Heart meets humour: how Young Offenders put Cork on the map – The Guardian

When the cast and crew of The Young Offenders appeared on the streets of Cork to film scenes for the third series of the TV show, word quickly rippled across the city.

Crowds formed in hope of catching a glimpse of the action, creating a boisterous hubbub right up until the moment cameras started rolling, at which point everyone would shut up and maintain a hush until filming stopped. The denizens of Cork wanted to hear the dialogue, after all. And they didnt want to do anything to screw up the show.

It was like a party, then you could hear a pin drop, said Pat OConnell, a fishmonger who appears in the show with other traders in the English market. You take pride in the show. You know theyre going to do it right.

He was not referring to the central characters. Conor MacSweeney and Jock OKeeffe, hapless teenagers with atrocious haircuts, bumfluff and a yen for stealing bicycles, seldom do anything right. They bumble through Cork, through life, in one misadventure after another. Other characters are scarcely more competent.

But the makers of the series a TV comedy now in its third season on RT and BBC Three, spawned by a 2016 feature film of the same name are clearly on the ball. The film scored 100% on the critic aggregator site Rotten Tomatoes, and the TV show has won a growing fanbase in Ireland and the UK. Disney has snapped up its creator, Peter Foott, to write a comedy.

Variously described as a coming-of-age sitcom and a comic portrait of the adolescent male, The Young Offenders has gifted Cork something it appreciates: attention.

Game of Thrones enticed busloads of tourists to Northern Ireland, Derry Girls and Normal People advertised the respective appeals of Derry and Sligo, and, with less fanfare, The Young Offenders is doing the same for the compact port city that straddles the mouth of the River Lee in Irelands south-west, population 210,000.

Fans across the world share their enthusiasm on social media. Before Covid-19 hit, some visited Cork to soak up the vibe and take selfies at locations from the series.

It showcases the beautiful streetscape, said Joe Kavanagh, the mayor. Its wonderful to have Cork city showcased on international TV. The show portrays Cork in a very natural light.

Arguably a criminal light, too. Conor and Jock enjoy thieving, or trying to thieve, though material gain seems to matter less than dodging and taunting their would-be Garda nemesis, Sergeant Tony Healy, who flounders in pursuit.

The mayor sees no dent to civic pride. Theyre not hardened criminals, theyre just chancers. Nobody gets injured. The Cork humour shines through very strong. Ive watched every episode of the show. I watch it again and again.

Sharon Corcoran, director of economic development and tourism for Cork county, lauded the shows impact. Were pleasantly surprised that its been such a success in the UK. The profile of Cork has been raised; its shown as lively and entertaining.

Episodes where Conor and Jack trek into the countryside excursions that seldom go as planned display a breathtaking landscape of mountains and beaches, said Corcoran. We would be very surprised if there wasnt an economic spin-off from the show.

For Paul Moynihan, a spokesperson for Cork city council, the characters resilience echoes the citys recovery from economic blows in the 1980s. Setback after setback, and they just get on with things.

The Young Offenders is the brainchild of Foott, from Monkstown, County Cork. The discovery of a cocaine haul off the coast of west Cork inspired him to write a screenplay about two teenagers who set off on bikes to find it. Foott shot the film on a shoestring with mostly local actors and crew.

Few anticipated international success, said OConnell, the fishmonger. When you look at where it started and see where they ended, its been incredible. I have to scratch me head, like. Its huge, huge. They just had that magic ingredient.

Its not poverty porn. Every episode shows something lovely through the grit and grime

Loosely set amid the council estates in north Cork, storylines revolve around the friendship between Conor, played by Alex Murphy, and Jock, played by Chris Walley. They navigate poverty, boredom, the mysteries of sex, a vindictive school principal and Billy Murphy, a knife-wielding nut-job. Jock also has to deal with an abusive, alcoholic father.

Corks sing-song accent and slang spices the dialogue, prompting locals to marvel that outsiders can understand it. Might regular viewers master Corks singular relationship with the English language? Kavanagh, the mayor, grinned and shook his head. Never happen.

Shane Casey, the actor who plays Murphy, said Cork bore a mild chip on its shoulder for playing second fiddle to Dublin but fizzed with pride and a sense of difference from the rest of Ireland. The show features Cork as a character in itself.

Casey left school at 16 and worked as a decorator before becoming an actor. Id be more linked to these characters because I am working class. The Cork I knew growing up was rougher than it is now.

