How to improve accessibility and digital inclusion | Penn Today – Penn Today

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What is accessibility and digital inclusion?

It means that websites and web tools are appropriately designed to ensure that people with disabilities can use them to complete tasks in the same amount of time and effort as others who do not have a disability. The critical component of accessibility is being intentional about providing an inclusive and more equitable experience. One goal of accessibility is removing barriers for all members of the community and beyond.

In the panel, Kyle pointed out that an accessibility spectrum exists. There is no single definition of accessibility that applies to all user needs and preferences when utilizing digital products.

Penns Digital Accessibility Policy states that the University websites and web applications that are created or undergo significant revisions or redesign after April 1, 2022, are expected to meet The Worldwide Web Consortiums Web Content Accessibility Guidelines version 2.1, according to Penns Accessibility website.

Why is it important to have these conversations in the workplace?

Accessibility is a component of diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts, so it is important to have these conversations because web accessibility is a shared, continuous professional responsibility for members of the Penn community. We are all involved in developing, creating, publishing, or sharing digital resources. Its our collective responsibility to bring awareness and take action, to increase inclusion and decrease exclusion.

As Kara pointed out in the discussion, accessibility doesnt just stop at websites and tools; it extends to include our emails, registration forms, and all other methods of digital communications. The Centers for Disease Control estimates that one in every four adults in the United States has a disability. Members of the panel further drove that point home during the discussion, mentioning we run the risk of excluding roughly 20 percent of the adult population from participating in and consuming digital content if we dont work to make digital spaces accessible.

What did the panel reveal about barriers for people with physical disabilities?

The panel revealed a range of disabilities, including visual, auditory, physical, speech, cognitive, and neurological disabilities, which should be taken into account when implementing accessibility measures.

The panelists also pointed out that physical disabilities can be temporary, permanent, or situational. An example is if someone suffers from a car accident or sports injury, this may temporarily impact their mobility to use a mouse, hindering their ability to navigate digital spaces. Even aging can play a factor in our ability to interact with websites and web tools. Many of our web tools, computers, and mobile devices have built-in accessibility features that allow those with mobility issues to navigate the digital world without using a mouse.

What were the obstacles in digital spaces that were addressed during the panel discussion?

The panel discussed issues for people using assistive technology such as screen readers. People using screen readers can encounter obstacles in understanding the image content on the page that does not have alt text. When images do not contain ALT text, a person who is blind will not be able to see the image, and the screen reader will tell them it is there with no further context or explanation. The ALT text attribute of an on-page picture will be read aloud to people who use screen readers; this helps them understand the value and context of images on the page. Another obstacle mentioned during this panel was how using flashing objects, transitions, and other effects might harm our community members who suffer from epilepsy. These effects should be used sparingly and should contain a content warning or be avoided. These are examples of technological obstacles that impede users ability to engage with the content and have a similar experience as someone who does not have a disability.

Why does representation matter?

Representation matters because we all have a role to play in creating a more inclusive community and working towards normalizing conversations that address systemic issues that further marginalize people. Representation in digital accessibility can offer affirmation and support to the underrepresented members of our communities and provide an equitable experience for all. It fosters an inclusive culture and creates a sense of belonging.

What were some ways to improve digital inclusion and accessibility?

Awareness is essential and will help members of the Penn community work closely with and utilize the accessibility guidance and resources that Penn offers. Ask a question, schedule a consultation, or get help from Penns Web Accessibility Team.

We received sound advice from the panel; during the panel discussion, one tip was to be mindful the next time you create content, email, registration forms, etc., and think about accessibility first. Consider organizing your content differently and in different formats, using captions, text-based transcripts, descriptive labels in form fields, and especially images. Provide multiple ways users can consume your content. An example from the panel was if you are presenting something visual, be sure to use ALT text, and you can also audibly describe images, charts, and tables.

Anything to add?

To help foster digital inclusivity here at Penn, there are four things you can do to get started:

And lastly:

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Chick-fil-A to close for 10 weeks due to extensive renovations – The Oxford Eagle – Oxford Eagle

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Oxfords one and only Chick-fil-A will completely close on Sept. 1 due to extensive renovations and expansion to the site. The restaurant will be closed for approximately ten weeks and, during this time, the Chick-fil-A food truck will not be in operation due to a lack of available technology.

The West Jackson Avenue Chick-fil-A intends to expand its drive-thru lanes and create more space inside the restaurant to allow for a much larger kitchen and food storage area. Chick-fil-A also intends to reopen its dining area to the public. Oxfords Chick-fil-A is only a few of the ones across the chain with dining areas still closed.

Owner and franchisee Lance Reed said plans were pushed further back do to the citys work on a force main located on the property. The main, containing tons of raw sewage, has ruptured a couple of times in the 13 years Chick-fil-A has operated and, to avoid future ruptures in the future, the city completed work on the main during the summer.

I think its a hard thing for us because the fall is by far the busiest time of the year for us and for every restaurant in Oxford, said Reed.

Reed said the decision to close for ten weeks during the fall semester is unconventional, but it will benefit the restaurants team members.

We just dont have the resources that we need from a capacity standpoint to deal with the sales volumes and all that kind of came with a fall, he said. The West Jackson Chick-fil-A has grown in sales in the past year, which Reed calls a good problem, but the location does not have the square footage to keep you with the demand.

Last year, Chick-fil-A utilized iceboxes to store extra product and chicken to keep up with demand at sports events and festivals.

This year with the anticipation of higher student enrollment, football and all this, were dealing with the same thing, Reed said. It just didnt make a lot of sense for us to go through another season.

Another big change will be the loss of Chick-fil-As playground. The loss of the playground will make more room for the drive-thru and provide more room for Chick-fil-A employees to work.

Well probably take eight or 10 trips of a team member just going and getting ice to fill up for the drive-thru in the middle of lunch, Reed said. When they do this, well have an ice machine over in the drive-thru, well have tea brewers and its going to give our team members so much more room. Its going to be such a better working environment for our team members than we currently have and, because of all of that, we felt like it was best to get this done as soon as possible.

Weve kind of been telling [the employees] Be patient. Things are coming in, just keep working hard, said Chick-fil-A Executive Director Tatum Wilson. We dont want to lose our good people to what I would call a tough work environment.

Full-time Chick-fil-A will be supported while the store is closed and some will be given opportunities to work at Centerplates, a service at the University of Mississippi that provides food and beverage services for Ole Miss Athletic events.

Although it will not be selling its famous chicken sandwiches to Oxford, Reed said the hiatus will give Chick-fil-A and team members time to work on other projects.

Chick-fil-A will work with Reclaimed Project, a non-profit organization in Marks, Mississippi that works to make sustainable communities, to renovate apartments for teachers in Marks and Quitman County to live in. Chick-fil-A will also help renovate a room at Madison Palmer High School in Marks into a leadership classroom.

Lastly, Chick-fil-A is working along with Ole Miss, the 410 Bridge, the Fellowship of Christian Athletes and Ethiopian Airlines to help people working at the airline with their integrated marketing degree. Five to six team leaders will join Reed on that project in Ethiopia.

The store may be taking a 10-week hiatus, but that has not stopped the work.

While were closed, were trying to be very intentional about service projects, giving back and what can we do and to be intentional, said Reed.

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Chick-fil-A to close for 10 weeks due to extensive renovations - The Oxford Eagle - Oxford Eagle

‘I Am From Here’ is more than a cookbook. It’s a way to get to know people. – Mississippi Today

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On the introductory page of I Am From Here: Stories and Recipes from a Southern Chef, it reads This cookbook thoughtfully, and persuasively, expands notions of what it means to be, and cook like, a Southerner today.

Throughout the cookbook, Vishwesh Bhatt refers to himself frequently and proudly as a Southerner. A native of Gujarat, India, Bhatt later moved to the United States where hes become a standout culinary mind, known for his excellent dishes at Snackbar in Oxford, Miss., where he is executive chef. As a foreigner whos also made her home in Mississippi, I think often about what makes someone Southern. Its a descriptor people born and raised here are proud of, but is it a birthright? When do you get to adopt that moniker for yourself if youre of a place, but not from it?

So I had to ask him what makes someone a Southern chef? Bhatt paused for a second before responding it was a question hes not sure he can answer. He said he learned how to cook in the South. He chose to become a chef here and learned from Southern chefs. Hes made a home and a community for himself in Oxford.

This is the place that influences what I do. This is the place where people come and eat what I cooked, and it is the South and so therefore, Im a Southern chef, Bhatt told Mississippi Today.

The idea that after living here for so long, I still have to answer the question, Where are you from? And then, you know, I say Im from Oxford, and then the follow up question is No, where are you really from? So thats why the title, if that makes sense. Yeah, I moved here from somewhere else, but Im here now.

My main takeaway from I Am From Here, is that food is not static, something Bhatt reminded me of when we spoke. Before our interview, I set out to make a vegetable plate like youd find at meat-and-three restaurants across Mississippi, but with dishes from his book.

I settled on Stewed Gujarati-Style Black Eyed Peas, Spicy Potato Mash, Not Your Mamas Cornbread, and Kashimiri-Style Collards (Haaq). The surprising star of the meal was dessert, Mr. Buzendahls Green Tomato Pie. It was flavored just like a traditional apple pie, but substituted the fruit with fresh unripe green tomatoes.

The dishes all turned out well, and though they were flavored with things like curry leaves, ginger and turmeric, it still felt unquestionably like I was sitting down to eat a Southern plate.

I grew up eating okra and greens and stuff. And when I came here I was like, well, thats not how you eat it, Bhatt said. To him, food is always evolving and changing. You can have the same ingredients in many different places and work with them very differently. And thats okay. And it can all still be just as delicious, just as important.

To use I Am From Here is to rediscover cooking. You can tell flipping through the pages of this cookbook that Bhatt has a deep respect for food. Many of his recipes call for small extra steps that ultimately produce a more tasty dish. Whether it be blooming whole spices in oil, or setting a pot full of basmati rice and water on the stove for 15 minutes before turning on the heat to produce a fluffier result, taking the time to make sure individual ingredients shine is worth it.

