctor, but still fell behind. Meanwhile, the restrictions of house arrest meant she couldnt even take her children to the park. Her case worker told her that her sentence would continue until she caught up on fees. Meanwhile, she was charged for every week that her sentence was extended.

Here she was, trapped in her home due to poverty. In our first conversation she had told me, If I had just done time, I wouldve been done by now. My whole family is on house arrest and my kids cant understand why.

Stories like Patricias made us want to show how these alternatives that are assumed to be better than prison are still harsh, punitive, oppressive, harmful, and that if we support them, were supporting deep harm inflicted upon human beings, families and communities.

Many actors in these new forms of incarceration pose as guardians of social welfare and protectors of the poor. Can you talk a little about who these people are, how they function and why they pose a danger to an agenda of transformation?

Schenwar: So many people are being deputized as police. Teachers are enlisted to call in the police about a whole range of discipline problems, fueling the school-to-prison pipeline. Doctors, nurses, social workers, child care providers and many others are mandated reporters to Child Protective Services. In 18 states, everyone is a mandated reporter, meaning were all being called upon to police our neighbors parenting. Psychiatrists perpetuate institutions of coercive control in the name of mental health. Case workers serve as gatekeepers to social services and ultimately police their clients. Some policing practices involve recruiting community members to serve as the eyes and ears of the police, surveilling their neighbors and calling the police whenever they sense danger a determination often grounded in racism, classism, transphobia and ableism.

People didnt get into these professions to be police, but its what theyve become. Its not just people with badges and guns. What makes it so insidious is the way in which its supposed to be enforced by all of us. Thats why Vikki and I and other abolitionists are calling for an end to policing, not just the official police.

Obviously, you both think deeply about how racial oppression is intertwined both historically and in these processes of reform. Many people are familiar with the disproportionate incarceration of Black people, but have you found new dimensions to racial oppression in these reforms that you write about?

Law: Racism, colonialism and white supremacy show up in all the popularly proposed alternatives. For instance, we examine the child welfare system, which some have dubbed the New Jane Crow because of how it targets Black women and women of color. People often think this is designed to help parents and children. In reality, the system surveils, controls and punishes. Mariame Kaba calls it the child kidnapping system. A parent doesnt have to be accused of abuse or violence to become entangled in the child welfare system; child welfare intervenes because a family is living in poverty and someone calls in a complaint not having heat in their building or letting their children go to the nearby playground while theyre at work. Many of these types of complaints and the systems reaction draw on cultural assumptions about Black women as mothers vestiges from the times of slavery when slave owners justified breaking apart families and selling children by telling themselves that Black women did not love and care for their children. When we were writing this book, a series of events occurred where people called child welfare on Black mothers because their children were left asleep in a car. At the same time, white parents were writing about raising free-range children, where they allowed their 7-year-old children to roam the city, including taking the subway, without any parental or adult supervision. Public reaction to free-range parenting was mixed, but the child welfare system did not become involved. In the cases of Black mothers who could not afford daycare, children were taken away and placed in foster care.

Schenwar: By the time theyre 18, the majority of Black children have experienced a child protective services investigation. As the child welfare system increasingly targeted Black and Indigenous families in the 1960s and 1970s, it became more punitive. And punitive meant tearing children from their families.

Racial oppression is pervasive in the helping institutions we discuss in our book. Many people love the idea of mandating mental health treatment instead of prison, but these treatments are coercive and inherently oppressive if theyre mandated by a court. Black people are three to five times as likely as white people to be handed a schizophrenia diagnosis one of the serious categories is most likely to result in court-mandated treatment. In the 1960s and 70s, some doctors called schizophrenia protest psychosis and insisted on strong sedatives to address it: trying to literally suppress peoples drive to participate in Black liberation movements. In the late 19th century, some Southern towns labeled Black residents insane by census-takers. Throughout history weve seen how these labels increase peoples vulnerability to measures like sterilization and institutionalization.

We cant separate this countrys systems of care from its explicitly punitive institutions, pretending the former are free of racial oppression.

You obviously place a heavy emphasis on gender analysis. In what ways do you think the gender dynamics of reform are different than what happens when mass incarceration is done with steel and concrete cages?

Law: There are both similarities and differences. For instance, when a father goes to prison, he often has a female partner or family member to take care of his children. Women, on the other hand, are more likely to be primary or sole caregivers to their children. Incarceration removes a mother from that role, making it more likely that her children will land in foster care and be legally terminated from her custody. In 1997, Congress passed (and Clinton signed into law) the Adoption and Safe Families ACT (ASFA), which mandates that, if a child has been in foster care for 15 of the past 22 months, the state needs to begin proceedings to terminate parental rights.

Popular alternatives to incarceration, such as mandatory drug treatment or involuntary psychiatric confinement, might have the same effect. If a mother (or other caregiver) has no one to care for her children while she is confined Somewhere Else, she risks having her children placed in the foster care system. In response, in New York State, advocates, including formerly incarcerated women, fought for the ASFA Expanded Discretion Act to allow judges to pause ASFAs timeline for parents in prison and those whose children are in foster care while they are in residential drug treatment.

Can you describe how you became abolitionists and why it is particularly useful today during the mass uprising?

Law: We live in a society [obsessed with] punishment and punitive policies. This hasnt stopped violence and harm from happening. If it did, we should be living in one of the safest eras in human history.

We need to recognize that, everyone in this world (who is older than a baby or toddler) has both engaged in harm and been impacted by harm. Mass incarceration and the popular alternatives to mass incarceration do not address the underlying reasons behind why harm and violence happen. They dont challenge or change structural conditions (such as racism, misogyny or poverty) or individual reasoning and behavior.

Were in a momentous time when increasing numbers of people are recognizing police do not keep us safe and are often purveyors of violence. Locking up people (mostly Black, Brown and other marginalized people) has not kept us safe, either. We need to put more resources into structures that have proven to meet peoples basic needs and to keep us safe. These include affordable housing, access to medical and mental health care, food, living-waged employment (if not a universal basic income).

When we interviewed Ruth Wilson Gilmore, she encouraged us to think about abolition not as an aspirational adventure but as already-accumulated encounters, awarenesses and activities. She pointed out that organizing for workers rights is a step toward abolition; organizing for environmental justice is a step toward abolition; anything that gets us closer toward meeting peoples actual needs and transforming conditions that are likely to produce harm is a step toward abolition. This helps us view abolition not like a monumental goal we have no hope of ever reaching, but something we practice every day.

Schenwar: Getting to abolition was a journey. My first real, deep personal interactions with the system involved a friend who was incarcerated prior to his deportation, my sisters incarceration in juvenile jail and friends who were incarcerated for acts of civil disobedience. In all of these cases, I could tell myself, Ok, we could get rid of juvenile jail and stop incarcerating people for immigration and end the drug war and free political prisoners, but wed still need prisons to address real problems. Of course, incarceration doesnt solve problems, it entrenches and deepens problems, but this is the mindset thats pervasive in our society, that we somehow need prisons.

Several things pushed me fully toward abolition. One was reading and re-reading Angela Davis, Ruth Wilson Gilmore and Beth Richies work, as well as my mentor Kathy Kellys writings from prison. They encourage us to think beyond incarceration. My friend and pen pal, Lacino Hamilton, who remains in prison in Michigan after more than 20 years inside, has also been one of my primary mentors. Lacino has a deep analysis of how the systems groundings in anti-Blackness and capitalism translate to how everyday life unfolds in prison that you cant just take those things away from prison; but must uproot those groundings. And witnessing the brutality of my sisters repeated incarcerations, and how they never addressed any of her issues but made them worse, caused me to question the entire system more deeply.

It is very significant that calls to abolish police and prisons are now infusing mainstream public discourse. This call to uproot the entire system is being emphasized again and again. Even if some people do not immediately agree, the fact they are even hearing abolition is a thing, that policing is a manifestation of white supremacy and capitalism and should be vanquished is significant. It plants a seed.

Police, prisons and the alternative prisons we describe in our book grew out of a foundation of oppression, and they continue to reproduce oppression on a mass scale. Once someone fully comprehends that, its hard to argue that these institutions have any place in the life-affirming and liberatory society we want to live in.

This interview has been lightly edited for clarity.

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We Must Not Exchange One Cage for Another -- Let's Abolish ...

Planting Justices Prison Abolition Work Starts at the …

The same thoughts keep running through his mind. That guy sitting in his cell wondering if hes going to outlive his sentence, all the amends he made or wants to makewill he get to see that through? Will he get to be like me and the numerous other people who are formerly incarcerated and are doing great things in the community right now? I think about them and that my voice has to be in advocacy for them.

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eyond the urgency of the San Quentin COVID outbreak, Lockhearts day-to-day work at Planting Justice is about the longterm project of prison abolition, which means working with people to build healthier communities. The definition of that is manifold. It means helping formerly incarcerated people get on their feet through green jobs at Planting Justice, awakening them to a new sense of purpose by building raised flower beds for clients and tending to plants at the organizations nursery and farm. It means teaching about sustainability and food justice in public school classrooms, juvenile detention centers, jails and prisons. It means helping people who live in food deserts start urban gardens. It means handing out free kale smoothies at Castlemont High School during a time when many are going hungry because of the pandemic-induced recession.

If we go in and teach these people how to grow their own food and how to be sustainablethe Black Panther Party got it right, Lockheart says. With no food and no options, [people are] gonna go get it how they can. And unfortunately, thats crime. And crime equals prison. We wanna abolish the prisons, we wanna abolish all these systems, but we first have to plant the seeds of love, trust and sustainability.

Lockheart and his fellow reentry coordinator Diane Williams sow those seeds by helping their colleagues get acclimated to life outside of prison, sometimes in ways people whove never been incarcerated may take for granted. Planting Justice gives former residents, as formerly incarcerated people are called there, clothing and food stipends; Lockheart and Williams help them navigate bureaucratic tasks such as reinstating a drivers license after a DUI. They offer emotional support too. Meditation circles are as much a part of the workday as pulling weeds and watering strawberries and squashes.

Really its believing in them and whatever they bring to the table thats positive, encourage that, says Williams, who brings 40 years of social work and substance-abuse counseling experience to Planting Justice. So much stuff that happened to us as a little kids, we keep recycling it as adults until we process it and move on. So were just helping each other move on here.