Coffee bars, gourmet restaurants and legions of tech workers Apple has its European HQ here have transformed the city, but grittiness endures, said Casey. We put a microscope on it but in a humorous way. We wont get away with anything if it doesnt have heart.

Critics of Irelands low corporate tax regime argue that Corks biggest offender is Apple, which has been accused of dodging billions in tax.

The show avoids poverty porn, he added. Every episode shows something lovely through the grit and grime the show is not taking the piss out of Cork.

And the series garners praise from other quarters. Michael Waldron, assistant curator at the citys Crawford art gallery, said: Cork gets a bit of flak for its own sense of self but the show has all the heart and humour of the city: it really has those two things at its core, no matter what shenanigans are going on. The show tacitly references a beloved depiction of the city from the Crawford collection: an 18th-century work by John Butts, View of Cork from Audley Place, is the exact spot where Conor and Jock regularly sit to muse on life.

Meanwhile, James Windle and Katharina Swirak, criminologists at University College Cork, have credited the sitcom with astute observations about young peoples socio-economic exclusion since the Celtic Tigers collapse in the late 2000s. This is in stark contrast with common political and media depictions portraying young offenders as one-dimensional violent scumbags or entrepreneurial predators, they wrote last month.

Craggy Island is fictional but Father Ted, which some critics rank second only to Fawlty Towers in the list of TV comedy greats, draws fans to Inishmore, an island off County Galway, for the annual Friends of Ted festival, or Ted Fest.

Game of Thrones brings tens of thousands of fans to locations in Northern Ireland, where most of the saga was filmed, generating an estimated 50m in 2018 alone.

Tourism Ireland made a behind-the-scenes film about Normal People, the TV version of Sally Rooneys novel, to lure fans to Sligo. Derry is planning Derry Girls tours and other attractions linked to the Channel 4 show.

Ballykissangel, a Sunday-night BBC drama, came off air in 2001 but the official Visit Wicklow website still mentions the village of Avoca as a central location for the series.

Read more:

Heart meets humour: how Young Offenders put Cork on the map - The Guardian

Palace resolve to recover from recession remains strong – pna.gov.ph

MANILA Malacaang remains optimistic that the Philippines can soon recover after it officially entered a recession with a 16.5 percent economic plunge in the second quarter due to coronavirus disease 2019 (Covid-19) related lockdowns.

Presidential Spokesperson Harry Roque said that while a contraction in the countrys gross domestic product (GDP) is expected, he was "concerned that the drop is much worse than what the governments economists predicted.

Economic managers earlier estimated the countrys GDP to have a much deeper contraction compared to the first quarter.

Despite this, Roque said economic managers have put together an economic recovery program dubbed as PH-Progreso or the Philippine Program for Recovery with Equity and Solidarity, to save the economy from collapsing.

He said the government has also recalibrated the budget for 2021 and restarted the Build, Build, Build infrastructure programs, subject to health and safety protocols, to create jobs.

Our resolve to recover at the soonest possible, however, remains strong. Ingat buhay para sa hanapbuhay (Protect life for livelihood) is our battlecry, he said in a statement on Thursday.

According to Roque, the public should also take into consideration that the Philippines is not the only nation facing an economic crisis.

Covid-19 has had an adverse economic impact on countries like Singapore, Indonesia, the United States, France, Spain, Mexico, he said.

He recognized the hardships of Filipinos, especially low-income families, noting that the government provided an emergency subsidy program after it decided to impose lockdowns across the country.

Citing the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA), Roque said the main contributors in the decline were the decline in manufacturing, construction, and transportation and storage sectors that were greatly affected by the lockdowns.

He, however, said the Palace expects an improvement in the performance of these sectors during the second semester of the year, with gradual reopening of the economy and the proposed Bayanihan to Recover As One or Bayanihan 2.

Meanwhile, Roque urged Congress anew to fast track the passage of the Bayanihan 2 which would boost the second semester offensive against Covid-19.

Roque also urged the legislative to pass the Corporate Recovery and Tax Incentives for Enterprises or CREATE Act to help businesses recover and generate employment for our people.

He also assured the public that the government will continue working round the clock to strengthen resilience and restore the economy.

Health and safety first

In a separate statement, Presidential Communications Operations Office (PCOO) Secretary Martin Andanar said that despite the economic slump, the country is in a much stronger position to address recession in the long-term.