Rather than organize the book by meal breakfast, lunch, etc. he organizes it by ingredient. Bhatt says this is because so much of his cooking focuses on fresh, seasonal produce.

In all, 130 recipes fuse meals from his childhood with ingredients and dishes hes learned along the way in homes and restaurants across the South. Take, for example, the pickled okra two ways one with vinegar as its served in Bloody Marys at City Grocery in Oxford, and Gujarati style, the way he grew up where vegetables are steeped in oil and spices to achieve a similar effect but different flavor profile.

But of course, the book is not just a book about food. Its, in a way, a guidebook to foster conversation and connection with new people.

In the introductory pages of the book, Bhatt outlines the many spices and ingredients commonly used in the recipes to come. But for so many of them from tangy, garlicky asafoetida to the bright, punchy Kashmiri chili powder, he includes where to find them. This is helpful in a place like Mississippi where specialty grocery stores and the people who run them are not always well known.

This was intentional, Bhatt says.

These people who run the Indian grocery store are part of the community, same as the people who have the little taco shop where you can go buy chilis, he said. Unless we start interacting with them, theyre always going to be the other. And so the idea is, hey, these people might be your neighbors, you dont know them. Unless you go in that store then youll realize, oh, thats the guy that lives three doors down from me.

Yes, its an expectation that immigrants attempt to assimilate into the communities they come to call home, he said, but as somebody whos been here a while, we also need to make an effort to make people feel welcome. To bring them into the fold and learn about them.

This place the South, much like where he grew in India, has a lot of social issues, he said. Prejudices and preconceived notions keep people from getting to know each other, and it can be awkward and difficult to discuss the ugly parts of history responsible for the inequality that exists today.

We are still very far from being a society that treats people equally and gives people credit or respect for just being themselves, he said.

Now 56, Bhatt continued: What Ive come to realize is that I cant really wait any longer for people to interact with me or acknowledge me. Im just going to say that Im here.

Differences in opinion or beliefs are solvable if people are willing to have a conversation, he said. What better way to start one than through a meal?

The only way I know how to talk about it is through food like okay, heres what we eat. Heres what it comes from. You know, lets start that conversation.

What should people take away from I Am From Here? That cooking is easy, and a great way to get to know people.

Bhatt, 2019 winner of the James Beard Award for Best Chef: South, is a featured panelist at the Mississippi Book Festival on Aug. 20. His cookbook goes on sale Aug. 16.

By listening more intently and understanding the people who make up Mississippis communities, our reporters put a human face on how policy affects everyday Mississippians. Were listening closely to our readers to help us continue to align our work with the needs and priorities of people from all across Mississippi. Please take a few minutes to tell us whats on your mind by clicking the button below.

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'I Am From Here' is more than a cookbook. It's a way to get to know people. - Mississippi Today

This Miami-Dade school board member was a teen father. That shaped his views on sex ed – WLRN

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Teen pregnancy can upend a students life and educational career and can set families back for generations. For Miami-Dade County School Board Member Steve Gallon, the issue is a personal one: his first child Kastevia Gallon-Martin was born when he was just 16 years old.

He talked about his experience as a teenage father at a recent school board meeting during a debate over whether the district should adopt two comprehensive health textbooks and teach sex education in the fall.

I look at it based on my journey that started in 1985, as a product of this or lack thereof. A former teenage father while a student at Miami Northwestern Senior High School, Gallon said. So it is personal for me.

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Miami-Dade County Public Schools will be offering sex ed in the fall after the school board reversed its previous vote to throw out the two textbooks. The decision to reject the books, and effectively opt out the entire district from receiving sex education, drew public outcry and national attention.

WLRN education reporter Kate Payne spoke with Gallon about his experience as a teen dad raising his daughter Kastevia, and the importance of sex ed for him and for students in the district.

The following is an excerpt of their conversation, which has been edited for length and clarity.

Courtesy of Steve Gallon

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Courtesy of Steve Gallon

GALLON: At that particular time I was 16 years old. The mother was 16 years old. We were high school students and we found ourselves in that situation. Fortunately, we had resources. We had information on how to navigate our way through that particular challenging time.

All fathers are not as responsible as I was at a very young age, because I really accepted that obligation and fulfilled it with fidelity and integrity. But let's face it: life would have been different had I not had to have that additional responsibility. Tremendously blessed with my children. Would not have had it any other way. It was part of God's plan. But obviously, it was not intentional.

I've been tremendously blessed, graduating from high school, attending college, earning a master's and a doctoral degree. But I know that I'm the exception, not the rule. And obviously many of our young people are shackled. Teenage parenthood can become an albatross for the rest of their lives.

Once you drop out of school, you're compounding many of the challenges in life. And information is power. And what we cannot do in any educational scenario is deny children an opportunity to be powerful in their decision making.

WLRN: What was that time like in your life? How did you experience that in the moment, as far as trying to stay on the path of education and graduating high school?

GALLON: Very difficult. But again, I had tremendous support that did not simply come from my home. Educators, counselors, administrators, members in the community, wrapped their arms around me, gave me some guidance, gave me some support.

But again, never would say it was easy. We have legions of young people that fall to the wayside educationally because of decisions they make at a very young age. Find themselves terminally on the margins of our society. And that's something that education should try to mitigate as much as possible.

WLRN: Youre a product of Miami-Dade public schools. What did you learn in middle school and high school about sex? Could that have put you on a different trajectory if you had more information during that critical time in your life?

GALLON: Yeah, absolutely. It could have. I graduated from Miami Northwestern Senior High School. My parents once again did not have the talk. But it's not that I was not able to have access to the information. Could it have been amplified a little more?

But at the end of the day, it comes down to individual decisions that we all make. I think our children and our youth need to be equipped with as much information to make the best decisions possible.

WLRN: For teen mothers, only half of them will go on to graduate high school. Their children are more likely to struggle in school, to drop out and to be incarcerated. What more can the district do to support teen parents?

GALLON: I think the district has been a leader. In my last position in this district, I was [in charge of] alternative education. I was over the schools that served young mothers and teenage parents.

I want to say mothers and teenage parents, because fathers, they can get the resources, they can access additional information and guidance. Our district does provide these particular programs.

Can we do more? Absolutely. And as you indicated through those particular data points, those issues show up not simply in our schools. They show up in our communities, they show up throughout the state, and quite frankly, they show up in underserved, underperforming and under-resourced communities. It often leads, specifically for young African American or Hispanic males, to a pathway toward prison, poverty or an early death.

And we have an obligation, we have a responsibility both professionally and morally to make sure that we equip students with the lifelong skills that they're going to need. And some people believe that that's not our role, that's not our responsibility. But our parents, our families many of them are depending on us.

WLRN Senior Editor For News Jessica Bakeman contributed to this story.

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Following Years of Revitalization, Detroit Still Has a Long Way to Go – ArchDaily

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One of Los Angeles firm LOHAs four corner anchor buildings at City Modern, a development featuring a mix of new and rehabilitated buildings in historic Brush Park, just outside of downtown. Developed by Bedrock, the citys largest developer, its one of the citys most substantial residential developments in decades.. Image Jason Keen Share Share

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Detroit is different.

We say that with confidence knowing the citys demographics (nearly 80 percent African-American and with one of the highest poverty rates in the United States) present unique challenges to providing economic opportunity. And we say that with certainty knowing that a pernicious history of redlining, loan discrimination, and other inequities has denied Detroits Black majority the kind of power and say-so in design and economic development that would produce more favorable outcomes.

+ 15

The citys 139 square miles have seen a lot of change in the past 15 years, with billions spent by business and philanthropy in the citys core, revitalizing a downtown and adjacent communities that had become ghostly and abandoned. The question is, Whos benefiting? And while other cities may have seen substantive shifts toward more community input, and even control, over redevelopment and investment, a group of Detroit policymakers, designers, developers, and activists who gathered for a recent virtual roundtable discussion said that turn has been harder here.

Indeed, it has yet to happen.

The African-American population is still largely disinvested in, and still largely doesnt have the capacity to lead development in our own neighborhoods and in the city where we are the majority population, said Malik Yakini, the executive director of the Detroit Black Community Food Security Network (DBCFSN), a citywide organization of urban farmers and distributors whose aim is to create sustainable, independent sources of fresh food for Detroiters.

The logic of capitalism leads to the trickle-down economic development that were used to seeing, where the core of the city is where the majority of the finances are put in and we develop that with the hope that then, somehow, that wealth and prosperity will trickle down to the rest of the population in the neighborhoods, Yakini added.

Anika Goss is CEO of Detroit Future City, a think tank dedicated to using data to design and encourage a more equitable future for Detroiters. She has a statistic that she shares frequently to point out how lopsided the gains from investment and development in Detroit have been so far.

The exclamation point to what were seeing, how were trending in terms of demographics, is that the only neighborhoods that are growing population are upper-income white neighborhoodswhere weve seen this large-scale investment, Goss said. The rest of the city is static or shrinking.

Yakini has been working for nearly a decade, for instance, to leverage the financing for DBCFSNs Detroit Food Commons, a 31,000-square-foot, two-story development along Woodward Avenue, the citys north-south spine. It will house the Detroit Peoples Food Co-op, which will be a full-service, low-cost grocery in the citys North End neighborhood. Many Detroit neighborhoods lack easy access to fresh food outlets because many big grocers avoid the city altogether, and smaller ones sell mostly processed food. The food co-op intends to give Detroiters better access to and more control over the food landscape.

Weve approached the finish line over a long period of time, he said. There were several barriers that we faced, and one I want to [underscore] is the question of market studies. If youre going to any financiers for a deal, they want to see a market study that suggests the demographics and all the other factors align [to] reasonably project that the business will be viable.

But the problem with that is that this art and science of developing market studies is not some objective thing. In fact, often what happens is, if youre hiring a person to do the market study for some amount of time, they come here for three days and they try to get a glimpse of the trade area and try to understand what the demographics and traffic patterns are, and then they make some projections based on similar circumstances, similar factors in other places.

According to Yakini, the underestimation of the Detroit market is nicely illustrated in the development of a Whole Foods store in the citys core in 2013. Projections for sales in the store, developed by a market study, were shattered in the first year.