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lanting Justice takes a big-picture view of how access to healthy and environmentally conscious practices can help address some of the wounds of systemic racism and mass incarceration. Another one of the organizations projects zooms out even further, addressing the ways the unjust systems that marginalize Black and Indigenous communities began with colonialism.

The organization collaborated with the Sogorea Te Land Trust to give two acres of land back to people of the Ohlone community of Northern California. The Ohlone people arent a federally recognized tribe, nor do they have a land base. Now, two acres of the Rolling River Nursery are an Ohlone cultural heritage site and a space for ceremony.

Williams, who is part of the Native American community and helped organize the partnership, says that Ohlone ideas of land as sacred inform Planting Justices work. Its a love, she says. You cant tell people, Youve got to love this land because its supporting you. No. Its something you have to develop for people whove been separated from the land.

Understanding the history of colonization is the deeper work, echoes Planting Justice media director Ashley Yates. When you control the land, you control the people, you control the resources. And when were talking about BIPOC communities, you understand theres also a disconnect thats intentional because our spirituality and our communities are vested in the earth. We are an earth-reverent people. So when you disconnect people from that, you disconnect people from their power.

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Portland Activist Calls for ‘Abolition’ of the United States

On Friday, before the fiftieth night of violent antifa riots, a protester who identified herself as an Afro-Indigenous non-binary local organizer declared that she is advocating for the abolition of the United States as we know it. This brief declaration arguably encapsulates the destructive spirit of antifa and the impetus behind the violent riots that have ravaged the streets of Portland.

My name isLilithSinclair, Im an Afro-Indigenous non-binary local organizer here in Portland, organizing for the abolition of not just the militarized police state but also the United States as we know it, Sinclair declares in a brief video that went viral on Twitter. She also called Portland stolen land, proceeding to give Native Americans a land acknowledgment. By the way, she also identifies herself as a sex worker, i.e. a prostitute.

By Afro-Indigenous, Sinclair likely means she has black and Native American ancestors. By non-binary, she insists that she does not fall into the binary understanding of biological sex as male or female. In an interview with thePortland Mercury last month, Sinclair argued that Americans have to deconstruct the colonized thought that white oppressors supposedly foisted upon racial minorities.

Weve been working to heal these intergenerational wounds of colonization and genocide for generations. But theres still a lot of work to undo the harm of colonized thought that has been pushed onto Black and indigenous communities, Sinclair told the newspaper. Thats in regards to Christianity, and in regards to all of these different types of oppressive systems that have introduced and enforced the gender binary on communities that did not ascribe to that way of thinking, including indigenous communities both Native American and across Africa.

She spoke about coming out as non-binary, saying it involved unlearning the harm through colonization that Ive been introduced to, but also about making space for our elders who have been fighting the fight for a long time, to try to teach them to see past the colonization path as well. My gender journey took being surrounded by a lot of other Black trans and nonbinary revolutionaries who really helped me unlearn cultural expectations, and the forced performed femininity thats expected in sex work.

Sinclairs call to abolish the United States as we know it is not just a fluke of one speech she gave in Portland. Last month, she told theMercury, I work on abolitionist principles because I know the United States was founded on genocide. I know that there is clearly no respect for the sanctity of human life. She argued that Americas involvement in foreign countries is not leadershipits imperialism and neocolonialism dressed up in a way to make people forget the genocide.

She concluded by celebrating the Stonewall Riots in 1969, now celebrated in June (designated Pride month) as the beginning of the LGBT movement. I think its apt that we are looking at a global uprising against oppressive structures during the month where we celebrate the anniversary of another uprisinganother movement to not just ask for but to demand our rights, she said.

Sinclair believes that white oppression is so ingrained in the minds and attitudes of supposedly oppressed people that they have to unlearn the colonized thought of Christianity and the gender binary which is rooted in the scientific binary of biological sex. She seems to believe that certain cultural expectations rooted in the genocide upon which America was founded have brainwashed her and she needs to unlearn basic truths like the fact that people are male or female.

This comes from Marxist critical theory, which analyzes the world in terms of power and oppression. The evils perpetrated against both black slaves and Native Americans supposedly sully the entire American project, which must be uprooted in order for people to be truly free.

This is nonsense. While black people and Native Americans struggle with various pathologies, American society has taken great strides to level the playing field and ensure equal opportunities. The system is not perfect, but it is not rooted in preserving slavery and genocide.

Yet Sinclair believes this because so many powerful institutions teach it. Just last month, the SmithsoniansNational Museum of African American History and Culture (NMAAHC) released a horrifying Marxist lesson on whiteness that deconstructed various aspects of American and Western culture, including capitalism, science, the nuclear family, and Christianity, as nefarious relics of white supremacy. The lesson also claims that a work ethic, delayed gratification, being polite, and getting to meetings on time are aspects of the whiteness culture that must be deconstructed and rejected.

To call this throwing the baby out with the bathwater would be an understatement. In fact, nefarious teachings like this actually encourage black people to reject basic standards of hard work, delayed gratification, politeness, and timeliness that are essential for getting ahead in a free-market society or almost any society, for that matter.

This experiment in Marxist critical theory also emerges inThe New York Timess 1619 Project, which claims that Americas true founding came in 1619 with the arrival of the first slaves, rather than in 1776 with the Declaration of Independence. According to this theory, every aspect of American society must be examined and uprooted in the interest of racial justice.

When vandals toppled a statue of George Washington in Portland, they spray-painted 1619 on the statue. When Claremonts Charles Kesler wrote inThe New York Post Call them the 1619 riots, the projects founder, Nikole Hannah-Jones, responded (in a since-deleted tweet) that it would be an honor to claim responsibility for the destructive riots and the defamation of American Founding Fathers like George Washington.

In a November 9, 1995 op-ed, the 1619 Project founder condemned Christopher Columbus as no different from Adolf Hitler and demonized the white race as the true savages and bloodsuckers. She went on to describe white Americas dream as colored Americas nightmare. Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) expressed a similar sentiment when she called for the dismantling of Americas economy and political system, in order to root out supposed racist oppression.

Yet the 1619 riots have arguably oppressed black people far more than the U.S. supposedly does. The riots have destroyedblack lives, black livelihoods, and black monuments. At least 22 Americans have died in the riots, most of them black.Retired police chief David Dorn was killed by looters breaking into his pawnshop in St. Louis. Chris Beaty was shot while helping two women who were being mugged in Indianapolis. Antonio Mays Jr., a 16-year-old boy, was shot and killed outside the Capitol Hill Occupied Protest (CHOP) in Seattle. Secoriea Taylor an 8-year-old girl! was fatally shot as her mother attempted to park a car near a group of protesters close to the Wendys where Rayshard Brooks had been killed by police.

Lilith Sinclair likely has the best of intentions for her advocacy thats what makes it so tragic. Indeed, she told theMercury that she cares a great deal about providing essential goods and services to help her community.

Yet this advocacy for the abolition of the United States, her rejection of colonized thought, and her goal to expunge the genocide of Americas founding are truly dangerous. She has brainwashed herself and she is fighting to destroy a country that has brought an unprecedented degree of freedom and prosperity to its citizens and to the world.

After the rally that Lilith Sinclair addressed, rioters launched fireworks and other incendiary devices near the Portland Police Bureau as others walked the streets with katanas. The next day, antifa rioters set fire to the police union and again attacked the federal courthouse and Justice Center. Portland is a war zone, thanks in large part to this noxious critical theory.

Tyler ONeil is the author ofMaking Hate Pay: The Corruption of the Southern Poverty Law Center. Follow him on Twitter at@Tyler2ONeil.

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Portland Activist Calls for 'Abolition' of the United States

Assembly Recognizies Abolition Commemoration Day and Juneteenth – The Lansing Star Online – Lansing Star

"African American history has too often been overlooked, whitewashed and relegated to the confines of a single month," Heastie said. "I am proud to serve in this incredibly diverse legislative body, and one that continues to work to represent the diversity of our people and our history. I am also proud that today I can tell Association for the Study of African American Life and History New York State Director Bessie Jackson, a constituent of mine who for years has advocated for the recognition of Abolition Day, that her hard work has finally paid off."

Legislation passed today would establish Abolition Commemoration Day, which would be observed on the second Monday in July. This commemorates the Abolition Act, which passed the New York State Legislature on March 31, 1817 and abolished slavery effective July 4, 1827. Abolition Commemoration Day, not only marks the end of slavery in New York, but also honors the bravery and sacrifices of abolitionists (A.10831, Pretlow).

"Slavery was not an institution confined to the south New York had its own long history with its cruelty and horrors. Our state also has a legacy of abolitionists like Frederick Douglass and Harriet Tubman and countless others," Pretlow said. "By recognizing Abolition Commemoration Day, we remember and shed light on both sides of Black and African American history, and New York State's history, including the parts that are too often glossed over."

"Freedom was never given, it was fought for. Today marks the creation of a new holiday Abolition Commemoration Day to recognize the end of slavery in New York State and a start to teaching our full uncompromised history. New York was one of the largest slave-holding states in this country and we are convinced that a civilized state should do no less than spend at least one day a year in atonement for its participation in the horror, fear and trauma that sustained slavery for more than 200 years. We are proud to have led this fight and stand with the entire state legislature to recognize the sacrifices of African Americans and other abolitionists in their fight for freedom," said Bessie M. Jackson, NYS Director of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History.

Also passed was legislation that would recognize Juneteenth as a public holiday in New York State. Juneteenth, June 19th, marks the day Union General Gordon Granger and federal troops arrived in Galveston, Texas, taking control of the state and enforcing the Emancipation Proclamation. Today, Juneteenth commemorates Black and African American freedom and achievements, while encouraging continuous self-development and respect for all cultures (A.10628, Hyndman).

"It is long past time that we commemorate and honor important dates in Black history," Hyndman said. "Juneteenth must be recognized across the country as a public holiday, and I am proud that, working with my colleagues, we are able to mark a piece of Black liberation on the calendar and in our cultural consciousness here in New York State. The hope is that this day is celebrated far and wide."

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Assembly Recognizies Abolition Commemoration Day and Juneteenth - The Lansing Star Online - Lansing Star

How will Brexit impact recruitment? – Lexology

As Brexit resurfaces in the news, we look at how it will impact recruitment practices, from the government's proposed new points-based immigration system for EU and non-EU nationals to attracting and developing talent.

Points-based immigration

As things stand, free movement of people between the UK and the rest of the EU will end on 31 December 2020. Individuals who are resident in the UK on or before then based on EU free movement rules can apply to the EU Settlement Scheme if they wish to continue to lawfully live and work in the UK. Employers would be wise to carry out staff audits to identify who may be impacted.