Apart from strong economic foundations established by the successful enactment of economic, social, and institutional reforms, we continue to capitalize on and to reform our socio-economic advantages so that we can weather any potential, foreseen, and unforeseen crisis, such as the Covid-19 pandemic, he said.

Andanar said the government will continue to strike a balance between supporting the economy while ensuring everyones protection, especially that of the countrys healthcare workers.

We firmly believe that we will heal and rise again, he said.

He also pointed out that lockdowns, which severely affected the economy, were imposed because the government prioritized the health and safety of all citizens.

Although our lockdown and community quarantine implementation had an impact on our economic performance, it served as a cushion to our societys general health, protection, and well-being against Covid-19, Andanar said.

He said that it also served as a safety net to suppress the collapse of the healthcare system and assist the healthcare workers, who have been on the frontline of the ongoing health crisis.

Due to this undertaking, we have prevented an estimated 1.3 to 3.5 million cases, of which an estimated of 68,000 severe and critical cases at a peak day, which would have overwhelmed our healthcare system. More importantly, some 59,000 to 171,000 lives were saved, he said.

The Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) on Thursday announced that the countrys GDP contracted at a record pace of 16.5 percent year-on-year from April to June, falling deeper into contraction after a revised 0.7 percent slump in the first quarter.

PSA noted the second quarter contraction was the lowest since it began tracking quarterly growth based on the 1981 series. (PNA)

Excerpt from:

Palace resolve to recover from recession remains strong - pna.gov.ph

The Climate Crisis Demands New Ways of Thinking from Climate Scientists – Resilience

The climate crisis demands new ways of thinking scientists should be first to admit failure and move on.

A universal policy failure

Inarguably, one of the most significant and long-lasting legacies of the 50-year old Apollo programme was the life-changing experience its astronauts had upon viewing the earth from the vantage point of another celestial body. The vision they described of its fragile and delicate beauty is all the more striking and poignant at this moment in climate emergency.

We, that is to say, humanity has this beautiful planet, home now to 7 billion people with nowhere else to go, and are running a reckless experiment, that has taken the Earth system right out of the mode of operation it has been running in for millions of years. Climate and earth scientists should be and should have been the first to see the utter insanity of this hellishly dangerous undertaking.

But in some strange way, and despite the warnings over the past decades of many individuals such as Roger Revelle, Jim Hansen, Kevin Anderson, to name but a few, it appears the latest generation of protesters, from Fridays for Future to Extinction Rebellion have done far more to hammer home the real message that climate crisis cannot be taken lightly, and is urgently and ultimately a most horrifying question of life and death. We do not know when it will happen and who will be hit first, but one thing is certain: if we do not change course quickly, things can get very nasty indeed.

I am not advocating sending climate researchers to space, or holding the next climate summit on the surface of the moon not least for the tremendous CO2emissions that would entail. But after 27 years as a climate and Earth scientist, I believe that it is my own profession that most urgently needs to take a huge step back and view the whole planetary picture from a new perspective. After decades of climate system research much of it coordinated with a political process to mitigate climate change, global CO2emissions keep rising in a quasi-exponential fashion (see Figure).1As far as the atmosphere is concerned, there has been no action on climate change whatsoever. If we were some kind of super bug that has found a way of rapidly decomposing deep carbon reserves, the picture would not alter in the slightest. Any extra-planetary observer of the current crisis with advanced remote sensing capabilities would be compelled to conclude there is no intelligent life on Earth.

Climate science responsibilities

How and in what way have we as scientists contributed to this disastrous failure of climate policy? The first point indicates scientific conservatism and has been noted before by many.2It is our job as scientists to question new theories to make sure they hold up. So, we demand to know how certain we are this is true. But what we do not ask is if we can be sure this effect will never happen. This latter is how anyone is trained to think in an emergency situation.3The best-known example is probably the Intergovernmental Panel for Climate Changes (IPCC) decision to explicitly exclude ice sheet melt from its Fifth Assessment Reports estimate of future sea-level rise. It is now widely believed that there is a substantial risk of much more rapid change, mainly due to the possible collapse of the West Antarctic Ice Sheet.4