So there was something wrong with the perspective of the folks who were doing the market research, because they grossly underestimated the market value within the city of Detroit, Yakini said. I think part of that is rooted in this very subtle racism that continues to permeate American society that suggests things like Black people are not concerned about healthy food, or suggests that were not willing to spend money on our well-being and all kinds of other assumptions. As were looking at how we create more equitable development, changing the template for market studies is one of the things we have to do.

Goss believes a big part of the problem is the difference in the lenses that get applied to projects in the citys core, and out in more underserved communities. She said the expectations for big financial returns are mostly concentrated in neighborhoods that already have strong fundamentals, and those neighborhoods tend to be whiter than the rest of the city. Meanwhile, in Black neighborhoods, the investments seem to be social in nature, and not of the scale or possible return of investments in the core.

The big opportunities are not going into those areas, and when they do, its socializing poor Black people and that really bothers me, she said. Its not economic opportunity. So, without some sort of disruption or interruption to that same model, we will continue to [see the] trend where the only places that grow are white and those are the only places that are also stable. That is the highest risk for us.

The best example Goss has seen of Detroit development focused more on the majority population is along Livernois Avenue, on the northwest side of the city, where a once-thriving mile-long Avenue of Fashion that had gone largely fallow was revived with an eye toward inclusive development. African-American developers did the work. African-American businesses were given the support to open shops along the stretch. And the surrounding neighborhoods, which range from middle- to upper-class majority African-American areas, were dealt into the design and execution from the beginning. The result is a thriving corridor that not only reflects but also seems to celebrate the citys majority population.

Ive never seen it done like that [elsewhere], Goss said. Anytime theres a concentration of investment in that way, its always turning over to the people that have the money to make the development happen first, which are generally wealthy white developers. And so, I think there really is something to build from. If we are making investments for Black and Brown people in Detroit, because thats where theyre living, in neighborhoods, what does that require? It requires this intentional reflection and investment in these areas so that you can have the result that you want at the end.

Chase Cantrell agrees that the Livernois projects outcomes were better for Detroiters, but he still believes there was a lack of intentionality in the design. Cantrell is founder and executive director of Building Community Value, whose specific aim is to create more space and opportunity for development in the citys underserved neighborhoods.

Yes, we were able to select Black developers for the projects that are happening on 6 Mile, but there was no cultural plan. It was a traditional market plan of Lets just get retail restaurants into these spaces. Yes, well pick Black people. But there wasnt a conversation about How is this preserving culture or creating culture? What do we want to see? I think that were still doing poorly on that, and were not necessarily responding to residents needs for culture.

Cantrells most recent project, The Enclave, created through a venture called Speramus Partners, is a mixed-use redevelopment of a commercial space along West McNichols Road on the citys northwest side.

The surrounding neighborhoods, Fitzgerald and Bagley, are tight-knit but were hard hit by pronounced disinvestment and depopulation in the 1990s and 2000s. Now they are experiencing revivals, thanks to philanthropic investments and individually financed renovations. The commercial corridor along McNichols has been left largely out of the moves forward because commercial ventures near neighborhoods like Fitzgerald and Bagley are still seen as financially risky.

Market values on our commercial corridors are low partially because the real estate in most Black neighborhoods is undervalued, Cantrell said. There are six loans on my project, something thats under 8,000 square feeta single story. And we needed all of that to make this project work.

According to Cantrell, it was possible only thanks to a combination of innovative financing tools, including New Market tax credits; a grant through the citysStrategic Neighborhood Fund, a $130 million program designed to support projects in some hard-hit areas of the city; and his own personal savings.

Invest Detroit, the community development financial institution (CDFI) that helped Cantrells project access the tax credits, is leading the efforts along McNichols, including handling the property acquisition and recruiting other African-American developers to participate. But its been nip and tuck the whole way, said Cantrell. Its worked out. But is it a model that we can replicate? Thats the question, he wondered.

I live in the neighborhood where the development is taking place. So this is my neighborhood, but market values and the potential returns, especially with so much subsidy, are limited.

This is my money at risk and the fact is, it will be very difficult to get that money out of the project for 10 years, 20 years. So as a developer trying to create a firm, its not as though I can wait two or three years,pull that money out, and recycle. It must stay there. And Im not rich, and my family isnt rich, so how do you then begin to help Black developers create a practice? That is a real challenge in the city of Detroit.

Olga Stella, vice president for strategy and communications at Detroits College for Creative Studies (CCS), and recently-departed leader of CCSs Design Core, which champions design-driven businesses and developments in the city, said the financial biases against community-led and community-centered projects have a profound design impact on those projects, and on neighborhoods. Inclusiveness, even in the finest details, matters.

You cant just say, Its for everybody, then go off and pick your paint colors and your artists, and not actually see in your mind who it is you expect to walk through the doors and whether they can get up the stairs or in through the entrance, and if theyre going to feel comfortable with the artwork, and if theyre going to like the food being served and all of these things, all of these choices, Stella said.

She said a good example of inclusive design in Detroit can be found at the Love Building, being redeveloped in Detroits Core City neighborhood, an emerging corridor of small businesses, restaurants, and shops between residential areas.

You have Allied Media Projects, [the] Detroit Justice Center, and a bunch of organizations that all center inclusion and equity in the work they do, all working together to undertake a real estate development project. They hired a black architect; they went through the community engagement [process]. They really thought about what the space was going to be. Who was the space serving? What was it going to feel like? Just as Chase was talking about with his project, every single choice makes a difference in whether that space truly serves those people.

Stella believes Detroit needs easier ways to make projects like this seem possible:

How do we build more confidence to do these projects in Detroit? How do we build more confidence in our neighborhoods to be able to assist? Because the decision makers still lack that confidence. And thats true whether its the public or the private institutions.

This article was originally published on Metropolis Magazine.

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Following Years of Revitalization, Detroit Still Has a Long Way to Go - ArchDaily

Ghostrunner Is The Cyberpunk Game You Should Have Played In 2020 – Game Informer

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The year 2020 was a big year for the Cyberpunk genre in video games because the hotly-anticipated (and long-in-development) Cyberpunk 2077 was finally released that year. However, it wasn'tthe massive generation-defining game CD Projekt Red (and admittedly, many of us fans) propped it up to be.

I played it on Xbox Series X at release, and it ran fine enough that I could roll credits thinking I had just completed a fun game that I'm glad I played. However, getting an Xbox Series X or a PlayStation 5 around the time Cyberpunk 2077was released in 2020 was challenging, and many had to play CDPR's latest RPG on last-gen consoles.You probably already know the story of how that went it was not a good game to play on last-gen consoles at all. CDPR choosing not to give reviewers codes for those consoles ahead of time on top of the way the studio opted not to really talk about last-gen versions of Cyberpunk 2077 was deceitful, dishonest, and frankly disrespectful to consumers.

Whether you played the game on a beefy PC, a new-gen console, or endured through it on previous-gen hardware, there's a good chance the talk of the cyberpunk town that year for you was Cyberpunk 2077. It shouldn't have been because a much better cyberpunk game was released less than two months before it: Ghostrunner.

I played through some of Ghostrunner when it was released in October of 2020. Still, due to work/freelance obligations, I had to shelve it to work on, ironically enough, a massive guide project for Cyberpunk 2077. I hadn't managed to get back to Ghostrunner until this past weekend. Having read about its PlayStation 5 upgrades, which include a 60 FPS ray-tracing mode and a 120 FPS mode, I decided it was time to jump in. Two days later, I had rolled credits on not just the best cyberpunk game released in 2020 but one of my favorite games of all time.

Sure, Ghostrunner isn't a massive, sprawling RPG with dozens of hours of content. Nevertheless,it's a tight, seven-hour first-person samurai sword slasher that I already can't wait to replay one day (fortunately, I have the Project_Hel DLC released earlier this year to play through for now).

Ghostrunner is, as the name implies, about a ghostrunner who has been reactivated to take down an authoritarian leader in a devastated-by-capitalism cyberpunk metropolis. The story has twists and turns, which I won't spoil here, but at its heart, it's about a person grappling with what makes them human. Is it consciousness? Is it a heartbeat? Can you be human if most of your body is machine? Ghostrunner tackles these questions head-on, and it delivers. Mind you, it's not the deepest, most revealing story in the cyberpunk genre, but it's more than serviceable, which works because the focus on Ghostrunner is its gameplay.

Ghostrunner is like a hyper-fast Mirror's Edge meets 3D Katana Zero. If you take a single hit, you die. As you can imagine, you will die a lot. Like, so much. But, like Katana Zero, which featured the same one-hit mechanics, the game instantly reloads you back to the start of the encounter, getting you right back into the action and axing any frustration you might feel upon death. At first, you might view each combat or parkour scenario like a first-person shooter, akin to Call of Duty. "There's enemies here, so I'll attack them here," and so on. However, Ghostrunner must be treated like a puzzle to truly understand what each scenario is trying to teach you.

There is an optimal path for every encounter, but it's not the only solution, which I appreciated. You must learn how to jump around a stage,grappling to hanging hooks or grinding onto Sonic-like railsreach the enemy over here before wallrunning to the enemy over there. If you miss a beat, there's a good chance you'll take a shot and die. As such, you'll find yourself locked into a run you think could work, trying it over and over again until you find success and defeat every enemy in the room. It's exhilarating, and each time I completed a successful encounter, I felt like a parkour god. Gameplay is king in Ghostrunner, and for good reason it's some of the best in-game movement and combat out there.

What's better is that the story of Ghostrunner and its top-notch gameplay is wrapped in a bow of an incredible synthwave score and gorgeous cyberpunk visuals. If you like neon lights, you're going to love Ghostrunner.

All of this is to say that Ghostrunner is one of my favorite gaming experiences in years and absolutely the best cyberpunk game of 2020. I only wished I had played through it entirely back then instead of waiting two years to discover a game that's now one of my all-time favorites.

For more Ghostrunner, read about the sequel it's getting here.

Have you played Ghostrunner? Let me know what you think of it in the comments below!