From 1 January 2021, a new immigration system will apply that will cover both EU and non-EU nationals meaning EU nationals arriving in the UK after this date will need a visa to live and work in the UK. Those who have been granted status under the Settlement Scheme will continue to be governed by the rules of that scheme.

Under the proposed new points-based immigration system for both EU and non-EU nationals, some eligibility criteria will be mandatory but other characteristics would be tradeable so that an applicant could offset certain strengths against certain weaknesses to meet the overall points threshold. As part of these proposals, the controversial resident labour market test would be abolished meaning that mandatory advertising to the resident UK workforce would no longer be legally required.

Sponsorship

The need for a sponsor job offer will add time and as yet unspecified expense to existing recruitment processes. However, there are a number of aspects under the proposed new scheme that would actually make sponsorship of non-EU/EEA/Swiss nationals easier.

The abolition of the resident labour market test would allow for broader and more innovative advertising, rather than the current prescribed locations and format. The minimum skill level of sponsored workers will also drop, as will the general minimum salary threshold, increasing the pool of non-EU workers that can theoretically be sponsored. The government has also proposed to remove the cap on the number of visas that can be issued under the current system.

There is an important exception to the rule, in that a proposed global talent visa category will allow the most highly skilled workers without a job offer primarily with a background in STEM subjects to come to the UK. Other non-sponsorship routes are also being considered.

Competing for UK-based talent

The proposed changes to the immigration system have the potential to make already competitive recruitment processes that much harder for individuals especially for senior posts. Employers may have to rethink the way they attract talent in order to stand out from the crowd.

Given the current economic situation and anticipated downturn, employers would be wise to focus on what they can offer prospective employees other than pure salary especially as salaries could decrease in relative terms. Many employees will gauge employers by the benefits they offer.

Employers who promote work-life balance through flexible working for example are likely to be attractive to job seekers, especially following the change in working patterns for many people as a result of Covid-19. Similarly, being able to evidence a positive culture that makes employees feel valued and supported is likely to have a significant impact on employee retention levels.

Developing existing talent

The new immigration system will arguably make it easier for employers to employ non-UK nationals in more senior or highly skilled roles. As such, employers will likely be more concerned with how they fill perceived staffing gaps for so-called low skilled roles.

The government has urged employers to develop their own UK-based staff and look to the economically inactive to fill the gaps created once their access to low-skilled EU labour is cut off. Employers could consider if their current recruitment processes act as a barrier to talent and look to widen their existing recruitment criteria and target demographics if this is the case. Many employers have already recognised that there are untapped resources out there, for example women who have left work to raise children and who may now be looking to return to a work environment.

Low skilled or entry level roles that do not require particular skills could be used as training and development opportunities to improve staff retention. Likewise, apprenticeship schemes or graduate programmes could benefit younger workers who can learn the skills they need on the job.

While additional investment in training will incur further cost, this may be more palatable than the costly and often time consuming process of recruiting skilled workers from overseas.

Future trends

In the longer term, automating certain jobs or roles, such as repetitive manufacturing processes may help employers to deal with challenging recruitment conditions and increase productivity. However, it should be approached on a case by case basis, as certain roles will not be suitable for machines alone and will always require an element of human involvement.

The current economic downturn is likely to mean less people are looking to move jobs, but employers should work to better understand what drives their existing workforce and how to keep them engaged. Salary is not always the determining factor management, targets, workload and culture may be just as important. Employee surveys and informal feedback opportunities are relatively low cost, low effort ways of facilitating this and signposting where employers could do better in managing staff turnover.

Right to work checks are an obvious but often overlooked consideration. UK employers are required to conduct right to work checks on all prospective employees. They must retain clear records of workers' rights to work in the UK in either prescribed electronic form or hard copy, for the duration of the employment and for a period of two years afterwards. The way EU/EEA/Swiss nationals prove their right to work in the UK will undoubtedly change when the new immigration system is implemented in 2021, and new guidance on right to work checks is expected before then.

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How will Brexit impact recruitment? - Lexology

Philly Landlord Tenant Officer married to eviction court judge – WHYY

The story of Shuters ascendancy to Landlord and Tenant Officer is the latest chapter in a nearly 50-year-old failure to reform Philadelphias eviction process.

A unique feature in Pennsylvania, the citys current Landlord and Tenant Office dates back to 1970 and was initially introduced as a civil reform to the citys ancient constabulary system. That 17th-century system of appointing men to handle tax collection and court service had, by the 20th century, lost many traditional powers due to government reorganization. By the 1960s, people elected to constable positions in Philadelphia functioned primarily as politically connected bounty hunters, charged with enforcing court eviction orders for profit often by any means necessary.

During that decade, the constabulary system became a lightning rod for criticism over graft and lack of oversight. Renters routinely reported being harassed out of their homes or evicted without cause. The men doing the evictions held constable sales or distress sales to recoup their costs and time, auctioning off furniture or clothing belonging to displaced tenants.

A 1965 state attorney generals inquest into the system recommended abolishing the positions and transferring their duties wholesale to the city Sheriffs Office.

[Philadelphias] constables are engaging in practices designed to terrify the average citizen, the report reads, describing many constables as glorified bill collectors operating under official marque.

Sam Stretton, a longtime ethics lawyer in Philadelphia, said he recalled now-deceased U.S. Sen. Arlen Specter making a case for dismantling the constabulary system as a central plank of his campaigns for Philadelphia District Attorney in the 1960s.

It was the wild west out there, he said, of the constables. It was bribes and everything else.

Outcry and a court injunction followed an episode in 1969 in which a constable sought to auction the furniture of a North Philadelphia family that put rental payments in escrow after the inspectors deemed their landlords property unfit for human habitation. In a subsequent lawsuit, filed by legal aid group Community Legal Services, federal courts ruled these sales unconstitutional, ordering the abolition of Philadelphias constabulary offices and the judicial appointment of theoretically more formalized Landlord and Tenant officers.

But the ensuing reform soon became a source of controversy itself. And the new system quickly came to resemble the old.

One of the first Landlord and Tenant officers, Edward A. Green, was sued by Community Legal Services for attempting in 1970 to shake down tenants for travel costs and service fees on top of what he was legally allowed to collect. Al Sacks, another Landlord and Tenant officer himself a former constable was also sued by the legal nonprofit in 1986 for allegedly bilking tenants into paying bogus legal fees.

The legislative reformsput the Landlord and Tenant Officers in Philadelphia in the same position as the constables were prior to those reforms, lamented plaintiffs in the suit against Green.

By the late 1980s, the position came under the aegis of the law firm of Robert H. Messerman. This attorney was appointed by Marisa Shuters father, former President Judge Silberstein, who presided over Municipal Court from 1986 to 1999. Messerman would hold this appointment for nearly 30 years.

Reached by phone in July, the attorney said he could recall few details of the offices operations. But records show Messerman subcontracted much of the eviction work to surrogates. A so-called deputy landlord-tenant officer that was shot and killed in a 1990s dispute with a West Philadelphia tenant was later revealed to be a contract worker paid by Messerman, according to an Inquirer report. A later lawsuit filed against Messermans office indicated that work was also sometimes subbed out to a local process service firm called B&R Services for Professionals, Inc.

Meanwhile, Silbersteins daughter, Marisa Shuter, graduated from Temple Universitys Beasley School of Law in 1993 and soon went to work in the family trade administering the citys court system. After a stint as an associate in the real estate department at Blank Rome, she began her career in the court system. While her father served as Municipal Courts president judge, the court hired her as a law clerk around 1996. She later joined Messermans office in 2006, serving as a staff attorney and office manager, according to First Judicial District spokesperson Marty ORourke.

When Messerman eventually retired from his post as Landlord and Tenant Officer, Marisa Shuter was appointed by then-President Judge Marsha Neifield Williams to replace him in January 2017.

Today, she runs the office much as Messerman did, relying on independent contractors to do the heavy lifting of writ service. ORourke said all these people are formally deputized, but court rules do not require them to be trained or certified law enforcement.

The court does not require the Landlord-Tenant Officer or the Deputy Landlord-Tenant Officers to meet any specific law enforcement credentials, ORourke said.

Marisa Shuter said, in practice, many did have a background in police work or had served as suburban magisterial constables. She reiterated that she requires deputies to have a license to carry a firearm, own a vehicle and that all received significant job training.

I personally explain all of the laws to them and the process from start to finish, she wrote. They ride along with an experienced deputy for a period of time before being assigned to handle evictions on their own so that they can learn the job.

Michael Williams, a Philadelphia housing attorney, said the distinction between these deputies and actual law enforcement was often vague.

Sometimes tenants will call them the sheriff, but thats wrong, Williams said. Theyre from the landlord-tenant office. Sometimes, they will still refer to themselves as constables.

Some, like ethics lawyer Sam Stretton, said the courts shouldnt be empowering private entities with little duty to disclose information to the public to force residents from their homes.

This office is held out as part of the government when, in fact, its a private law firm, he said. Theres still no standards. They could just get some monster, and say hes just the toughest guy I found.

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Philly Landlord Tenant Officer married to eviction court judge - WHYY

Decolonizing the Curriculum: The Black Lives Matter Approach to History – The College Post

Somewhere in the fireworks and star-spangled attire of every Fourth of July lies an all-too-familiar historical script. Americans never tire of tales in which their freedom-loving forefathers took a stand against British tyranny and asserted their right to independence.

But the window dressing has invited more scrutiny than usual in 2020. In a curious adaptation of the traditional story, protesters threw Christopher Columbus into a Baltimore harbor this year. So much for the Boston Tea Party.

Between 15 million and 26 million Americans are estimated to have participated in Black Lives Matter protests since late May. This makes BLM the largest movement in the nations history and marks a sea change in racial attitudes. Most Americans, regardless of skin color, now agree that racial and ethnic discrimination in their country is a big problem.

Racism, however, is not confined to Americas borders or history. As a result, BLM has not just drawn support from around the world. Recent protests have prompted other countries, like the United Kingdom, to confront their own checkered legacies on race.

This takes us to the heart of the British capital, where University College London (UCL) is working to change the way it teaches history and thinks about its own past.

In 2018, the Royal Historical Society published a landmark report documenting significant and disproportionate levels of discrimination, bias and harassment towards Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) history students and researchers. Led by UCLs own Margot Finn, the RHS concluded that BME historians feel unwelcome and underrepresented in their field. This stems in part from a pervasive unwillingness to grapple with the uncomfortable aspects of white, Eurocentric curricula.