The second has to do with our holding on to illusions, for fear of inciting panic. The IPCCs Special Report on 1.5 degrees warming gives a remaining emissions budget as of 1 January 2018 of 320 billion tonnes (Gt) of CO2, when accounting for some Earth system feedbacks.5Using the latest estimate for 2018,1and a continuing exponential rise in emissions in accordance with the last 170 years,6I conclude that the budget given by the IPCC will be exhausted at the beginning of 2025. Past investment in fossil-fuel and energy infrastructure alone has been estimated to commit the world to emitting 658 Gt CO2, as of 2018.7Given that the approach of climate policy has been to address fossil-fuel emissions at the demand and not the supply end,8and that the negative emissions technologies that dominate the IPCCs below 1.5 degree warming scenarios are unproven,9it is extremely unlikely the Paris Agreements goal will be met.10But even the publications outlining the most dramatic scenarios scientific or popular never seem to say it is too late.

Another way we, as scientists, have contributed to the crisis concerns the excessive rationalisation of a threat. In other words we switch off common sense and produce scientific results borne of idealized models be they mathematical or intellectual. All of us are probably well apprised of the knowledge that there is no decisive and radical action on climate change no car free Sundays as enforced during the 1980s oil crisis (Im old enough to remember!), no massive push towards public transport, no willingness to stop the continuing rise in air travel, or awareness of the enormous energy consumption of the internet.11The Climate Action Tracker initiative estimates that given existing pledges, the world is heading towards 3 degrees of warming.12As citizens we all know the difference between a politicians words and deeds and we are all painfully aware of recent changes in the geopolitical landscape, implying a very real risk of a 4 or higher degree of warming.13And yet, the IPCCs various assessment reports have repeatedly relied on highly idealized so-called integrated models that know and admit nothing of these things, and therefore be easily bent to produce results that fly in the face of common logic.14In our official model, this purportedly objective approach is the very one implemented to inform policy makers.

Finally, Paul Watzlawicks famous dictum that we cannot not communicate is also true for us climate scientists, even if we do not want to hear it. By going on with our daily routines and not rebelling filling in another grant application for looking at yet another tiny detail of the complex web of cause and effect that is the planetary climate system, following the demands of a funding system that might serve the interests of politicians as much as those of humanity we send out a powerful message that everything is under control. The way the IPCCs assessments are structured makes it very clear that regarding climate change, we are dealing first of all with a physical problem (Working Group 1) that has impacts on the natural world and societies (Working Group 2), that have to be dealt with by technical solutions (Working Group 3)15. An alternative point of view may be simply expressed by saying we are dealing with the mundane problem of good housekeeping the original meaning of the Greek word economy. Climate change, biodiversity loss, overfishing and air pollution could also just be symptoms of a more fundamental problem: that the word economy has assumed a different meaning from its origin, and that we cannot imagine a functioning economy without never ending growth supported by unlimited resources.16

A way out

The fact that we have been so stunningly unable to react to climate change may have to do with a failure to see precisely where the problem really resides and that the community of climate scientists have falsely assumed the position of superior expertise, where in fact it should have belonged to social anthropologists, historians, psychologists, and political and social activists. If this is so, it would explain the remarkable success of the latest protest movement, and the failure of the science and policy establishment.

If we take this point of view on board for a moment, it becomes clear where the way out of the crisis can be found at least in principle: acceptance of our collective failure, humility on the part of the experts, and immediate action from the human side of the problem. Most of the funding so far plunged into expert meetings, science conferences, computer resources, expeditions and lab work should now go towards building social capital and political trust, the facilitation of pertinent, open debate, and the establishment of global democratic institutions with capacity to deal with a global problem that so far has been impossible to tackle.

To read an interview of Dr Knorr by the founder of IFLAS, Professor Jem Bendell, see here.

References

1See figure. Emissions from Global Carbon Project until 2017 for energy and cement production plus land use change, 2018 using preliminary estimate by LeQur et al.,Earth System Science Data, 10, 1-54, 2018, DOI: 10.5194/essd-10-2141-2018. 2018 land use emissions assumed unchanged against previous year.

2For example Brysse, K. et al.Climate change prediction: Erring on the side of least drama? Global Environmental Change 23 (2013) 327337, or Discerning Experts, Oppenheimer et al. 2019,https://www.press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/D/bo33765378.html

3Peacock K. A.A Different Kind of Rigor: What Climate Scientists Can Learn from Emergency Room Doctors. Ethics, Policy & Environment 21, 194-214, 2018.