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Ghostrunner Is The Cyberpunk Game You Should Have Played In 2020 - Game Informer

Netflixs Cyberpunk 2077 Anime Looks More Breathtaking Than The Game – Kotaku

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Sha sha boo yah sha sha sha boo yah role call!Gif: Netflix / Trigger / CD Projekt Red / Kotaku

Netflix just dropped a new trailer for its anime series based on Cyberpunk 2077, and its more breathtaking than CD Projekt Reds action role-playing video game.

First announced way back in 2020, Cyberpunk: Edgerunners is a standalone 10-part anime series by CD Projekt Red, Netflix, and Studio Trigger, the anime studio behind shows like Gurren Lagann and Kill la Kill. Unlike its teaser trailer, which gave us vague yet mondo cool shots of its neon-dripped cityscape, extreme close-ups of characters, and blisteringly-fast sakuga action sequences, this trailer gave us a look at the animes story.

Netflix

Cyberpunk: Edgerunners follows a street kid named David. After a near-death experience following a hit-and-run, David joins a crew of eccentric edgerunners looking to take down the corpos of Night City. The crew of edgerunners maintains the same quality of well-crafted character designs Trigger is known for with a touch of Cyberpunk 2077 character archetypes: youve got Maine, the imposing muscle of the group and the animes Jackie Welles equivalent, punch girl Dorio, tech-wiz Kiwi, the eccentric Pilar, the captivating femme fatale Lucy, and Rebecca, the shortstack with the short-fuse, to round out the crew.

Read More: Watch Cyberpunk: Edgerunners Opening Titles

Over the years, Studio Trigger has garnered a reputation for crafting some of animes most bombastic action sequences. While some within the anime community view the studios output as style over substance, Trigger has recently buffed its catalog with provocative world building by giving Star Wars a much-needed creative facelift with a few episodes from its Disney+ anthology series, Star Wars: Visions, and through its latest Netflix show, Brand New Animal. With Promare director Hiroyuki Imaishi behind the helm for this limited series anime, Cyberpunk: Edgerunners is shaping up to be yet another accolade to add to the anime studios resume.

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Cyberpunk: Edgerunners is slated to release on August 31.

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Netflixs Cyberpunk 2077 Anime Looks More Breathtaking Than The Game - Kotaku

Libertarians see opening to gain ground in Georgia 2022 elections – The Atlanta Journal Constitution

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You can see in the polling that everybody kind of hates the two major parties and increasingly dont like where the country is going, said Ryan Graham, the Libertarian candidate for lieutenant governor and a former party chairman. We are giving voice to an underrepresented voting bloc in America.

Brett Larson, from left, Nathan Wilson, executive director of the Libertarian Party of Georgia, and Libertarian U.S. Senate candidate Allen Buckley watch election results on a computer during a Libertarian watch party in November 2016 at the Mellow Mushroom in Atlanta. (BRANDEN CAMP/SPECIAL)

Credit: Branden Camp

Brett Larson, from left, Nathan Wilson, executive director of the Libertarian Party of Georgia, and Libertarian U.S. Senate candidate Allen Buckley watch election results on a computer during a Libertarian watch party in November 2016 at the Mellow Mushroom in Atlanta. (BRANDEN CAMP/SPECIAL)

Credit: Branden Camp

Credit: Branden Camp

There are 10 Libertarians on the ballot this November in statewide races, including for the U.S. Senate, governor and secretary of state.

But voters wont have a Libertarian choice in any congressional and legislative races because of Georgias ballot access laws, which are among the strictest in the nation. No third-party candidates have ever been able to run for the U.S. House under a 1943 state law that requires them to gather signatures from 5% of registered voters.

One of those Libertarian candidates, Angela Pence, tried to challenge Republican U.S. Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene in a solidly conservative northwest Georgia district. Pence fell far short of the 25,000 signatures she needed, gathering about 6,000.

I could have shook things up, but instead were going to have Marjorie again for another two years, Pence said. A Democrat isnt going to win in this district, but a Libertarian could have given her a run for her money. Its going to take enough people or the system getting so bad that theyre finally willing to change it.

The two big political parties have stymied Libertarians chances to field more candidates, leaving state law unchanged.

Libertarian challenges have also fallen short in court. The 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in January reversed a ruling that would have lowered the number of signatures needed for a third-party candidate to get on the ballot. The Libertarian Party of Georgia appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court this week.

Both major-party candidates for governor, Republican Brian Kemp and Democrat Stacey Abrams, plan to try to get Libertarians to vote for them.

The stakes in this election could not be higher, Kemp campaign spokesman Tate Mitchell said. Gov. Kemp will continue reaching out to voters in every community and on every side of the aisle.

Abrams campaign spokesman Alex Floyd said, She understands how voters are frustrated with the current political status quo in Georgia and has spent her career advocating for Georgians right to participate in our democratic process so they can make their voices heard regardless of the candidate they support.

Stacey Abrams is focused on reaching out to voters all across our state to talk about how her plans work for them.

Neither candidate has announced plans to expand ballot access to third parties if elected.

Under Georgia law, third parties can nominate candidates for statewide offices as long as at least one of their candidates received votes from more than 1% of registered voters in the previous general election. But candidates for district races must meet the states 5% signature requirement.

Republicans and Democrats often shy away from proposals that could weaken their duopoly control of Georgia politics.

You dont want my opinion on it because Id probably get thrown out of the Republican Party, said state Rep. Steve Tarvin, a Republican from Chickamauga and chairman of the House Interstate Cooperation Committee. I would say we need easier ballot access, but I dont think just anybody can get on the ballot. I dont know what the answer is, but I dont think its 25,000 signatures.

House Minority Leader James Beverly said hed consider bills expanding ballot access if Democrats took over a majority of seats in the House, which is unlikely to happen this year.

Everyone who wishes to vote should be able to vote, and you should choose a candidate who best represents your interests. Having a third party isnt bad, said Beverly, a Democrat from Macon. I suspect Libertarians will be more inclined to vote for Democrats now because their basic philosophy upholds liberty as a core value.

Libertarian candidates know they dont stand much of a chance of winning this year, but they hope to make their case to voters and grow their base for the future.

The AJC poll showed 3% of likely voters support Libertarian U.S. Senate candidate Chase Oliver and less than 1% backed gubernatorial candidate Shane Hazel. The highest-polling Libertarian candidates were Graham for lieutenant governor and Ted Metz for secretary of state, both at about 7%.

The poll of 902 likely voters was conducted July 14-22 and has a margin of error of 3.3 percentage points. It was conducted by the University of Georgias School of Public and International Affairs.

Support for Libertarians tends to decline by the time elections arrive. In 2020, Libertarian candidates received between 1% and 3% of the vote.

But that can be enough in a tight race between Republicans and Democrats to throw the election into a runoff, as has happened several times in the past 30 years.

When you have third parties, those two major parties know that if you dont keep your promises, you do have options, said Elizabeth Melton Gallimore, executive director for the Libertarian Party of Georgia.

Libertarian candidates 2022

U.S. Senate: Chase Oliver

Governor: Shane Hazel

Lieutenant governor: Ryan Graham

Secretary of state: Ted Metz

Attorney General: Martin Cowen

Agriculture Commissioner: David Raudabaugh

Labor Commissioner: Emily Anderson

Public Service Commission District 2: Colin McKinney

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Libertarians see opening to gain ground in Georgia 2022 elections - The Atlanta Journal Constitution

The primary is over Here’s who you can expect to see on JoCo ballots in November – Shawnee Mission Post

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There are several federal, state and local elections on the ballot for the upcoming general election see who is on the docket. File photo.

Unofficial results from Tuesday night show that Johnson County voter turnout hit more than 53% for the 2022 primary election.

Next up is the Nov. 8 general election, during which voters will decide who becomes the new chair of the Board of County Commissioners, as well as races for U.S. Senate, the Third District U.S. House of Representatives seat, a slew of local statehouse contests and some other statewide and local offices.

The Post put together the following list using Johnson County Election Offices unofficial final results and the Kansas Secretary of State unofficial Kansas election results of candidates who have either already filed for November or who won their primary Tuesday and are set to advance.

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The primary is over Here's who you can expect to see on JoCo ballots in November - Shawnee Mission Post

Election 2022: Primaries clear Michigan fields; more will come at conventions – The Center Square

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(The Center Square) Michigans state primaries are in the rearview, but voters wont know the full slate of candidates for Nov. 8 for another few weeks.

Candidates for three of the states highest-ranking offices attorney general, lieutenant governor, and secretary of state are not determined by state primaries. Instead, candidates for these offices are determined by party conventions.

Additionally, candidates for Supreme Court, and the boards of Michigan State University, Wayne State University, the University of Michigan, and the state Board of Education are nominated at conventions.

The two major party conventions will be held later this month, with the Democrats meeting Aug. 20-21, and Republicans convening Aug. 27. The Libertarian Partys convention was held July 10.

According to Ballotpedia, Michigan is one of 43 states to elect an attorney general whereas seven states either allow appointment by the governor or legislature.

Incumbent AG Dana Nessel is running unopposed by other Democrat candidates. Joe McHugh was selected as the Libertarian Partys candidate at the partys convention last month. Three Republican candidates are vying to unseat Nessel: State Rep. Ryan Berman; attorney Matthew DePerno; and former state Rep. Tom Leonard, who squared off against Nessel in 2018.

The attorney general serves a term of four years with no term limits. For example, Frank Kelly was nicknamed the Eternal General because he served from 1961 to 1999, making him both the youngest elected at 36 and the oldest at 74.

The lieutenant governor field includes Democratic incumbent Garlin Gilchrist, Libertarian Brian Ellison and Green Party candidate Destiny Clayton. A Republican contender for the office has yet to be determined.

Incumbent Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson, a Democrat, will be challenged by one of the four Republican candidates: Cindy Berry; Kristina Karamo; state Rep. Beau LaFave; or Cathleen Postmus. Additional challengers are Libertarian Gregory Stempfle and Green Party candidate Larry Hutchinson Jr.