The reluctance to reevaluate traditional teaching methods contrasts with what British universities say they are willing to do in the name of racial justice. When surveyed this year, 84 universities declared a general commitment to making their curricula more diverse, international or inclusive. Only 24 were actually committed to decolonising their curricula.

According to Meera Sabaratnam, Senior Lecturer in International Relations at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, decolonization can mean several things. It rests, however, upon a willingness to challenge our shared assumptions about how the world is.

Universities can do this, for example, by providing greater representation of non-Western thinkers: Is it acceptable if writings and teachings about international regions or global affairs are done almost exclusively by writers from or based within the West?

But while representation is important, it is only one piece of the puzzle. Decolonising a curriculum requires scrutiny of what universities prioritize learning about, the models that they use to learn it, and the classroom culture that is created as a result.

All of these things contribute to an attainment gap in degree results between BME and white students that persists even at universities that pride themselves on diversity.

Decolonization is a difficult and comprehensive process, but it is what the RHS report concluded is necessary to redress systemic inequities in the field of history. Universities must not only include and draw attention to the work of BME historians, though that too is important.

Universities must make race and ethnicity essential topics of discussion while dissecting white histories and Eurocentric approaches.

Joe Cozens, a British historian at UCL, explained to The College Post what that might look like.

Diversifying the writers and central themes of British history, Cozens said, is how we facilitate more meaningful discussions on race and ethnicity than traditional curricula would permit.

I encourage my students to engage with the likes of C.L.R. James, Ron Ramdin, and Paul Gilroy, he said, and recently I have added Shirin Hirschs In the Shadow of Enoch Powell and Priya Gopals Insurgent Empire to my reading lists. All are celebrated BME colonial and postcolonial historians.

I have also integrated the themes of race, ethnicity, and migration into the broader story of social and political change in the long nineteenth century, referring to the period between 1789 and 1914.

Asked about how the role of his classroom in todays social climate, Cozens turned to a familiar topic.

I encourage students to think deeply and critically about the purpose of policing in the past and to consider what police reform in the future might look like. These issues seem all the more vital in the context of the Black Lives Matter movement.

Department Head Eleanor Robson elaborated on how historians at UCL are tackling Britains whitewashed past from several angles.

Were the only History Department in the country that offers a programme of truly global history from antiquity to modernity, and are world leaders in the history of slavery and abolition, empire and post-colonialism, Robson told The College Post.

Our flagship Centre for the Legacies of British Slave-Ownership has been dominating the national news in recent weeks, she added as an example.

The Centre is known for tracing the beneficiaries of Britains Slave Compensation Act of 1837, which compensated slave owners for the abolition of slavery. Insurance market Lloyds of London and Greene King, the largest pub chain in the country, recently apologized and pledged charity donations to minority communities after some of their founding members were revealed to have been compensated by the law.

While the department has ramped up its reassessment of policies and teaching methods since the RHS report was released in 2018, it started doing so long before. In fact, Robson said, UCL historians have been working to decolonize their curricula since before the Black Lives Matter movement began in 2013.

Still, another challenge for reform-oriented educators is to diversify what it means to study BME history in the first place. According to the RHS report, there is a seemingly relentless focus on enslavement, abolition and exploitation.

This is especially important to keep in mind as calls to reform British history education extend beyond universities. In the wake of recent protests, The Black Curriculum, an education reform group, has seen a surge in support for their nationwide campaign to make teaching black history mandatory in secondary schools.

"When I was at school, as a Black British girl, I couldnt see myself in the history books; none of my ancestors were there and our stories werent toldhow important can my culture be if it wasnt even taught in schools?" @GraziaUK #TBH365https://t.co/5SVUkzE11w

The Black Curriculum (@CurriculumBlack) July 20, 2020

It is also something to keep in mind as UCLs history department expands opportunities to study Native American, Caribbean, East Asian, and African history this year. This also includes a new postgraduate program in Black British History at Goldsmiths, University of London.

Departmental culture has also become an area of scrutiny. According to the RHS report, demeaning comments and stereotypes inhibit the success of BME scholars and further contribute to the attainment gap.

As a result, all students and Teaching Assistants will undergo inclusivity training this year as part of an initiative from the departments Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion Committee, which Robson chairs.

The department will also provide a new support network for BME staff and students amid complaints of inappropriate comments and behavior. The network, however, has declined to give details about how it will operate and how students can get involved.

After two years of implementing the recommendations of the RHS report, the department will soon audit its progress. But while not complacent, Robson said it has certainly moved in the right direction.

And considering that decolonizing a curriculum is not something that happens overnight, as Lecturer Sabaratnam wrote, such steps alone are laudable. The history departments recent reforms reflect a sensitivity to increasingly vocal demands for systemic change.

Supporting the now-global cause of racial justice manifests itself in many ways. In this case, the UCL history department is doing so by scrutinizing its traditional teachings and addressing inattention to its own underrepresented BME scholars.

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Decolonizing the Curriculum: The Black Lives Matter Approach to History - The College Post

Hating God: Atheism as Rebelling Against a Father-Figure and Other Nonsenses – Patheos

I have just had this levelled against me:

I rather doubt there is such a thing as atheism. When atheism manifests itself, it appears to be no more than a mixture of confusion and father issues. Most professed atheists seem to live as if there is a god, despite their rejection of him, and a great many expend a great deal of anger towards this thing they claim does not exist. This is probably why you cant draw them in on an argument. No matter what you say, theyre fighting with their fathers and theyre going to stay out later after curfew no matter what the old man says: Hey, screw you Dad! is what you get.

To which another interlocutor, Guy, (both of these commenters have featured in articles here though dont comment here) opined in obsequious agreement:

perfect a straw God easily dispensed with and knocked over with a feather. Never a willingness to posit what a real omniscient and omnipotent God *would* be (whether he exists or not) and how absurd his creatures making demandsthat he prove his existence to them would also be. Basically its a prejudice that never honestly entertains a question it affects to be examining. Its just the imposition of a prejudice as opposed to an honest examination of an issue.

The first commenter was the person who claims Christians are the most persecuted. A very simple assertion that took me a big old article to analyse and debunk. I claimed his point about fatherhood was a really common myth about atheists that it didnt really warrant a response. He then stated:

But if the point I make is as tired and commonplace as you say, it would be very easy for you to bring up a CONCISE and satisfactory response to it.

Okay, what annoys me about climate denial, science denial, bald assertions, Trumps lies, lies in general, is that they are very easy to say and one can be very concise. But just because you can state them concisely, it doesnt mean you can unpick them concisely. Indeed, this is precisely the gripe. It takes so much more effort to build than to destroy, to build up cases using evidence and robust methodology than to destroy such edifices with lies and bald assertions.

This is the big shame about skepticism: it requires far more effort to be right than it does to be wrong.

The annoying thing is the burden of proof should be on the claimant. So, here, I should demand robust argumentation and evidence from him to support his initial claims. Instead, I come here to put down my thoughts in greater detail. More fool me. More fool me for even engaging with such silly comments.

Hey ho. Here goes. Slightly out of order:

Most professed atheists seem to live as if there is a god, despite their rejection of him, and a great many expend a great deal of anger towards this thing they claim does not exist. This is probably why you cant draw them in on an argument.

Russell Blackford (with whom I used to blog), a few years back, wrote a super book 50 Great Myths About Atheism with Udo Schuklenk because they got tired of the same old naive assertions made by theists. Three of the chapters are pertinent to this:

Myth 3 Atheists Believe in God but are in Denial 14Myth 5 Atheists Hate or are Angry with God 21Myth 6 Atheism is a Rebellion Against Gods Authority 24

These chapters are well worth reading and put these sorts of claims to bed.

Michael Martin wrote a 1996 response (Are There Really No Atheists?) to Van Til, who in 1969 claimed there were no atheists (as well as greg Bahnsen). Go read it.

Part of the problem is the phraseology here with the commenter. It is a straw man. Indeed, most of that thread is an army of straw men. Lets fix the statement:

Most professed atheists live as if there is no god, including in their rational rejection of the idea of itor arguments presented for its existence.

Part of the problem with arguments of God is the gendered pronoun usage. God is best described as an it (I often make this point by calling God she). This possibly underwrites the erropneous claims that come later concerning the rejections of father-figures.

Back to the denial of God issue I think the commenter needs to be more specific here in exactly what he means (Martin sets out two interpretations in his refutation the strong and weak theses). This simply appears not to apply to any atheist I know, As for being angry with God, we literally cant be angry with something we genuinely think does not exist.

Its a clever ruse that ends up being an unfalsifiable claim. When I provided some atheists, such as Blackford, in defence of the original accusations made, Guy stated: By appeal to people who reject theism, comically. So I cannot use atheists to defend atheism? Because not only is this an insane argument, it can be used to invalidate defences of theism by theists, too. Oh dear.

I am just wondering, though, can we claim that Christians hate Muslims on account of the same logic? Do they then have tacit admission that Allah exists? How about Zeus, oror?

As Blackford states (p.21-22):

It might suit Jensen and like-minded religious figureheads if we were not sincere or serious in our view that God does not exist. Robert T. Lee is one critic of atheists who makes this quite explicit. He argues that atheists think since they deny the existence of God, they cannot hate Him. But its really the other way around: they know He exists, thats why they hate Him (Lee, 2004). It goes without saying, perhaps, that this kind of logic is question-begging. From an atheistic viewpoint, the various gods worshiped by Christians and others are essentially fictional or mythological characters. Why hate them?

Of course, that does not prevent atheists from viewing the Abrahamic God, as depicted for example in various books of the Bible, as a most unattractive character. It is easy to see this being as loving vengeance and warfare, as being prurient in its obsession with matters of sex, and as especially repulsive in its demands for endless praise and worshipand in its requirement of blood sacrifice before forgiving sins. For that reason, many atheists are glad not to live in a world that contains this being. Such a world is clearly not the same as one created and ruled by a truly benevolent deity. Unfortunately, we appear not to be living in that world either.

Thus there is a religious cottage industry devoted to explaining (away) the evil that exists in our world despite the presence of a benevolent God, who supposedly created it. Theologians call this the theodicy problem (often referred to as the problem of evil). How can it be that there is so much evil existing in a world they believe has been created by an all-powerful, all-knowing, and benevolent deity? The obvious answer is that there simply is no such deity.