4Bamber J. L. et al.Ice sheet contributions to future sea-level rise from structured expert judgment, Proc. Nat. Acad. Sci. 116,11,195-11,200, 2019.https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1817205116

5CO2released through permafrost melt and methane released by wetlands.

6The rise of 1.65% per year is the one that corresponds to the long-term trend as shown in the figure. However, since 1945 emissions from fossil-fuel burning have been rising much faster for most of the time, see Hansen J. et al.Assessing Dangerous Climate Change: Required Reduction of Carbon Emissions to Protect Young People, Future Generations and Nature, PLoS ONE 8, e81648, doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0081648, 2013.

7Tong, D. et al., Committed emissions from existing energy infrastructure jeopardize 1.5 C climate target, Nature 572, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-019-1364-3, 2019.

8Denniss, R. and Green, R. Cutting with both arms of the scissors: the economic and political case for restrictive supply-side climate policies, Climatic Change 150:7387 https://doi.org/10.1007/s10584-018-2162-x, 2018.

9Fuss S. et al., Betting on negative emissions, Nat. Clim. Change 4, 850-853, 2014. Anderson, K., Duality in climate science, Nat. Geosci. 8, 898-900, 2015.

10The IPCCs estimate notably excludes a range of positive Earth system feedbacks that could lead to more warming. For a more complete list of Earth system feedbacks see e.g. Steffen W. et al., Trajectories of the Earth System in the Anthropocene, Proc. Nat. Acad. Sci, 115, 8,252-8,259, http://www.pnas.org/cgi/doi/10.1073/pnas.1810141115, 2018.

11Heinberg, R. and Fridley, D. Our Renewable Future. Island Press, 2016.

12https://climateactiontracker.org/global/cat-thermometer/S

13Special issue of Phil. Trans. Royal Soc. A, Four degrees and beyond: the potential for a global temperature increase of four degrees and its implications Vol. 269, 2011.

14This refers in particular to Chapter 2 of the IPCC 1.5-degree Special Report. Figure 2.4 shows a range of socio-economic scenarios, of which most seem to comply with the constraint that climate change is limited to less than 1.5 degrees above pre-industrial levels. Figure 2.5 then shows that a large number of them imply massive negative carbon emissions during the period, to the amount of a quarter of half the current positive emissions. I assert here that to think our willingness to engage in altruistic behaviour on such an absolutely massive scale,one that would reach levels of carbon flux comparable to the much easier activity of burning fossil fuels driven by selfish desire for convenience is truly and utterly in defiance of common sense.

15For a wider discussion of the implications of the General Circulation Model view of the climate problem see Demeritt, D., The construction of global warming and the politics of science,Ann. Assoc. American Geographers, 91, 307337, 2001.

16Meadows, D., Randers, D., and Meadows, D., The limits to growth the 30-year update. Earthscan, London, New York, 2012.

Acknowledgments

The author thanks James Rumball ([emailprotected]) for suggestions and copy editing.

Teaser image credit: By NASA/Apollo 17 crew; taken by either Harrison Schmitt or Ron Evans https://web.archive.org/web/20160112123725/http://grin.hq.nasa.gov/ABSTRACTS/GPN-2000-001138.html (image link); see also https://www.nasa.gov/multimedia/imagegallery/image_feature_329.html, Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=43894484

Excerpt from:

The Climate Crisis Demands New Ways of Thinking from Climate Scientists - Resilience

What’s Modern About Modern Strategy? – War on the Rocks

Editors Note: This article is the introductory essay for Vol. 3, Iss. 3 of theTexas National Security Review. Please check it out the volumehere.

As the world sunk deeper into a deadly global conflagration in 1941, Princeton University professor Edward Meade Earle gathered a group of eminent scholars to discuss the history and practice of military strategy. The seminar eventually produced a landmark collection of essays, Makers of Modern Strategy: Military Thought from Machiavelli to Hitler. The book, which was updated in 1986 by Peter Paret, quickly became a classic.