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Election 2022: Primaries clear Michigan fields; more will come at conventions - The Center Square

School choice is the free market solution to failing public schools – Washington Examiner

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The governments corner on the education market is a common enemy among liberty lovers. Throughout the country, government-funded public school systems are outdated and broken. They push values and ideologies that make parents uncomfortable, they systematically waste taxpayer dollars, and, worst of all, they fail to equip future generations with the tools they need to succeed in the wider world. Even basic literacy has been declining for decades, and children who are behind in reading by third grade may never catch up.

For these reasons, its easy to see why free marketeers such as Clemson professor C. Bradley Thompson, libertarian activist Jacob Hornberger, and Fox Newss Kennedy Montgomery have publicly embraced the idea that public schools should simply be abolished all at once.

But the chances of that happening are slim to none. Every state has a compulsory schooling statute, and eliminating these statutes would be arduous, especially when most parents are satisfied with their childrens education. Believe it or not, parental satisfaction in public schools has remained above 67% over the past two decades, and public school is still the first choice for 41% of parents today.

In short, it isnt politically viable to pursue an agenda of abolishing public education in our current moment (and it may never be so). If free marketeers wish to make a real impact on education in America, theyd do better to embrace educational freedom of all kinds.

Advocating incremental change to improve our K-12 education system by empowering parents with educational choices is a much more popular and effective strategy for freeing students from the failing government schooling apparatus. For example, education savings accounts, which let families use their childs education funds on private education expenses, including tutoring, special needs therapies, and private school tuition, poll at about 75% favorability among parents of various backgrounds.

Yet some libertarians make perfect the enemy of the good by opposing school choice since it does not meet their standards of market competition. Students dont have time for libertarian pipe dreams no matter how just and right they may be. Children and their families dont care that education savings accounts arent the perfect market solution. Theyll settle for the boosts to test scores, civic values, and educational attainment that all stem from the opportunity to choose an academic environment that suits them best.

Furthermore, free marketeers who oppose school choice havent looked deeply enough into their own philosophy. Adam Smith himself observed in The Wealth of Nations that for a very small [expense] the [public] can facilitate, can encourage, and can even impose upon almost the whole body of the people, the necessity of acquiring those most essential parts of education [to read, write, and account].

In essence, Smith believed that universal education was of the utmost importance, as it would offset the harmful effects of the division of labor. It was the responsibility of any prosperous society to ensure that workers and elites alike had access to at least some form of learning.

However, Smith was careful to note that education should be a partnership between public authorities and the market because if [the teacher] was wholly, or even principally paid by [the government], he would soon learn to neglect his business. Smith wasnt alone either. Other classical liberal or free market theorists such as Thomas Paine, John Stuart Mill, Milton Friedman, David Friedman, and James Buchanan recognized the positive role government financing can play in promoting parental choice in education.

Liberty is rarely expanded in one fell swoop. It is a long march that takes time, effort, and persistence. Libertarians should continue to follow these theorists lead and unite with a public thats open to reforming a broken system. Libertarians could help students and their families by embracing incremental educational choice reform. The future of American education requires innovation, and educational freedom can improve the educational system immediately while also upholding free market ideals.

Garion Frankel (@FrankelGarion) is a graduate student at Texas A&M Universitys Bush School of Government and Public Service and a Young Voices contributor. Cooper Conway (@CooperConway1) is a national voices fellow at 50CAN and a Young Voices contributor.

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School choice is the free market solution to failing public schools - Washington Examiner

Local News: Donnie Brown elected as 149th representative (8/2/22) | Standard Democrat – Standard-Democrat

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Donnie Brown

NEW MADRID, Mo. Donnie Brown of New Madrid will be the next representative from the 149th District.

According to unofficial vote totals from the office of New Madrid County Clerk Amy Brown, Republican Brown received 1,255 votes in New Madrid County. His opponent on the Republican ticket Eric Garris had 396 votes. There were no Democrats seeking the office.

The 149th District also includes Mississippi County and a portion of Pemiscot County. Brown had 727 votes in Mississippi County and 310 votes in Pemiscot County for a total of 2,292. Garris had 331 votes in Mississippi County and 285 votes in Pemiscot County giving him 1,012 votes overall.

Brown offered his thanks following his win.

I had so many generous people that donated to the campaign, that walked with me, put signs up. I couldnt have done it without them, Brown said.

According to Brown, he will make jobs a priority when serving as the 149th District representative along with technical skills education to provide the work force to fill those jobs. Also he said he hopes to serve on the states budget committee.

Nearly 87 percent of the 1,972 voters casting ballots Tuesday opted for a Republican ballot. There were a total of 1,701 voters picking up the GOP primary ballot and 270 who selected a Democratic ballot. Only one person voted the Libertarian ticket and there were no Constitution Party voters in the county.

Overseeing her second election since appointed New Madrid County Clerk, Amy Brown said overall the election on Tuesday went smoothly.

With no locally contested primary races, turnout in New Madrid County was just under 18 percent, or 1,972 of the countys 11,030 registered voters.

There will be one contested county election in November.

Mary Hunter Starnes had 239 votes cast for her by Democrats for the office of New Madrid County treasurer. Republicans cast 1,226 votes for Renee Westmoreland Smith as their partys nominee for New Madrid County treasurer. They will face one another in the November election.

The remaining candidates for county office were without opposition in the August primary.

Listed on the Democratic ballot for county office was incumbent Recorder of Deeds Kim St. Mary Hall, who had 250 votes.

On the Republican ticket for county office were incumbents Josh Underwood, associate circuit judge, 1,304 votes; Mark Baker, presiding commissioner, 1,262 votes; Amy Brown, county clerk, 1,276 votes; Shannon Harris-Landers, circuit clerk, 1,259 votes; Andrew C. Lawson, prosecuting attorney, 1,259 votes; and Dewayne Nowlin, collector, 1,331 votes.

In Portageville, voters approved a proposal to issue combined waterworks and sewerage system revenue bonds for $7 million. The money will be used to acquire, construct, improve, extend and equip the citys water and sewage system. The principal and interest of the bonds will be paid through the operation of the system.

There were 195 votes in favor of the issue compared to 105 opposed.

For U.S. representative from the Eighth District, Republican incumbent Jason Smith received the nod from New Madrid County voters over challenger Jacob Turner. Smith had 1,405 votes to 186 votes for Turner.

In November, Smith will face Democrat Randi McCallian, who had 237 votes cast in his favor in New Madrid County and Libertarian Jim Higgins, who received 1 vote in Tuesdays county primary.

The top vote-getter from a long list of Republicans vying to be the partys nominee for U.S. senator in New Madrid County was Eric Greitens. The candidates and their vote totals in New Madrid County were: Patrick A. Lewis, 21; Eric Schmitt, 650; Billy Long, 7; Eric Greitens, 680; Bernie Mowinski, 3; C.W. Gardner, 2; Deshon Porter, 4; Vicky Hartzler, 240; Dave Sims, 2: Mark McCloskey, 14: Eric McElroy, 2; Dennis Lee Chilton, 0: Robert Allen, 2; Dave Schatz, 1; Hartford Tunnell, 1; Kevin C. Schepers, 1; Rickey Joiner, 1: Robert Olson, 2; Russel Pealer Breyfogle Jr., 2; Darrell Leon McClanahan III, 1: and Curtis D. Vaughn, 3.

New Madrid County residents who picked up a Democratic ballot picked Trudy Bush Valentine as their candidate for U.S. senator. The vote tally was as follows: Lewis Rolen, 26: Gena Ross, 18; Carla Coffee Wright, 20; Josh Shipp, 9; Spencer Toder, 11; Lucas Kunce, 60; Jewel Kelly, 12; Clarence (Clay) Taylor, 16: Pat Kelly, 16: Valentine, 62: and Ronald (Ron) William Harris, 7.

Jonathan Dine, the Libertarian Party candidate, garnered 1 vote and no votes were cast for Paul Venable, the Constitution Party candidate for U.S. senator.

For state auditor on the Republican ticket, New Madrid County residents opted for Scott Fitzpatrick, who received 868 votes over David Gregory, who had 569 votes. Alan Green, who was the sole Democrat on the ballot for state auditor, polled 224 votes and John A. Hartwig Jr., the Libertarian Party candidate, had 1 vote.

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Local News: Donnie Brown elected as 149th representative (8/2/22) | Standard Democrat - Standard-Democrat

Discontent Is Never Enough – by Jonah Goldberg – The G-File – The Dispatch

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Hey,

I set out to write this new effort to launch a third party and then, a few hundred words in, I started putting out a cigar on my face just to remind myself Im alive. So, Im starting over.

Dont get me wrong, Id be delighted to see a third party emerge that could send either the GOP or the Democrats the way of the Whigs. Its just that the topic has been so exhaustingly chewed-over you could drink it with a straw. So let me at least try to come at it from a different angle.

First, I do think that conditions have not been better in my lifetime for a third party to emerge.

Think of it like a man with three buttocks. No, wait, dont do that.

Think of it like our national forests, where bears continue to defecate with libertarian impunity. Weve spent a century suppressing natural fires to the point that theres an enormous amount of fuel lying around, making a much bigger fire inevitable.

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Discontent Is Never Enough - by Jonah Goldberg - The G-File - The Dispatch

Can the people rule in Arkansas? Defeating an anti-populist amendment this year is key – Arkansas Times

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The defeat of a ballot initiative in Kansas and coming ballot questions in Arkansas raise a larger question about whether the people in Arkansas are at risk of being shut out of the democratic process by an autocratic legislature, supported by the business lobby.

Context:

MARIJUANA: A group promoting legalization of marijuana for adults has gathered enough signatures to qualify for the ballot and will go before a state commission today for certification of the ballot title. But David Couch, the Little Rock lawyer who works in initiative campaigns, notes some significant facts about that petition drive.

Responsible Growth submitted 193,000 signatures, needing about 89,000 signatures of registered voters. The secretary of states office checked 159,961 signatures before certifying the drive had 90,375 legitimate signatures, leaving 30,000 uncounted. That means the canvassing validity rate was only around 56 percent. Using professional canvassers from out of state in previous petition campaigns such as medical marijuana and minimum wage amendments Couch said the validity rate was around 75 percent. Responsible Growth has spent about $3 million to gather signatures, a million or so more than past years, he said. Couch figures the lower rate is directly related to anti-petition law changes in the last legislature to prohibit pay per signature and to ban canvassers from out of state.