Atheists tend to find the religious answers to such questions contrived or unsatisfying. That is not, however, the same as hating an actual being God. Nor do atheists tend to hate historical or legendary figures, such as Jesus, any more than other such figures about whom little is known with certainty. Some atheists are critical of the moral character of Jesus as depicted in the traditionally accepted Gospels (e.g., Tooley, 2009), but that should not be confused with hatred. More generally, there is a tendency for religious apologists to blur the distinction between harsh criticism and expressions of hatred.

For example, Alister McGrath comments, not exactly in a charitable spirit, on Richard Dawkins: Dawkins preaches to his god-hating choirs, who are clearly expected to relish his rhetorical salvoes, and raise their hands in adulation (McGrath and Collicutt McGrath, 2007, p. x).

I could quote the whole chapter, but expediency, right?

However, I will leave you with some, er, data. You know, actual evidence. Blackford, again:

Interestingly, and not surprisingly perhaps, surveys suggest that religiousbelievers are often angry with the God they believe in. A study undertakenby Julie Exline and colleagues found that between one-third and two-thirds of religious people surveyed in the USA conceded being angry with their respective gods. The reason most frequently mentioned is that theyfeel let down by God, usually in the aftermath of a major health scare orother personal tragedy that he did not prevent (Exline et al., 2011).

I know you are, you said you, but what am I?

We have two forms of atheism: strong atheism and weak atheism. Lets start with weak atheism a lack of belief in a god or gods. You cant really get clearer than that a belief you just dont have. But with either position, as with all positions, it is about several things: psychology and rational argument. I agree that psychology is always at play when we come to bel;ieve things, I just disagree that the psychology here involves the rejection of a father. Either way, the pyschology does not invalidate the rational arguments, even if it can, with post hoc rationalisaiton, involve the scrabbling around for those arguments to defend an intuitively-taken position.

I accuse many Christians and right-wing commenters of doing that here (see the endless discussions on the Second Amendment, conceptual nominalism and natural rights).

When it comes to rational argument, atheists really are clear. It might revolve around the problem of evil, or the inherent contradictions and confusions in arguing for OmniGod under classical theism, or the nonsenses of the Kalam Cosmological Argument. The clarity is there. There is no confusion. I am very clear:I am Certain of My Atheism. Ive Said All I have to Say. Or Have I?

The confusion from theists comes from a top-down appraoch. Rather than buil;ding to a conclusion, they start with God and the Bible and attemt to build backwards. Its a messay and very, very confused affair. Heck, christian theologians the world over disagree with their theologies. Thoedicies abound. So no, I would certainly posit, instead, that theism is far more confused. Necessarily so. Here is the huge hypocrisy.

When you have to apply an ancient, parochial book to history, science and philosophy, the mental contractions and rational gerrymandering you have to do is quite astounding. It is even why I have argued previously that presuppositionalist biblical literalists are far more logically consistent than almost all Christian theists of the modern, more liberal UK persuasion, even if their starting premises are broken. Trying to allow a liberal understanding of, say, homosexuality to jibe with the Bible and theology is embarrassing to watch, at times.

See my segment in the Skepticule podcast episode 51 for more details on this:Counter-apologetics on Original Sin, Adam and Eve, the Westboro Baptist Church etc available now!(I thought Id written an article on it turns out that will be my next piece).

No matter what you say, theyre fighting with their fathers and theyre going to stay out later after curfew no matter what the old man says: Hey, screw you Dad! is what you get.

As Blackford again opines, this issue is one that has been around for some time. At the beginning of his chapter Myth 6 Atheism Is a Rebellion against Gods Authority, he refers to the seminal work of George Smith (p.24):

As George H. Smith mentions, atheists are often accused of being in some sort of neurotic rebellion, especially if the atheist concerned is young. Smith notes, however, that atheists cannot win once this approach is taken a middle-aged atheist can be accused of such things as the frustration of daily routine, the bitterness of failure, or alienation from oneself and ones fellow man. If the atheist is old, the accusation can relate to the disillusionment, cynicism and loneliness that sometimes accompany ones later years (Smith, 1979, p. 24). All of this is question-begging since neither youth nor old age is evidence of any kind of neurotic response to the God question. Speculations about states of mind get us nowhere.

Indeed, as Smith himself says in Atheism The Case Against God (p.19):

Contrary to what many theists like to believe, atheism is not a form of neurotic rebellion or mental illness. The religionist cannot rid the world of atheists by committing them to an isolated asylum where they can be ignored. To label atheism as a psychological problem is a feeble, almost laughable attempt to evade the fundamental questions of truth and falsity. Is theism true? What reasons are there for believing in a god? These are the important issues, and these are the issues to which the theist must address himself if he wishes to confront the challenge of atheism.

(There is further discussion on p.160 of this.)

Its not that God represents an authoritarian father-figure that all, every single one of us atheists have had some issue with, its that God is a parochial and outdated invention with parochial and outdated moral strictures.

For many of us, the moral norms advocated by morally conservative theists do not look like the edicts of a superlatively wise and benevolent being, but more like relics from a less enlightened era. At best, some of them may have made sense as standards of behavior in earlier social circumstances, even though they make little or no sense now. Once we reach that point, holy books, traditional teachings, and official pronouncements from religious organizations appear unlikely to be divinely inspired. That, in turn, casts doubt on their authority in other matters such as claims about the existence and character of supernatural beings. (p.26)

Perhaps he is referring to the nonsense that is Paul Vitzs Faith and the Fatherless, but I dont think so: this isnt about absentee fathers, but about reacting, psychologically, to some kind of authoritarian father-figure rooted in somehow in the atheists experiences. Perhaps, then, it is taking the thesis of James Spiegel in hisThe Making of an Atheist:How Immorality Leads to Unbelief. You would hope not, as this is a book and thesis that atheists have taken serious issue with (by all accounts its drivel). He makes such claims as:

We may summarize the biblical diagnosis of atheism as follows. The atheists problem is rebellion against the plain truth of God, as clearly revealed in nature. This rebellion is prompted by a morality, which diminishes understanding, and a genuine ignorance results. This is not a loss of intelligence so much as a selective intellectual obtuseness or imperviousness to truths related to God, ethics, and human nature. But the root of this obtuseness is moral in nature.

It follows from the biblical diagnosis that atheists arguments are an intellectual ruse masking their rebellion. The recent spate of new atheist books, like the entire history of atheistic publications, amounts to little more than a literary subterfuge. The flaws in their arguments are easily exposed whether matters of bad logic or faulty presuppositions. These are further symptoms of their wilful disbelief, which takes both this active form (presenting atheistic arguments) and the passive form of ignoring the myriad evidences for God, to which Paul briefly refers and which atheist apologists, from Plato and Aquinas to CS Lewis and Peter Kreeft have tirelessly illuminated. (p.56)

Holy moly. This is just nonsense. I wouldnt take this seriously in any form, and yet Spiegel seems to be one of the main rebellion against God as father proponents. Sadly, his case is built largely around biblical exegesis rather than any serious psychology. And to think that somehow Thomists and CS Lewis and Kreeft have somehow closed the book (when Thomism is arguably at loggerheads with other theologies) is village theism.

Thus, the choice of the atheistic paradigm is motivated by non-rational factors, some of which are psychological and some of which are moral in nature.

The hardening of the atheistic mind-set occurs through cognitive malfunction due to two principal causes. First, atheists suffer from paradigm-induced blindness, as their worldview inhibits their ability to recognize the reality of God that is manifest in creation. Second, atheists suffer from damage to the sensus divinitatis, so their natural awareness of God is severely impeded. (p.114)

I just dont know where to start with the sheer hypocrisy of this last quote. If my interlocutor wants to take these arguments seriously, have at it. they are laughable assertions.

So, really, this goes back to supposedly rebelling against Gods authority as if we just dont like those house rules that God has imposed, that we staying out beyond curfew.

Or is it that, in Gods house, you get executed for being gay, stoned for adultery (in the Portsmouth Diocese, on the decree of the Diocese, our primary schools were responsible for teaching that moral edict to Year 1 children when I worked in faith schooling 6 year-olds), that slaves are okay knocking about the house, being dehumanised, so on and so forth. And if we go to war, its okay to rape enemy families.

From my own experience, I have no issue with my father in this way. Despite the fact that he, as well as my interlocutor, voted Brexit, the gay relatives I have are safe in his house, and he doesnt keep slaves. We might disagree a lot on politics right now (a very recent thing), but he and my mother live around the corner and were just fine, thank you very much,

But no, me rejecting God is definitely because I just want to rebel: Aw, Dad! Cmon! Please, do I haveto murder my mixed-race neighbours to keep Gods people pure?! (Numbers 25:6-13)

I mean, these ten biblical passages I reject solely on account of mere father-figure rebellion (Dan Barkers list), right?

10. God destroys a good family for no reason.

(Job 2:3 New Revised Standard Bible)

9. God destroys the fetuses of those who do not worship him.

(Hosea 13:4, 9, 16 New International Version)

8. God approves the massacre of a peaceful people so one of his tribes could have a place to live.

(Judges 18:128 NIV)

7. Babies are slaughtered and wives raped.

(Isaiah 13:916 NIV)

6. A mixed-race couple is murdered by a godly priest to keep Gods people pure.The righteous priest Phinehas murdered a loving couple for the crime of miscegenation. Then he was praised by God and rewarded for the hate crime with a perpetual priesthood for keeping the nation racially pure.

(Numbers 25:613 NRSV)

5. A daughter is burned as an acceptable sacrifice to God.

(Judges 11:3039 NIV)

4. The cannibalistic God makes people eat human flesh.

(Leviticus 26:2729 King James Version)

3. God threatens rape, then takes credit for it.

(Jeremiah 13:1526 NRSV)

2. God threatens sexual molestation.

(Isaiah 3:1617 KJV)

1. God wants you to be happy to dash babies against the rocks.

(Psalm 137:89 NRSV)

Let me return to Guys point:

perfect a straw God easily dispensed with and knocked over with a feather. Never a willingness to posit what a real omniscient and omnipotent God *would* be (whether he exists or not) and how absurd his creatures making demandsthat he prove his existence to them would also be. Basically its a prejudice that never honestly entertains a question it affects to be examining. Its just the imposition of a prejudice as opposed to an honest examination of an issue.

Well, I have written an ebook on entirely this problem. Its not a straw man, its classical theism.