Three things in particular are notable about the 1943 volume, which included some of the best military and political historians working in the middle part of the 20th century. First is the focus on individuals: leaders such as Frederick the Great and thinkers like naval strategist Alfred Thayer Mahan. The second is an understanding that conflict had become all-encompassing, dominating every aspect of society. Given the total mobilization of the World War II, when every element of the economy, political system, and even information was tightly controlled and exploited by the state, this frightening perspective was understandable: When war comes it dominates our lives. Third, the essays focus on the physical elements of war: the movement, clash, and material and human destruction between massed groups of men and machines fighting to destroy each other. Certain themes appear over and over again, across centuries, national, and ideological lines:

Among these are the concept of lightning war and the battle of annihilation; the war of maneuver vs. the war of position; the relationship between war and social institutions and between economic strength and military power; psychology and morale as weapons of war; the role of discipline in the army; the question of the professional army vs. the militia.

The outstanding articles in this issue have caused me to reflect upon what such a volume might look like today (an important task my esteemed Kissinger Center colleague Hal Brands is actually pursuing). Would these three themes the role of individuals and leaders, the complete socio-economic mobilization by the nation-state to prosecute war, and the place of kinetic, physical conflict serve as the organizing principles for a third edition of Makers of Modern Strategy? Or do we need to focus on different factors and forces that better reflect the nature of contemporary and future conflict?

In some ways, the issues today are quite similar as a commentator on the original volume pointed out, the goal of the book was to reflect upon the art of controlling and utilizing the resources of a nation or a coalition of nations, to promote and secure their interests against enemies, actual, potential, or presumed. This is as good a definition of grand strategy as any, and is as applicable today as it was in 1943. The interests of key states, however, and the means of securing those interests, appear quite different in 2020 than in 1943. Instead of reflections on the best ways to deploy battleships or tanks, the latest analyses of grand strategy focus on new tools which are often non-kinetic, such as cyber-weapons and economic warfare.

The first big shift in the realities of war occurred only a few years after Makers of Modern Strategy appeared, when the United States dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945. The ability to deliver unimaginable destruction in such a short period and from long distances transformed the use of force. As Bernard Brodie pointed out, Thus far the chief purpose of our military establishment has been to win wars. From now on its chief purpose must be to avert them. For the next eight decades, the strategy of deterrence using weapons to prevent events like invasion, conquest, or coercion became the key focus. While counter-intuitive and often terrifying, a renaissance in strategy emerged, centered upon sophisticated analyses of what kinds of weapons, arrayed in what strategies and deployments, would best ensure they were never used. This strategic revolution also generated the intellectual architecture and policy elements for another novel form of strategy: negotiated bilateral and multilateral arms control. Such agreements sought to decrease the chance for the kind of miscalculation and misperception that some believed could lead to an unwanted war. These strategies appeared to play a key role in the peaceful end of the Cold War and the absence of great power war ever since.

There are reasons to wonder whether our period of new technological transformation and great power rivalry is challenging the underpinnings of the decades-long legacy of deterrence and arms control. Luis Simon and Alexander Lanozka, for example, highlight the consequences that new precision-guided missiles have had on the strategic environment, particularly in northeastern Europe. These precision strike weapons, deployed as part of an anti-access/area denial strategy, often blur the line between conventional and nuclear environments. The collapse of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty revealed how our legacy arms control concepts and institutions are poorly adapted to this new world. Given how exposed Baltic members in NATO are to Russian power, this confused environment could be dangerous.

It is important to recall that much of the post-1945 revolution in military strategy was based upon the clear distinction between nuclear and non-nuclear forces. A considerable amount of intellectual energy was expended trying to figure out whether and in what ways conflict could still take place under the nuclear shadow, and under what circumstances either planned or inadvertent a conventional war might escalate into a nuclear conflict. Rebecca Hersman convincingly demonstrates that the linear model of escalation that shaped strategy throughout most of the nuclear age no longer captures the complex and non-linear dynamics of an international system marked by profound technological change, increased security competition, and a fraying global order. Hersman creatively deploys a metaphor from physics to highlight what she labels wormhole escalation. Her analysis captures a terrifying and underappreciated irony that the ability of states (and non-state actors) to use novel, non-kinetic, and sub-strategic tools such as information warfare, cyber attacks, and economic coercion to target an adversarys strategic interests actually increases the dangers of a nuclear crisis through strange, uncharted paths. Asymmetric capabilities may encourage higher risk, or simply blur risk and increase the fog of war, potentially producing disastrous outcomes. Hersmans truly original analysis is precisely the kind of chapter one that would hope to find in a new Makers of Modern Strategy.