MAKING PETITIONS EVEN HARDER: A legislatively proposed constitutional amendment, Initiative 2, would require a 60 percent supermajority vote for proposed constitutional amendments or initiated acts to be adopted. This is simply anti-democratic. As Couch also notes, it is not a liberal/conservative issue. The conservative Family Council has used the petition process to successfully attack abortion and same-sex marriage. Big business paid for the drive to expand casino gambling in Arkansas. And so on. But the minimum wage amendment still rankles big business. And Republicans fear good government amendments, such as a non-partisan redistricting commission.

Couch thinks there will be an organized campaign to fight Initiative 2, but Koch types have deep pockets, too, if they chose to engage. The measure was sponsored by a one-time Koch head political worker.

AND SO WHAT ABOUT ABORTION? Couch thinks there will be a future drive related to abortion in Arkansas. Anything would be better than what we have. But the obstacles, particularly if Issue 2 is approved, are daunting. Couch believes as I do and as poll after poll has shown that the majority of Arkansans, though willing to restrict abortion in many ways, do not want to see it totally outlawed. A vote on a sensible measure certainly wouldnt hit the 75 percent mark in opposition. It always hits that level whenever the word abortion is uttered in the Arkansas legislature.

SPEAKING OF BALLOT INITIATIVES: The legislature has put two other stinkers on the ballot Issue 1 lets the legislature call special sessions for whatever awfulness currently moves them. Its now an executive prerogative, one of few remaining. Issue 3 is Christofascist demagoguery. It amends the state constitution to provide that government shall not burden a persons freedom of religion even if the burden results from a rule of general applicability. In other words, anybody can discriminate against LGBTQ people whenever and wherever.

Funny thing. The religion amendment could come back to bite its supporters in the butt. Example: The state abortion ban burdens the freedom of religion of many people in Arkansas. Their religious faith (or lack of) permits abortion. As I noted earlier today, the question is already before federal courts, but without the added weight of a sovereign states own express declaration of freedom of religion.

Also this year, we are still waiting for word from the secretary of state on the petition drive aimed at blocking a casino in Pope County. A petition drive financed by the Choctaw Nation to prevent competition for its Fort Smith casino turned in about 100,000 signatures at the outset. If the validity rate was 55 percent, it wont qualify for a cure period to add additional signatures. 75 percent of initially submitted signatures must be legitimate to qualify for additional signature gathering.

Originally posted here:

Can the people rule in Arkansas? Defeating an anti-populist amendment this year is key - Arkansas Times

Emotional Mobilization in Chinese Online bottom-up Populism – Novinite.com

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Populism is a buzzword of our time and has attracted the attention of politicians, commentators, and scholars alike. In democratic contexts, populist politics focuses on charismatic leaders, such as Donald Trump in the U.S., Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, Geert Wields in the Netherlands, and Marine Le Pen in France, etc. Except for these charismatic leaders, we also witness the rise of populist parties, which gradually move from marginalized positions to mainstream politics. Populist politics in democratic contexts can be viewed as a top-down phenomenon in which charismatic leaders and populist parties act as mediators, pitting the people against corrupt elites and established institutions. Except for this top-down understanding of populism, there is also a bottom-up approach to populism, which is demonstrated in social movements, such as theOccupy Movement,the Umbrella Movement,the Arab Spring, and theIndignados Movement. The dynamics between online connective actions and offline collective actions further mobilize the majority of people as underdogs to participate and engage in these bottom-up populist social movements. For example, in the Occupy Movement, the commonly used slogan is "We are the 99%." This slogan attempts to evoke the emotional resonance of normal people as underdogs who are facing systematic social and economic inequality. Here, people's emotions are stirred by the fact that the gap between the 1% and the 99% is getting bigger and bigger.

Due to the distinctive social-cultural background, the Chinese political system seems relativelyimmune to the rise of populist leaders and populist parties. However, China, indeed, has also witnessed the rise of populism in the past two decades. It is defined asonline bottom-up populism. The rise of online bottom-up populism is closely related to the popularity of the internet and digital media. The affordances of digital media provide people an unprecedented channel to express their voices, emotions, discontents, and appeals online. The people, covered by the semi-anonymous features of digital media, become netizens and express their concerns online directly, thus raising further public concerns and public discontent. In online bottom-up populism, the netizens serve as the mediators between the people and the elite, appealing in the name of the people. This distinctive bottom-up nature of Chinese populism offers a novel perspective on populism, particularly in the context of digitalization and platformization, both of which are driving forces in today's world.

Online populist protests in China do not depend on resource mobilization or political opportunities, but on emotional mobilization. Emotional mobilization here refers to the process of organizing collective activism by contentious groups who experience the same issues of social injustice, economic inequality, arousing public sense of grievance, indignation, and relative deprivation. In contrast to bottom-up populist social movements in democratic contexts, populist protests in China are limited to online, as offline movements are normally under strict restrictions. As a consequence, emotional mobilization has become an important strategy for online populist protests. AsGuobin Yang argues, the emergence of online protests is a process of emotional mobilization, which heavily depends on "those expressive forms and content that may produce among internet users such emotional responses as joy, laughter, anger, sadness, and sympathy."The aim of emotional mobilization is to stir up the emotions of "disadvantaged" groups and create a unified group feeling in order to get netizens to do or get involved in a certain act, like reposting, commenting, or advocating for official investigations to be open and accountable to the public.

Indignation is one of the main emotions that drives people to engage in online populist protests in China. The widening gaps between the rich and the poor, the powerful and the powerless, the privileged and the underprivileged, evoke peoples indignation towards the corrupt elite. For example, on January 17, 2020, aSina Weibouser posted several photos, posing in front of a luxury car inside the Palace Museum (center of Beijing) with the flaunting words, "On Monday, the Palace Museum was closed, so I hurried over, hid from the crowds, and went to play in the Palace Museum." The Palace Museum, as one of the most important historical heritage sites, has banned vehicles from entering its grounds since 2013 and is closed for routine maintenance on Monday. The woman violated the car-driving ban, which is in sharp contrast to another incident that occurred in 2013 when the former French PresidentFrancois Hollandeand his girlfriend visited the Palace Museum and their car was stopped from entering its grounds.Shan Jixiang, who was the curator of the Palace Museum at the time, explained that the car-driving ban was a matter of cultural dignity. He pointed out that the Buckingham Palace in the United Kingdom and the Versailles Palace in France both prohibit cars from entering their grounds.

The woman drivers post soon went viral, and the flaunting behaviour ignited publicdiscontent and indignation. This is an exemplar online populist case in China as it allows us to explore how netizens online connective actions and how their discourse pitted against the rich, privileged elites builds pressure. In order to mobilize more people to participate in an online protest against the privileged elite group, netizens connectively exposed the personal background of the woman driver. Asmore background was exposed, such as that she failed in her master's degree defense, resigned from Air China as an employee, and owns a luxury mansion in the United States, netizens became more indignant towards the corrupt elites. The narrative outlined how a member of the rich elite, who is not well educated and not hardworking, has the privilege of visiting the Palace Museum on Monday with a luxury car, while normal people have to get in by waiting in a long queue on working days. This sharp contrast sets off a public outcry and forms an emotional antagonism. Despite the Palace Museumresponded quickly, informing that stricter management will be implemented to prevent similar incidents from happening again. This vague responsefueled more public indignation, as it failed to address public concerns. Why was she allowed to drive into the Palace Museum? Is this a loophole in management or a flaunting of privilege?

Online bottom-up populist protests in China serve as a pressure valve, allowing the people as underdogs to express their indignation and concerns about key social issues, as this may release the pressure of Chinese social volcano. In particular, the punishment of the culpable elites, to some extent, assuages and compensates for public indignation. The punishment of individualized corrupt elites comforts and compensates public indignation, avoiding online populist protests appeal for institutional changes. In this case, in order to calm public outrage, thecurator of the Palace Museumapologized to the public and said two senior managers were suspended for investigation. Once the public's emotional demands have been partially satisfied, online populist protests will gradually calm down.

The Palace Museum is located in the Forbidden City (center of Beijing). It used to be the palace of the emperors of the Ming (1368-1644) and Qing dynasties (1644-1911) and a symbol of royal power. The Palace Museum is one of the most important historical imperial palaces and world heritage sites in China /Shot by Peiyuan Zhou.

/Kun He, Alice News

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Lucas Kunce: Populism is about everyday people coming together – The Guardian US

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Lucas Kunce thinks populism has been given a bad name. Its outrageous, he says, that people call the Josh Hawleys, the Eric Greitens, the Donald Trumps of the world populist. Populism is about everyday people coming together to have power in a system thats not working for them. So do that, Josh Hawley. I mean, good Lord, what a charlatan.

Kunce is running for the Democratic nomination for US Senate in Missouri, in the fight to take the states second seat in Washington, alongside Hawley. The primary is on Tuesday.

Kunces main challenger is Trudy Busch Valentine, a prominent donor from the Anheuser-Busch brewing dynasty. Kunces fundraising has been hugely successful but polling is tight.

Kunce has attacked Busch Valentine for representing the donor class, but in conversation he focuses more on attacking Republicans. Hawley, he says, is always talking about masculinity this, that, the other meanwhile, he skitters out of the Capitol from a riot he essentially started. The guy votes for every corporate judge that comes up in front of him. He doesnt do anything that would actually empower everyday people.

And Donald Trump, I mean, he put the president of Goldman Sachs, Gary Cohn, in charge of our economy. Thats not populism. What they do is divide people based on race, religion, where you come from, in a way that doesnt give everyday people power. They make sure folks are divided so that they dont have power as a whole against the system thats not working.

And so I just think its a tragedy that we give sort of any sort of populist label to these guys because they dont want to change the system.

Now 39, Kunce is a Yale grad who joined the US marines, went to Iraq and Afghanistan and worked in international arms control. Hes a persuasive speaker, even over Google Meet, laptop camera on the fritz.