The Problem of God: Classical Theism under the Spotlight (UK).Hes welcome to read it. At any rate, were not asking that he (God) proves he exists, we ask his followers prove it, the god-entity, exists, or at least provide compelling enough arguments, just as they would ask of Muslims, climate change, unicorns, UFOs, etc.

Whats good for the goose, and all that.

Essentially, silly rhetorical nonsense.

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Hating God: Atheism as Rebelling Against a Father-Figure and Other Nonsenses - Patheos

I Want You to Be: On the God of love, by Tom Halk 24 Jul 2020 – Church Times

THERE was a time when I worked closely with Cardinal Miroslav Vlk, Archbishop of Prague. He had been a clandestine priest, working as a window-cleaner, during the Communist period. I did not always agree with him, but I took everything that he said with the greatest seriousness, because he spoke with the authority of experience, experience of the States atheism and of the Churchs faith.

Halk comes with the same credentials and with a background in sociology, psychology, and philosophy, as well as theology; and he is a public intellectual in the Central European mould, who returned to Prague from Britain in 1968, rather like Bonhoeffer to Germany in 1939, to become an adviser to President Havel and to engage in dialogue with other religions and with atheism.

He is a prolific author on a wide range of topics, and this book makes an admirable introduction to his theology and main concerns. Its starting-point, as its title suggests, is St Augustines Amo: volo ut sis (I love you: I want you to be). He tangles with the most profound of atheists, Feuerbach and his beloved Nietzsche. Vitriolic, disgruntled, and far-sighted, Nietzsche . . . taught me the courage to dare to venture out into the sea of doubt, without a compass, and he is grateful to them for their help in stripping away false and sentimental ideas of God.

He draws on Eckhart, Pascal, Buber, and Teilhard de Chardin, among others, encouraging the reader to search widely for witnesses to the truth. At the heart of the book is a reflection on Jesuss double answer to the single question about the greatest commandment in the Law. Jesus does not just link the love of God to the love of neighbour: he transforms the transcendence of God into the immanence of love for, and service to, ones fellow human beings. There is a practical answer to the theoretical objections of atheists.

All this and much more is to be found in this treasury of fascinating and challenging insights from one who, like his Master, speaks not as the scribes, but with authority.

The Very Revd Dr John Arnold is a former Dean of Durham.

I Want You to Be: On the God of loveTom HalkNotre Dame 24.95(978-0-268-10073-5)Church Times Bookshop 22.45

Continued here:

I Want You to Be: On the God of love, by Tom Halk 24 Jul 2020 - Church Times

DeKalb Black Lives Matter to host die-in demonstration on Thursday in Memorial Park – DeKalb Daily Chronicle

Katrina J.E. Milton - kmilton@shawmedia.com

Caption

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DeKALB - The DeKalb Black Lives Matter group will host a die-in demonstration on Thursday at Memorial Park.

According to the group's Facebook page, a die-in is a demonstration in which people lie down on the ground as if dead, to commemorate those killed or harmed by police brutality.

It will begin at 7 p.m. and last for 8 minutes and 45 seconds, to recognize the length of time Derek Chauvin, a Minneapolis police officer, knelt on the neck of George Floyd, a black man, until he died. Chauvin was later fired, arrested and charged with murder.

There will also be a protest Friday at 3 p.m. at the DeKalb Police Department, 700 W. Lincoln Highway and a "Not on My Watch" protest and march at 1 p.m. Saturday at the NIU MLK Commons, 340 Carroll Ave.

Daily demonstrations have gone on for months across DeKalb County, beginning in May 30 following Floyd's death. Calls for local police and other reform surrounding Black communities have continued for weeks, and a local Black Lives Matter chapter is being formed.

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DeKalb Black Lives Matter to host die-in demonstration on Thursday in Memorial Park - DeKalb Daily Chronicle

Lightworkers Sanctuary Has Taken Precautions During The Coronavirus Shutdown And Is Now Open – Press Release – Digital Journal

The Colony, TX - Lightworkers Sanctuary has been shining its light in The Colony and surrounding Texas area for years. The Crystal Shop that has provided a wide range of services to the members of its community and surrounding areas for years is proud to announce their return to business following the brief business shut down on the back of the global spread of the coronavirus pandemic.

Announcing the return to business, the Crystal Shop noted that the team has put in place measures that guarantee the biosafety and biosecurity of the members of their community as well as the employees working at the shop.

The establishment is in strict compliance with the guidelines that have been set by the Center for Disease Control, CDC, and has also taken steps to ensure that employees take the necessary precautions to protect them and their customers.

Announcing their return to business, the spokesperson for the Plano Crystal shop said: We have been Shining our Light for 10 incredible years! Starting in 2009 with Quartz Crystals, Reiki, and a few classes we opened our doors. We now have a wide variety of Crystals and many other holistic products in our store. We also offer a variety of energy clearing and healing services as well as classes, meditation circles, and special events. Our mission is to offer a joyful, safe place, a Sanctuary for those seeking enlightenment and healing. To encourage those who teach and heal to come together for the purpose of helping each other as well as the community. To bring love, light, and healing to the planet through meditation and prayer, understanding and acceptance, teaching and healing, service, and enlightenment.

People coming into the crystal shop can rest assured that the highest level of biosafety and biosecurity measures is in place to ensure that they enjoy the best holistic and healing services. Some of the services offered at the Crystal shop include new ascension pyramid, trinity table experience, BioMat experience, Spiritual classes, high vibration circles, energy healing classes, as well as special event attention.

Members in and around there area can also take advantage of the Reiki classes, Theta healing services, Intuitive animal communication, as well as UV lamp uses frequently for spiritual protection.

Those who wish to browse the store for crystal and spiritual items will also be presented with a wide variety of products and items like Quality crystals and gemstones, Himalayan salt lamps, candles, incense, and sage, gemstone jewelry, crystal, and Tibetan singing bowls, HAPI drums, Natures design water bottles, and Carafes to restructure water, spiritual music and meditation CDs, oracle and tarot cards, Crystal and Spiritual books, Aromatherapy and essential oils, infused, charged, and blessed oils and sprays.

Lightworkers Sanctuary will remain open to address the needs of the members of their community while strictly adhering to health and safety guidelines against the pandemic.

Visit Lightworkers Sanctuary at 7336 Main St., The Colony, TX 75056, or call (214) 385-1784. For more information, send an email to Denise Fenney via lightworkerssanctuary@yahoo.com or visit their website.

Media ContactCompany Name: Lightworkers SanctuaryContact Person: Denise FenneyEmail: Send EmailPhone: (214) 385-1784Address:7336 Main St. City: The ColonyState: TXCountry: United StatesWebsite: https://lightworkerssanctuary.com/

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Lightworkers Sanctuary Has Taken Precautions During The Coronavirus Shutdown And Is Now Open - Press Release - Digital Journal

John Dunbars Mystical Transformation in Dances with Wolves – Film School Rejects

Through a Native Lens is a new column from film critic and citizen of the Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma Shea Vassar, who will dive into the nuance of Hollywoods best and worst cases of Indigenous representation. This first entry examines the use of Native identity in the 1991 Best Picture winner Dances with Wolves.

Dances with Wolves tells the story of John J. Dunbars mental, emotional, spiritual, and romantic awakening after spending some time in the disappearing American West in the 1860s. The epic film directed by Kevin Costner was a surprise success upon its release, with positive reactions from both critics and viewers. It even walked away with multiple Oscar wins, including Best Picture, and a worldwide gross of $424 million. Despite these accolades, the movie remains the subject of deserved criticism due to the focus on a white male protagonist who enters the pre-Americanized world of the Lakota.

Articles all over the internet call the film out for its white savior complex, and rightfully so. The brave white man in question, played by Costner himself, experiences supernatural enlightenment, a feeling of peace for all of that manly inner chaos as a result of his Western adventure. However, the film shows no actual solution to the pressing issues the Lakota face. Sure, the Lakota have dilemmas they are working out, including tensions with their Pawnee neighbors and the missing herd of bison they hunt, but these issues arent solved because of one white guy. The true threat is the theft of land, culture, and customs from many Native nations, including the Lakota.

Kicking Bird, portrayed by Oneida actor Graham Greene, continually asks Dunbar how many more white men are heading out West. Dunbar keeps the truth to himself and adjusts to the Lakota way of life despite his omission. While Dunbar is a fully developed character who has clear mental, spiritual, and romantic needs, the Lakota stay sedentary, showing a lack of depth due to the writing.

Because of this, I would add the label of Manic Pixie Dream Girl (MPDG) to the Lakota characters. Nathan Rabinfirst used the phrase to describe Kirsten Dunsts character in Elizabethtown, stating that the MPDG exists solely in the fevered imaginations of sensitive writer-directors to teach broodingly soulful young men to embrace life and its infinite mysteries and adventures. Sure, this isnt exactly a romantic film but the trope can easily be applied to Kicking Bird, Wind In His Hair (Rodney A. Grant), and Black Shawl (Tantoo Cardinal) and the role they play in the plot. Their only duty is like the love interests in romantic dramedies as they help to facilitate growth for the main character.

At the beginning of Dances with Wolves, Dunbar offers himself as a distraction in a battle against Confederate forces, a true suicide mission. His actions show his want for some mystical solution to his inner turmoil. After escaping death, he sets out to see the West before it disappears (or is stolen by the United States). He believes something out there will bring meaning to his life. Of course, Dunbar never planned on befriending a Native American tribe, just wanted to connect with the land. In the end, he not only finds enlightenment but a wife in Stands with a Fist (Mary McDonnell), a white woman who has lived among the Lakota since she was a child.

Dunbars arc is a transformation from the character we see at the start of the film, a change catalyzed by his new open-mindedness to the original people of the West. As for the Lakota, the only change is in the physical needs that, again, would have been solved one way or another even if this white man never appeared. Dunbar gets to find healing in every aspect of his life and move forward as a white male in America. The future that awaits the Lakota is one of continued genocide and forced assimilation.

This criticism is not to completely discredit Dances with Wolves. Native characters at the time were uncommon, and if they were seen were usually the antagonists played by non-Indigenous actors in red face. The characterization of Native Americans as barbaric, uncivilized, merciless Indian savages (as stated in the Declaration of Independence) was furthered by Hollywoods inaccurate portrayal that still exists to this day. Not only did Dances with Wolves jumpstart the acting careers of Native talents like Wes Studi (Cherokee) and Tantoo Cardinal (Cree/Mtis), the film allowed audiences to see a more positive representation of the Lakota while seeing actual Indigenous people in the roles.