Similar challenges for strategists exist in the world of cyber conflict. Michael N. Schmitt argues that the portrayal of cyberspace as the new Wild West, a completely unregulated, anything-goes domain, is untrue. The reality is more mixed, though promising. Cyberspace presents a dilemma: States and societies are relying on it more for critical economic, political, and security functions, yet cyber attacks and malfeasance are on the rise. International law, according to Schmitt, increasingly provides an important if imperfect tool to help states establish and solidify norms, express their interests and preferences, and regulate the most harmful activities.

In the past, economics was largely seen as a means to support a successful military strategy. The state with the largest industrial economy, that could produce the most steel, coal, and electricity, and that could convert those assets into weapons that supported military forces, was the one that could best prevail in war. For David H. McCormick,Charles E. Luftig, andJames M. Cunningham, economics is no longer simply about the means to support war. Economic dominance is the goal of great-power competition, and economic tools the best means to achieve that end. In other words, future great-power competition is as likely to occur over the development of new technologies, the crafting of international economic institutions and norms, and reserve currency status. This is different from the recent past, when global economic exchange was seen purely through the lens of the laws of comparative advantage and mutual gain. The idea that when China sold cheap goods to the United States, citizens in both countries benefitted, is seen as increasingly suspect. McCormick et al believe that at least some portions of economic activity need to be understood through the zero-sum approach of traditional security and geopolitical competition. In their view, China and Russia, with their strategic investments in key technologies and industries, are well ahead of the United States in the field of state-driven economic strategy. The article lays out a series of concrete measures the United States could take, ones that fall short of the kind of national economic planning that America eschews but do coordinate and encourage targeted private sector activity in strategic industries.

Needless to say, we need rigorous scholarly and analytical tools to identify, measure, and evaluate these changes. Jessica D. Blankshain and Andrew L. Stigler provide a very useful primer on the tools available to social scientists, from game theory to statistical analysis to historical case studies. We will need these and other tools to make sense of the complex, ever changing world of national and international security.

Has war changed since Earle, Gordon Craig, Hajo Halborn, Robert Roswell Palmer, and others offered their reflections on the nature of military strategy, and if so, in what ways? The first question would involve who or what constitutes the makers of modern strategy. While there are certainly great strategic thinkers and leaders ranging from several American presidents to Chinas President Xi Jinping have mattered enormously one is struck by the importance of other variables shaping the security environment. Technology, the role of ideology, demographics, the move to a post-industrial, globalized economy: The tectonic, intensifying structural forces shaping world order in recent decades seem to have outpaced both our ability to conceptualize international security and to translate these ideas into policies.

This leads to the second theme of the 1943 volume the total mobilization by the nation-state of society for war. As dangerous as the world has been since 1945, the place that war plays in most modern countries has decreased substantially. In 1960, 6 percent of global GDP was spent on military spending. By 2017, it was down to 2 percent. Beyond the economic side, the number of people involved in state-driven military enterprises has fallen as armies and navies have shrunk. Even in the United States, which possesses far and away the worlds most powerful military, in 2019 only spent 3.4 percent of its GDP. Only 0.4 percent of the total population is active duty military. The historians Paul Kennedy and William McNeill both argued that the so-called rise of the modern West was driven by fierce security competition and the constant prevalence of war in Europe. War and geopolitical competition drove any number of other profound changes, from the rise of the modern bureaucratic state, mass education, literacy, public health, international finance, and technology. The connection between war and new technological developments, or war and socio-economic change, seems far more tenuous today than in the past. In 2020, Charles Tillys observation that war made the state and the state made war tells us less than it once did.

Does this mean the kind of great power wars that plagued the world in earlier centuries has abated for good? Scholars such as Bear F. Braumoeller have cautioned against believing that either human nature or fierce international competition have fundamentally changed. As the growing rivalry between the United States and China reveals, great-power competition has not disappeared. Will these rivalries, however, take different forms? Will the age of kinetic, force-on-force, army-on-army battles, highlighted by battleships and tanks, be replaced by economic statecraft, battles in space and in the cyber world, autonomous weapons, and robots? The digital revolution, combined with the decreasing value of land, shifting demographics, and changing socio-economics, all under the nuclear shadow, does make the idea of great power war somewhat unthinkable. And yet.