He is for gun control but he is running in gun country. That in part explains an ad in which Kunce holds an AR-15-style assault rifle, makes as if to fire it and then says that unlike potential Republican opponents including Mark McCloskey, the lawyer who infamously pointed such a gun at protesters for racial justice, he doesnt need to indulge in such macho posturing.

Kunce is also for abortion rights, in a state with a post-Roe v Wade trigger law.

He grew up in Jefferson City, in what would be considered a pro-life house and pro-life neighbourhood. Thats what I knew. And then I joined the Marine Corps. I went out and saw what it was like for these countries where they have oppressive Big Brother governments, where women have no rights. I saw what it was like to live in countries where theres this two-tiered system of rights, where if you have wealth, access and power, the worlds literally your oyster.

And then I see what they did in Missouri here, how these country club Republicans passed the countrys first trigger law, saying abortion is not even available in cases of rape or incest. Its like theyre willing to do that because they know its not going to affect them. Because theyre gonna go out of state, they have the wealth and the means. And so I think thats messed up. People in my old neighborhood, thats whos not gonna have access. Were gonna have a two-tier system here.

And Ive seen people from from my life go through very hard pregnancies I dont think they should ever have to be forced to go through. People should be able to have that right and opportunity And so my position is that I will vote to end the [Senate] filibuster and codify Roe v Wade. I think we need to make that happen.

The Republican primary in Missouri is certainly messy, an all-in scrap in which Greitens, a pro-Trump ex-governor who quit in disgrace and is accused of sexual and physical abuse, could yet come out on top.

Polling suggests a Missouri US Senate seat remains a stretch for any Democrat. All the same, Kunce has attracted national attention. He says that was a surprise.

I had no expectations going into this. I was a guy nobody knew. I wanted to run a campaign where I rejected corporate Pac money, federal lobbyists money, big pharma executive money, big fossil fuel executive money. People basically said that wasnt possible and that was stupid.

And we just decided wed do it the right way anyway. To actually stand for something and to win and to make sure you only represent people like the ones who took care of me growing up, rather than these folks who are buying off politicians and using them to strip our communities for parts.

Im thrilled weve gotten the attention that weve gotten for what were doing and how Democrats can win in the midwest again if they take a real straightforward populist message.

Kunce talks of big, bold investment in the midwest, of spending the sort of billions previously spent on wars in Iraq and Afghanistan on building the next generation of energy technology right here, to build out manufacturing, research and development, were talking wind and solar but were also talking hydrogen, distributed nuclear or modular nuclear, battery technology [and] good union jobs.

Such aims are part of the Green New Deal and Build Back Better, progressive and Democratic plans fiercely opposed by big business and the right. Kunces description of a Marshall plan for the midwest, a reference to US aid for postwar Europe under a Missourian Democratic president, Harry Truman, seems in part a repackaging. He isnt big on progressive labels. Asked about identity politics, he prefers to talk about class.

My focus is on top-bottom, as far as identity politics go. There are a lot of people who are being used as targets, usually the most vulnerable people in our society, by the shareholder class, these massive corporations who are funding campaigns against trans youth, against gay people, against minority communities. They do whatever they can to fund divisive campaigns in order to make it so we dont have a top-bottom race.

This is what I was talking about earlier with these charlatans who pretend to be populist but theyre actually dividing people as much as they can. Im absolutely for protecting communities that are vulnerable. I just dont want to lose sight of this top-bottom dynamic thats really killing us and making it so everybody is fighting for crumbs underneath the table rather than actually having to sit at it.

Kunce has been presented as a representative of progressive masculinity, a type of Democrat who might appeal away from the coasts. He connects the issue back to Republican posturing.

Its crazy. I mean, Mark McCloskey on his AR-15, frightening people who are walking by his house. You dont even hold it right. He would have burned himself up with hot brass if hed shot a round. The fakeness here is just incredible. Josh Hawleys right there too.

Real men arent a bunch of posers. They are people like my dad who sacrifice for their family, sacrifice for their community, stay in the first job they ever took out of school for their entire life, even when theyre miserable, because they needed their little girl to have health insurance so that she would survive. People that invest in their community, in their families.

Its like the guy who inspired me to join the marines. This guy named Al. When I was a kid, we always volunteered at the church soup kitchen. Twice a month wed go down there and this guy who ran the kitchen, he was always like, OK, what chores do all the kids want to do? And my little sister and I were always like, Oh, we want to do the dishes. And Al was always confused about why two kids wanted to do the dishes.

But at my house with a big family, doing the dishes, man, it was like 40 minutes of standing at the sink, hurting your back, scrubbing hard and drying. Well, the church kitchen had a dishwasher. So doing the dishes was a scam there. You just threw a bunch of stuff in and walked away. I was like, This guys an idiot, he thinks were doing a chore. And so Al figured that out.

And two years later, when he renovated the kitchen in his house, he took his old dishwasher, put it in his pickup truck, drove it to our house and installed it for us, because he remembered that and he wanted to do something for somebody.

Thats what a real man does. Thats masculinity. Al was a marines officer in Vietnam. Never talked about it. Just, you know, quiet fortitude. Thats what I think being a man is and its why I joined the Marine Corps and its why I think these [Republican] guys are just a bunch of posturing peacocks.

My last question is in part prompted by Kunces mention of quiet fortitude. Kunce is a fan of Clint Eastwood movies. Which is his favorite?

Unforgiven. Because Unforgiven was such a comeback for the western brand. It brought it back in the early 90s. And I thought that was really cool. I mean, I watch all the old ones. Pale Rider, The Good, the Bad and the Ugly but I think Unforgiven was just, it was a real comeback story for the genre which I love.

Im for In the Line of Fire. If Kunce wins on Tuesday, the Republicans will be too.

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Podemos: party of struggles or populist operation from above? – International Viewpoint

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The truth is that the two coexisted within Podemos, and the creative tension between these two realities accounted in part for its initial success. But the two souls have fought a very unequal war to the death, ending up with defeat for one of them as well as the original project.

Podemos emerged in 2014 after a cycle of social struggles that began with the emergence of the Indignados movement in 2011. This process of popular mobilization had shown that large sections of the population were breaking with the two major traditional parties, and it expressed a rejection of the economic policies that had developed after the 2008 crisis. The movement, which was part of a global cycle of mobilizations, also allowed thousands of people to experiment with new forms of participation and political and social action: occupations of squares, popular assemblies, use of social networks as a means of expression and organization and so on. We have also seen the emergence of slogans and demands with broad popular support: against corruption, against neoliberal economic policies, for the renewal of the political system, defence of public services including education and health.

Podemos set itself the goal of giving electoral political expression to this movement. But, even if it has often been perceived as its emanation, in fact it has never been organically linked to the Indignados movement and originated rather from the initiative of a small group of activists who, in alliance with Izquierda Anticapitalista (now Anticapitalistas), launched the project.

The initial launch of Podemos in January 2014 presented itself as a citizens initiative which, in continuity with the struggles of 2011-2014, intended to make the voice of the social majorities heard in the political field. It therefore presented itself as an organization different from all political parties, a kind of democratic tool with horizontal functioning, allowing a kind of direct democracy in the electoral context. Podemos took up the most popular slogans of the period, with a clearly radical program of rupture with neoliberalism and the regime of the 1978 Constitution.

The call to form circles or self-managed rank-and-file committees, to build the electoral campaign from below, was a remarkable success and made it possible to launch a fairly massive campaign with extremely limited resources. Podemos success was also based on the popularity of its spokesperson, Pablo Iglesias, who became known for his participation in televised political debates, first organized by himself and then as a guest of right-wing media. The popularity of Iglesias made it possible to give a visible figure to the project, with which people could easily identify.

However, this aspect also carried the risk of centralization around one person of the future organization. Indeed, Iglesias and those around him used it to ensure full control of all formal decision-making processes, adopted by electronic voting by the mass of members. From the beginning, the possibility of joining Podemos without even paying a membership fee or attending a meeting made it possible to reach hundreds of thousands of people interested in the project. But this massive membership also created a party base much broader than that of activists organized in circles, but far less active and less involved in party-building debates.

These contradictions exploded in the preparation of the first congress, or citizens assembly according to the language of Podemos. Debates on forms of organization give rise to various proposals on how to build a new force allowing a radical democracy with a certain degree of centralization and efficiency. Anticapitalistas worked with many others to synthesize these proposals, federating local groups with diverse ideas, but animated by the common project of a democratic activist force.

In reaction to this, Iglesias followed a quite simple tactic: he presented a firm position with a system of organization designed to remove any role from the rank-and-file assemblies and give the secretary general unlimited power in the election of local councils, done by electronic vote. His argument was reduced, as the vote approached and the result seemed uncertain, to simple blackmail: if this system was not validated, he would withdraw as spokesperson for the future organization.

These two proposals clashed at the congress. While in face-to-face meetings things seemed equal, the final decision was made online by the hundreds of thousands of members that Podemos already had at the time (November 2014). Iglesiass project was adopted, that of a party with disproportionate power for the executive, validating its orientations by internal plebiscites, and with an intermediate structure which was virtually non-existent and built from above.

This congress will be remembered for the phrase in Iglesias speech that he used to attack the alternative position: Heaven is not taken by consensus, it is taken by assault. Against the inclusive deliberative processes that animated most Podemos activists, the authority of the leader imposing himself internally was invoked, based on the prospect of a rapid (electoral) victory. It was also an implicit break with the spirit of the Indignados movement, which had privileged horizontal, consensual methods, expressed in the slogan of the Puerta del Sol plaza: We go slowly because we go far.

Since these methods of debate led to moments of inefficiency and frustration, the principle of consensus as the only means of decision-making had often been replaced in assemblies by broad majority voting procedures. But the spirit of Podemos presented by Iglesias was a drastic break with all this. With the objective of winning the general elections quickly, made credible by good scores in the polls, the choice of an electoral war machine party was made, which completely eliminated any deliberative and inclusive process. In fact, the construction of the party after the founding congress involved a fierce struggle against the self-managed circles and their activists, and their replacement by local councils effectively chosen from above and validated by electronic vote. This war against the circles often hid behind a war against Anticapitalistas, with a half-sincere half-feigned paranoia about our infiltration into the rank-and-file assemblies (fortunately for the circles, they were much bigger than us and we had extremely limited means to influence them locally).