A good amount of the accuracy can be credited to Doris Leader Charge, a Lakota teacher who was hired to assist on set. She translated most of Michael Blakes dialogue into her Native language and had a small role in the film as Pretty Shield. Even with her assistance, mistakes were noticed by others. Activist Russell Means (Oglala Lakota) commented on the use of the Lakota language stating, Lakota has a male-gendered language and a female-gendered language. Some of the Indians and Kevin Costner were speaking in the feminine way. When I went to see it with a bunch of Lakota guys, we were laughing.

Even accuracy in the details doesnt excuse the problematic positioning that holds every Lakota character back. They are no more than a stimulant for Dunbars new grasp on life. Is the less-villainizing, underdeveloped showcase of the Lakota better in regards to representation than redface? They are two sides of the same issue and both are ridiculous excuses for so-called representation.

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John Dunbars Mystical Transformation in Dances with Wolves - Film School Rejects

‘Museums must evolve or they will not exist’: Curator Adam Szymczyk Speaks Out on the Future of Museums, Colonialism and his documenta 14 – frieze.com

In mid-June, as rallies for social and racial justice soared to a global tipping point in the wake of the murder of George Floyd, Amsterdams Stedelijk Museum swiftly announced plans to hire two curators-at-large: Yvette Mutumba, co-founder and editor-in-chief of the art magazines Contemporary And (C&) and Contemporary And Amrica Latina (C&AL), and Adam Szymczyk, the artistic director of documenta 14 (2017), with its critical stance towards the artistic legacy of European Enlightenment thinking.

What follows is the second of two interviews that seek to understand institutional accountability and inclusivity in a moment of change. See our first here with Mutumba.

Pablo Larios

Pablo Larios: Your documenta 14, which took place in Kassel and Athens in 2017, implied, for me, a radical re-reading of post-Enlightenment cultural history in the West. It drew a line from German idealism, European colonialism and slavery including, for instance, the Code noir, a 1685 French royal decree regulating enslaved people in colonies through to 20th-century totalitarian regimes.

AdamSzymczyk: Yes, for documenta 14, we tried to identify causes, not illustrate effects. The Code noir rendered human beings exclusively as economic assets, as material. Its rationality is in line with the developments in French, English and German philosophy during the 17th and 18th centuries that laid the foundations for the present. Modernity and colonization are intertwined. The European Enlightenment found its corollary in the institution of slavery. Similarly, archaeology went hand in hand with imperialist wars from its beginning. Both aspired to chart and conquer territories as well as to subjugate and exploit peoples and their cultures.

Museums hold spoils from multiple wars. Their displays represent, safeguard and effectively perpetuate historically established power relationships, built on injustice, inequality and violence. In documenta 14, we looked at continuities: arcs that span from the age of Enlightenment to the age of concentration camps to the current neoliberal ordeal. We aimed at exposing the construction, formation and mutation of forms of power and knowledge in Europe, preceding the current global imperial order. We identified gaps and cracks in the apparatus learning from indigenous knowledges, artisanship, minority struggles, overlooked artistic and spiritual traditions, often preserved in marginalized artistic practices, including oral traditions and sound, from voice to music to noise.

PL: Where do you stand on conversations to repatriate art and artefacts from European museums?

AS: I am for unconditional restitution of looted or stolen objects and works of art to their owners. Universal museums make a lot of sense for their custodians, but do not help the dispossessed.

PL: Since documenta 14, Congolese art collector and businessman Sindika Dokolo, who was one of the main financial underwriters of the exhibition, has come under fire for diverting funds from Angolan state-owned companies. Currently, there is intense scrutiny of the ways in which exhibitions and institutions operate and are paid for. What other models have you come across for artists and curators to consider the makeup and operations of the art world, from exhibition funding to exposition?

AS: For documenta 14, we attempted to when possible insist on funding for staging the event as a whole, instead of funding for individually commissioned artworks. We saw the project as a unity created within a polyphonic exhibition and so, conceptually, thats what we sought funding for rather than the usual cherry-picking that leaves some projects without funding while others receive lots. In a short, anonymous Exergue that preceded the listing of sponsors in both main publications of documenta 14, the Daybook and the Reader, we proposed that documenta did not belong to anyone in particular politicians, sponsors, etc. but to those who made it happen: artists, organizers and visitors together. It is a public institution that can be repurposed to serve progressive political agendas. Ruangrupa, the artist collective organizing documenta 15 in 2022, are doing this by calling for the knowledge, institution-building experiences and cultural production from many places around the globe to be brought into a common space, which they have described, metaphorically, as lumbung the communal rice barn, the common pot. Here, we are quite far from the concept of an exhibition as a display of artworks as static carriers of ideas they supposedly communicate. Beyond the sterile, discursive rendering of a future reality, such an approach brings us closer to an act of transforming the received dispositif of documenta as a Western cultural institution.

PL: You and Yvette Mutumba were recently announced as the new curators-at-large of the Stedelijk Museum in Amsterdam. What do you plan to do?

AS: First, I would like to get to know the museum better its history and the evolution of its postwar programme, when it became dedicated to avantgarde and neo-avantgarde art then see whether my intuition is right or needs to be adjusted. Though its radical core is the group of numerous works by Kazimir Malevich the largest collection outside the artists native Russia which have been at the Stedelijk since 1958, it is clear that the museum was otherwise collecting and programming predominantly Western European and US-American art, adding to the reductive canon of modernism we are currently beginning to see as a burden, not dissimilar to the burdens of colonialism. The museum could become a locus of multidirectional research into hitherto ignored fields and embark on new ways of working not only curatorially, but also in terms of how its programme is grounded in current social and political debate both locally and within a global context. A museum is a public institution that should be accountable within its larger social context. Museums must evolve or they will not exist: the existing model of the institution as one of the pillars of European enlightenment must be questioned and its discontents revealed. Museums must be humble, self-critical and open to the polyphony of voices from outside their walls. People should be able to use institutions as spaces in which to say anything and do anything.

PL: What are you reading, researching and watching?

AS: I am going to watch Daisies (1966) by Vra Chytilov a milestone of Czechoslovak new wave cinema. I have also been reading a conversation between the poet Etel Adnan and her partner, the artist Simone Fattal, conducted by critic and curator Mouna Mekouar. It looks at artisanship and the role it could play in restoring a sense of community in societies that underwent forced modernization. Before lockdown, I saw an exhibition of Fattals sculptures. I was moved by their simplicity, exactness and honesty sculpting, painting and firing clay as activities that precede the form, glaze and colour of each finished ceramic object.

Main image:Marta Minujn, The Parthenon of Books, 2017, installation view, documenta 14, Kassel. Courtesy: Getty Images; photograph: Fishman/ullstein

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'Museums must evolve or they will not exist': Curator Adam Szymczyk Speaks Out on the Future of Museums, Colonialism and his documenta 14 - frieze.com

How Taiwanese death rituals have adapted for families living in the US – The Conversation US

Taiwanese people living in the United States face a dilemma when loved ones die. Many families worry that they might not be able to carry out proper rituals in their new homeland.

As a biracial Taiwanese-American archaeologist living in Idaho and studying in Taiwan, I am discovering the many faces of Taiwans blended cultural heritage drawn from the mix of peoples that have inhabited the island over millennia.

Indigenous tribes have lived on the island for 6,000 years, practicing their diverse ancient traditions into the modern day. Chinese sailor-farmers arrived during the Ming Dynasty 350 years ago. The Japanese won a naval battle with China and governed Taiwan as a colony from 1895 to 1945. Today, Taiwan is a vibrant democracy, albeit with contested sovereign status. Peoples from every corner of the planet visit, work and live in Taiwan.

Language, religion and food from all these traditions can be encountered in the cities and villages of Taiwan today. Multiple beliefs and customs also contribute to the rituals Taiwanese people conduct to send family members into the afterlife.

Taiwans death rituals offer a bridge with the afterlife that stems from multiple spiritual sources. Buddhists, who make up 35% of Taiwans population, believe in multiple lives. Through faith and devotion to Buddha and the accumulation of good deeds a person can be freed from the cycle of reincarnation to achieve nirvana or a state of perfect enlightenment.

This belief is fused with elements of the islands other belief systems including Taoism, Indigenous spirituality and Christianity. Together, they form death customs that showcase Taiwans multiculturalism.

In the streets of Taiwans metropolises and villages alike, temples, churches and wooden ancestor carvings invite one to contemplate eternity while the odors of nearby food vendors such as stinky tofu, a local delicacy tempt people to pause and enjoy earthly delights afterward.

The rituals associated with passing from this life include cemetery burial or traditional cremation practices. The dead are cremated and placed in special urns in Buddhist temples.

Another rite involves burning of what are known as hell bank notes. These are specially printed non-legal tender bills that may range from US$10,000 to several billions.

On one side of these notes is an image of the Jade Emperor, the presiding monarch of heaven in Taoism. These bills can be obtained in any temple or even 7-Eleven in Taiwan. The belief is that the spirits of ancestor might return to complain if not given sufficient spending money for the afterlife.

My Indigenous great-great-grandmother married a Chinese man and her great-grandson my father grew up speaking a typical blend of languages for the 1950s: the local dialect, Hokkien, as well as Japanese, Cantonese and Mandarin. Arriving in the U.S. at the age of 23 to study electrical engineering, my father mastered English quickly, married my Euro-American mother, and raised a family in the American West.

Taiwanese people living in America often cannot participate in the rites of mourning and passage conducted back home because they do not have time or money, or recently, pandemic related travel restrictions. So Taiwanese Americans adapt to and sometimes, accept the loss of these traditions.

When my Taiwanese grandmother, whom we affectionately called Amah, passed away in 1987, my father was unable to return home for the Buddhist ritual organized by his family. Instead, he adapted the Tou Qi, pronounced tow chee usually conducted on the seventh day after death.

In this ritual, it is believed that the spirit of the recently deceased revisits the family for one final farewell.

My father adapted the ritual to a modern U.S. suburban home: He filled our dining room with fruits and cakes, as my Amah was a strict Buddhist vegetarian and enjoyed eating cakes. He put pots of golden chrysanthemums on the table and incense whose smoke is believed to carry ones thoughts and feelings to the gods.

He then opened every door, window and drawer in our house, as well as car doors, and the tool shed to ensure that our grandmothers spirit could visit and enjoy the food with us for the last time. He then settled in for an all-night vigil.

After helping Dad with preparations, I returned to my small apartment across town, placed flowers and fruit and a candle on the kitchen table, opened the windows and doors and sat through long dark hours of my own small vigil.

I reflected upon the memory of my grandmother: a petite woman who raised six children during World War II by hiding in the mountains and teaching them to forage for snails, rats and wild yams. Her children survived, got educated, and traveled the world. Her American grandchildren learned how to stir fry in her battle-scarred wok, lugged all the way to the U.S. in a suitcase, and peeked curiously as she performed Buddhist prayers each morning in front of the smiling deity.

My vigil ended with the rising of the sun: the candle burnt out, the flowers drooped, and the fragrance of the incense faded. My grandmother, whose name in translation is Fairy Spirit, had eaten her fill, and said her goodbyes.

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How Taiwanese death rituals have adapted for families living in the US - The Conversation US

As I See It: Dealing with golfs ugly history and contradictions – Worcester Telegram

In the clubhouse at Blackstone National Golf Course there hangs a large black-and-white photo by Neil Leifer from April 6, 1972. In the background, a birdie putt drops in on the 16th hole, on his way to a fourth green jacket, Jack Nicklaus raises his putter in the air. In the foreground, balancing on one foot, with a cigarette dangling out of his mouth, Willie Peterson dances, his finger pointing at the sky. Peterson was on Jacks bag for five of his six Green Jackets.

Thirty-threeyears later, 2005, same location as Willie and Jack, but its Tiger and Steve Williams, his caddy of many years, dancing on the 16th green celebrating what would become Tigers fourth Green Jacket. Theres a compelling symmetry in the two shots white golfer with black caddy, then, and years later, a black golfer with a white caddy.

Both photographs capture something that transcends racial politics: We see two people above any temporary concerns and human imperfections: These folks are joined in a love in a moment when everything works, everything is going their way. Showing the love.

The arc of history bends toward justice, as Martin Luther King Jr. wrote. And it may be true, but looking at the pictures in the aftermath of the slaying of George Floyd, its difficult to see it as proof that the tensions between races could go away in a moments time.

Even if, just before Jack and Willie were dancing on the 16th green, Shirley Chisholm became the first African American to launch a presidential bid. Even if, one month earlier, on March 10-12, The first National Black Political Convention takes place in Gary, Indiana, and about 10,000 African-Americans attended. If our world is suddenly "woke" by Black Lives Matter, can we look back and see progress as the way forward now? Might golf lead to a new spirit, a way forward?

As pointed out by Orin Stam in caddying for the Dalai Lama, Deepak Chopra has laid out in his book, "Golf for Enlightenment," the ball presents a readout of your karma. Golf is a way to transcend, Chopra writes. Golf allows us to defeat the voice of self-criticism and end the frustration that holds in check deeper, darker, fears.

If you are flush, and into this sort of thing, you can head west to the Chopra Center for Well-Being, combining golf and spiritual instruction in Carlsbad, California. I wont be going, but this idea of golf and karma interests us here.

Its reported the co-founder of Augusta National, Robert Clifford once said, As long as Im here, the golfers will be white and the caddies will be black. There is no conclusive evidence that he made this statement, but we do know that when Clifford had racist views and was still president at Augusta when the first African-American played in the Masters, Lee Elder was forced to rent two houses during the tournament, so that he could move between them in an effort to protect himself from attacks by racists. When asked about Elder playing in the tournament, Augusta National co-founder Clifford Roberts was quoted as saying, "To make an exception would be practicing discrimination in reverse."

Two years after Elder made his Masters debut, Roberts committed suicide by shooting himself on the banks of the par-3 course at Augusta.

The PGA itself had a Caucasian only policy until 1961. There are still courses in the south called plantations and one, The Secession Golf Club, seems to celebrate South Carolinas secession from the federal union. The No Blacks, No Jews, No Gays mentality defined Anglo-Saxon society in America for many years and dies hard. In the United States there are private clubs with initiation fees in excess of $50,000, and a smaller number that top $100,000. To this way of thinking golf is a way to mark a special identity and to isolate from social inferiors; in other words: classism and racism. And in the aftermath of the deaths of George Floyd, Breanna Taylor, Trayvon Martin and others, its difficult trying to make some sense of the ugly history and contradictions of the game.

Maureen Dowd in the New York Times called it a game for white guys with big guts pretending to exercise. And sociologist Thorsten Veblens trademark concept of conspicuous consumption frames some of why folks dislike the ancient game. I do know some who embrace the pricey equipment, elaborate etiquette, and pay excessive amounts for golf vacations to Hilton Head or Guadalajara. This capitalist, consumption aspect to the game can be seen as political as well. After seizing revolutionary power in 1959, Fidel Castro saw the game is an expression of elitism and closed courses. (JFK was reported to be the finest of golfers among U.S. presidents.)

And China is among foreign powers looking for ways to show disdain for American global capitalism and its excesses of money and injustice. In 1979, Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping came to the U.S. seeking assistance from President Carter to help open China's economy. For U.S. executives to invest in China they'd want a golf course there. At a stop in Seattle, President Carter introduced Deng to Robert Trent Jones Jr., then the world's top golf course architect, who would go on to build courses in China. Not anymore. The current regime is shutting courses and has prohibited party members from golfing during work hours.

This classist and racist history is not why I got into golf. I am one of eight children, born in Paterson, New Jersey, to a mix of German and Irish and Scottish families who were second generation. I am no millionaires son. I remember government issued peanut butter and cheese, and "learned" golf on dirt patches and at first played only for the two weeks my dad had off each year when we camped in the Adirondacks. Working and raising a family myself, I couldnt afford lessons or leagues until I was in my 50s, so its not class status that allowed me to love golf early on. And despite these ugly histories and contradictions, Ive loved the game since I first found my grandfathers hickory sticks. I wonder why?

In "Why Golf?" Bob Cullen suggests one answer to golfs appeal lies with evolutionary psychology. Since early sapiens left the trees and forests for the better hunting of the grasslands, Cullen suggests that natural selection has left us with a gene pool disposed to attraction to wide-open grasslands. He writes that we love the wide-open spaces because we are reenacting the steps taken by some hominid a hundred thousand generations in the past, steps that helped him or her become our ancestors.

We have protection in our clubs and a bag for snacks and a ball, which might replicate the rocks we used to keep predators at bay. When we hit a ball that goes straight, we feel a deep satisfaction that we just brained a saber-toothed tiger. Its not that much of a stretch, when you consider how driven we are by instincts. But are those same instincts what drive us to be fearful of differences, like skin color? Sexuality? Culture? Can we not only admit our fears bout ourselves, but about others and our differences?

These are important questions and, as golfers, this is a moment in time when the spirit of helping, of confronting our deepest fears can diversify the game and invite more people into what we know to be a lifelong pastime. Toward that end, here are a few shared recommendations:

1) Hire more black and brown people. According to a 2015 report called "Golf Diversity and Inclusion," American golfers are 77 percent male and 80% white. And golf-industry workerseveryone from caddies to greenskeepers are 90%vmale and 88% white. At the same time, golf is a $70 billion business with 2 million jobs. From club owners to managers to the LPGA and PGA and European Tours, golf should make a concerted effort to hire black and brown people. There are folks who are working on this, including Steve Mona at the World Golf Federation. Hiring practices that attract black and brown people would bring in more black and brown golfers.

2) Golfers should invite their black and brown and women friends out golfing. While some clubs have social leagues that are not competitive, these can be vehicles for inviting out folks to learn the game or just have some fun on the wonderful landscapes we visit. Hold family friendly and low costs clinics, throw in a free round.

3) Be the one to say hello. At the club I play at, there are people of color who play and hit the range. I go out of my way to say hello, to compliment a swing or a shot. Practice anti-racism. I am not a racist is not enough. We have to actively practice anti-racism in our workplaces and social lives and sporting lives. Encourage the kids hacking away at the range. Invite a friend out to the club, if only for a beer. Be the one to say hello.

In thinking about caddies and golf and race and class, I came across a job description from "The Book of St Andrews Links" by Andrew Bennett, 1898. A caddie is not, and ought not, to be regarded as a machine for carrying clubs at the rate of a shilling per round. He occupies, or ought to occupy, the position of competent adviser or interested spectator. He should be as anxious for the success of his side as if he were one of the players, and should watch each move in the game with benevolent, if critical, interest, always ready with the appropriate club, and, if need be, with appropriate comment.

So, this dream of shared dreams and shared anxieties, the idea that golf, or education, or economics can lift us from humble and poor origins to the very height of our world, to a shared crown, all of this is very much a part of admitting the ugly truths about racism and classism in the traditions of all of these fields whether its golf or education or baseball or economics. We not only have to admit the difficulties of the past, we need to actively work to reverse them.

In what is considered the finest tribute to a caddy "Daniels in the Lions Den" Gene Sarazen writes about Skip Daniels (Dan), who caddied for "The Squire" when he won the 1932 Open Championship. Both men were from humble, even poor backgrounds. In a moving tribute to the ability of Skip Daniels to steer him through the travails and tragedies of golf toward The Claret Jug, Sarazen writes about an earlier tournament, seeing the limo carrying the Prince of Wales who would come present to Walter Hagan the trophy.

When it was his turn, Sarazen asked that his caddy be allowed to receive the trophy with him, but the elders said, Against tradition. But while on the podium, looking out for Daniels, Sarazen sees Daniels riding a bicycle to the ceremony, with a grandson on each handlebar! Afterwards when their families celebrated, Sarazen recounts, I gave Dan my polo coat and said Id see him next year at St. Andrews.... It was the last time I saw Dan.

Sarazen got word a few months later that Skip Daniels caddy, father, grandfather, Open champion a poor man like Peterson, like Williams, like Johnson and many others who rose to witness the very pinnacle of achievement in golf had passed on. The essay ends: When old Dan died, the world was poorer by one champion.

Not only a fitting tribute, a fitting ending. Our mortal natures make it imperative that we seize the moment and put our stamp on our time. Such is the moment now: Its not only time to admit the ugly truth about racism and classism in golf, but its the time to do something about it: Reach out and listen, face our deepest fears, lift our brethren up, be the one to say hello.

Mark Wagner, Ph.D., is director of the Binienda Center for Civic Engagement at Worcester State University

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As I See It: Dealing with golfs ugly history and contradictions - Worcester Telegram