Podemos was soon transformed into an empty shell, focused on its parliamentary and institutional apparatus with all power emanating from the Secretary General and his entourage. Years later, Iglesias acknowledged the mistake" of killing the circles, and they tried to rebuild a party structure with activist participation. But the possibility of creating a new force, which would integrate the most active and dynamic elements of our social camp, had long been wasted.

The bitter outcome of the founding congress forced Anticapitalistas to rethink its role in Podemos, which bore no resemblance to the new force we had imagined, a party-movement, radically democratic and militant. However, we chose to stay, based on the progressive role that Podemos continued to play in Spanish politics, the expectations of millions of workers in this new project, and a certain degree of agreement with the leadership on the need for a break with the Spanish political and economic system and the need for a constituent process. It was clear to us that we had a quite different idea about what form such a process should take, and that these strategic differences would lead to a break at some point, but we chose to continue working together trying to make our ideas and methods heard.

The lack of internal democracy of the new organization has made even more obvious to us the need to combine participation within it with our own construction as an independent revolutionary organization, with its own political profile and total autonomy, including financial autonomy, in relation to Podemos and the institutional positions obtained by participating in the lists presented in the elections.

At the beginning of 2020, when Iglesias and his followers joined the coalition government with the Socialist Party, we decided to leave Podemos definitively. We waited for a moment of historical inflection, understandable by the masses, which effectively showed that Podemos had become incapable of embodying a project of rupture. Anticapitalistas came out strengthened from this experience, both numerically and by the experience of having led this battle unitarily.

The irruption of Podemos into the parliamentary institutions made possible a generational renewal of elected representatives, illustrated by the famous image of the deputy with dreadlocks in front of the sluggish gaze of President Rajoy. Some of these new deputies were originally representatives of social struggles or left-wing activists linked to them. This has undoubtedly allowed a greater visibility of workers struggles, feminists, for public services or for the rights of immigrants, who have thus been able to make themselves heard in the institutions.

However, the strategy of the Podemos leadership was based on a strong principle of delegation, which transferred all activist efforts to the electoral level, and placed all hopes on the importance of the leaders, who became parliamentary representatives, then government representatives. This consolidation of Podemos has therefore also contributed to a great demobilization and the end of the cycle of struggles.

The integration of Podemos into the coalition government has only accentuated this phenomenon: once all autonomy has been lost due to agreements within the government, Podemos is even less able to represent an alternative voice and express the more radical expectations of change that emanate from social struggles and movements.

Translated by International Viewpoint from lAnticapitaliste la revue.

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All aboard the populist bandwagon – BusinessLIVE

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anc politics As the ANC tries to arrest any further electoral decline, its taken a turn to populism in rhetoric, at least. Its tying itself in knots in the process

04 August 2022 - 05:00 Carien du Plessis

One of the most gruesome events in recent years cast a long shadow over the ANCs policy conference, which started at Nasrec on Friday. Hours before, eight young women were raped and robbed by a group of men in Krugersdorp. The details were still unclear, yet the incident featured early in proceedings, in President Cyril Ramaphosas opening speech.

Not much later, the police arrested dozens of foreign nationals. While some were in possession of documents allowing them to be in SA legally, most werent. But it wasnt immediately clear how or if they were linked to the crime. That didnt stop the ruling party from using the horrific incident to defend a populist proposal to clamp down on immigration. ..

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Jim Jordan Tells GOP To Tee Up And Embrace Populism For 2024 – Daily Caller

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Republican Ohio Rep. Jim Jordan sat down with the Daily Caller News Foundation to discuss the growing populist sentiments occurring within the Republican party and how the shift may affect the 2022 midterm elections.

For Jordan, the future of the GOP lies in embracing a more populist form of conservatism, which focuses on hyper-nationalism, deep skepticism of elites and a deep distrust of the government. Jordan applauded the transition in the party and credited former President Trump for being the catalyst of the change.

We are now a populist party rooted in conservative principle, Jordan told the DCNF. And I think thats a good thing.

Jordan said that the GOP has become the party of the working man, the average American, and those not represented by the coastal elite. He also said the move is essential to minimize the growing leftist threat in politics and culture nationwide.

Right-leaning populists make up 23% of Republicans, making them a growing sect in the GOP, according to a poll conducted by Pew Research. Populists support traditional conservative values, like tougher policies on illegal immigration, but tend to hold different values on issues such as taxes on corporations.

However, this shift could open the door to more government intervention in certain areas that traditional conservatives normally would reject, including the recent push to permanently ban abortion at the federal level and using Congress to undercut big tech in the name of creating an environment for free speech.

Because its populist, well yeah, then there is a little more government than we would traditionally like as conservatives who were [like] Buckley or Reagan and that is the modern Republican party, Jordan said.

CINCINNATI, OH MAY 3: Republican U.S. Senate candidate J.D. Vance arrives onstage after winning the primary, at an election night event at Duke Energy Convention Center on May 3, 2022 in Cincinnati, Ohio. Vance, who was endorsed by former President Donald Trump, narrowly won over former state Treasurer Josh Mandel, according to published reports. (Photo by Drew Angerer/Getty Images)

When asked why Republican candidates who are embracing this new realignment were underperforming in their polling and fundraising, he seemed to dodge the question, instead emphasizing that most GOP candidates will win in November. He argued that with the election 100 days away, it was too hard to predict the outcome coupled with general disdain towards Democrats and their policies. (RELATED:Weak Candidates Threaten GOPs Hopes To Retake Senate)

Despite failing to acknowledge the current shortcomings of GOP senatorial candidates, Jordan did warn Republicans not to take anything for granted. He argued that even though it appears 2022 will be a good year for the party, they need to work hard in their campaign efforts to remind voters of the Democrats shortcomings.

Republican Ohio senatorial candidate J.D. Vance has campaigned on this new form of populist conservatism, but its success in a general election remains to be seen. Polling and fundraising data has shown that the populist conservative Vance trails far behind his Democratic competitor, Ohio Rep. Tim Ryan.

Ryan has raised over $15 million in a state that Trump won by 8 points in the last two presidential elections, leaving many GOP insiders concerned.

Jordan asserted that if the GOP is to take back the House they would focus on passing legislation regarding energy independence, border security, economic relief and the embrace of a more populist mindset. He emphasized that if the House flips red, he believed the GOP should launch constitutional investigations into the origins of COVID-19, the Department of Justice, and Hunter Bidens.

Jordan told the GOP to tee-up for the 2024 election and place the partys nominee in a good position to win.

I think there is time to win, Jordan told the DCNF. Remember 9 out of 10 Americans think the nation is headed in the wrong direction.

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The Very Good People of Kansas – City Watch

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PERSONAL CHOICE - I want to talkabout Kansas.

Not about its corn as high as an elephants eye, nor about Dorothy and Toto trying to find their way home, but about Kansas as the geographic and Republican center of America, Kansas as the vintage Norman Rockwell core of America, Kansas as what the Republican Party was before being hijacked by Newt Gingrich and then mugged by a New York real estate con artist.

Im moved to do so because on Tuesday the good people of Kansas voted against a ballot measure that would have stripped from their state constitution a womans right to choose, and they did it by a whopping18-point margin.

For decades, the Republican Party has exploited social fissures in America from immigration to race as its means of deflecting attention from the immutable fact that most Americans, especially those without college degrees and depending on an hourly wage, have been on a long downward escalator, and an ever-larger portion of the economic gains have been going to the top. Republicans have had no economic response to this except to promote the gonzo fiction that tax cuts for the rich somehow trickle down.

For much of this time, Democrats have unwittingly aided this Republican strategy by eschewing the populist-progressive economic policies that attracted downwardly mobile voters in the 1930s and 1940s, and before that, in the 1880s and 1890s. Instead, modern Democrats have substituted a neoliberal stew of free trade, privatization, and deregulation (until big banks or corporations need to be bailed out). The stew has helped corporate Democrats to prosper but, as Ive argued elsewhere, has left the working class in the dust.

But something has now happened that few predicted. The Republicans culture war has come back to bite the Republicans in their incidentals. The GOP has ventured into territory that even Kansans apparently decided was a dangerous overreach. A womans right to choose tipped the scales but the scales were already tipping as the GOP began to encroach on many aspects of private life: contraception, same-sex marriage, transgender bathroom rights, books, and religion.

Kansans, like most Americans, know the difference between what should be left to personal choice and what should be public. But in its ardor to fuel the culture war, the GOP forgot.

In addition, prairie populism lies just under the surface of the Kansas topsoil, as it does in much of the Midwest. Over the last several decades the giant corporations that supply Kansans with seed and fertilizer, and that turn the livestock and crops Kansans produce into food products, have grown much larger and more powerful. They are now among Americas biggest monopolies, siphoning off money from farmers as well as from consumers. If theres one thing Kansans dislike as much as government intruding on their freedom, its big predatory corporations intruding on their meager profit.

Perhaps Kansas, as well as much of the rest of America, is ready for a dose of economic populism. If so, the Democrats pending Inflation Reduction Act with its healthcare subsidies, declining pharmaceutical costs, and boosts for solar and wind power -- may prove more popular in the hinterlands than anyone expected.

As William Allen White, the famed progressive editor of the Emporia (Kansas) Gazette in the first half of the twentieth century, once wrote:

Democracy is an experiment, and the right of the majority to rule is no more inherent than the right of the minority to rule; and unless the majority represents sane, righteous, unselfish public sentiment, it has no inherent right.

(White also wrote: My advice to the women of America is to raise more hell and fewer dahlias.)

(Robert Reich, is the Chancellors Professor of Public Policy at the University of California, Berkeley, and a senior fellow at the Blum Center for Developing Economies. He served as secretary of labor in the Clinton administration, for which Time magazine named him one of the 10 most effective cabinet secretaries of the twentieth century. He's co-creator of the Netflix original documentary "Saving Capitalism," which is streaming now. This article was featured in Common Dreams.)

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The Very Good People of Kansas - City Watch