Scanning the globe, one sees any number of places where traditional, physical military force retains its threat, as the recent deadly clash between China and India over the line of control reveals. Can we really rule out a Russian invasion of Estonia, or a move by China to take Taiwan by force? And could we rule out a fierce military response by the United States and others? Such a scenario might make the three themes leaders, total mobilization, and physical, material force dangerously relevant again. Obviously, these are scenarios we should work hard to prevent from occurring, and their dire potential consequences highlight the continuing importance that deterrence and statecraft play in the world. To that end, let us hope the third edition of Makers of Modern Strategy is written in conditions similar to what we find today, and not the terrifying world faced by Earle and his colleagues in 1943.

Francis J. Gavinis the chair of the editorial board of theTexas National Security Review. He is the Giovanni Agnelli Distinguished Professor and the inaugural director of the Henry A. Kissinger Center for Global Affairs at SAIS-Johns Hopkins University.His writings includeGold, Dollars, and Power: The Politics of International Monetary Relations, 19581971(University of North Carolina Press, 2004) andNuclear Statecraft: History and Strategy in Americas Atomic Age(Cornell University Press, 2012). His latest book isNuclear Weapons and American Grand Strategy(Brookings Institution Press, 2020).

Image: U.S. Air Force (Photo by Tech. Sgt. Gregory Brook)

Excerpt from:

What's Modern About Modern Strategy? - War on the Rocks

How to save Lebanon from looming hyperinflation – The National

In June 2020, Lebanons inflation rate was 20 per cent, month-on-month. In other words, prices in the country were, on average, 20 per cent more than they were a month before. Compared to a year earlier, in June 2019, they had nearly doubled.

Lebanon is well on its way to hyperinflation when prices of goods and services change daily, and rise by more than 50 per cent in a month.

Hyperinflation is most commonly associated with countries like Venezuela and Zimbabwe, which this year have seen annual inflation rates of 15,000 per cent and 319 per cent, respectively. Lebanon is set to join their league; food inflation surged by 108.9 per cent during the first half of 2020.

When hyperinflation takes hold, consumers start to behave in very unusual ways. Goods are stockpiled, leading to increased shortages. As the money in someones pocket loses its worth, people start to barter for goods.

What characterises countries with high inflation and hyperinflation? They have a sharp acceleration in growth of the money supply in order to finance unsustainable overspending; high levels of government debt; political instability; restrictions on payments and other transactions and a rapid breakdown in socio-economic conditions and the rule of law. Usually, these traits are associated with endemic corruption.

Lebanon fulfils all of the conditions. Absent immediate economic and financial reforms, the country is heading to hyperinflation and a further collapse of its currency.

How and why did this happen?

Lebanon is in the throes of an accelerating meltdown. Unsustainable economic policies and an overvalued exchange rate pegged to the US dollar have led to persistent deficits. Consequently, public debt in 2020 is more than 184 per cent of GDP the third highest ratio in the world.

The trigger to the banking and financial crisis was a series of policy errors starting with an unwarranted closure of banks in October 2019, supposedly in connection with political protests against government ineffectiveness and corruption. Never before whether in the darkest hours of Lebanons civil war (1975-1990), during Israeli invasions or other political turmoil have banks been closed or payments suspended.

More than a third of Lebanese are unemployed and poverty rates exceed 50 per cent

The bank closures led to an immediate loss of trust in the entire banking system. They were accompanied by informal controls on foreign currency transactions, foreign exchange licensing, the freezing of deposits and other payment restrictions to protect the dwindling reserves of Lebanons central bank. All of this generated a sharp liquidity and credit squeeze and the emergence of a system of multiple exchange rates, resulting in a further loss of confidence in the monetary system and the Lebanese pound.

Multiple exchange rates are particularly nefarious. They create distortions in markets, encourage rent seeking (when someone gains wealth without producing real value) and create new opportunities for cronyism and corruption. Compounded by the Covid-19 lockdown, the result has been a sharp 20 per cent contraction in economic activity, consumption and investment and surging bankruptcies. Lebanon is experiencing rapidly rising unemployment (over 35 per cent) and poverty rates exceeding 50 per cent of the population.

With government revenues declining, growing budget deficits are increasingly financed by the Lebanese central bank (BDL), leading to the accelerating inflation. The next phase will be a cost-of-living adjustment for the public sector, more monetary financing and inflation: an impoverishing vicious circle!

We are witnessing the bursting of a Ponzi scheme engineered by the BDL, starting in 2016 with a massive bailout of the banks, equivalent to about 12.6 per cent of GDP. To protect an overvalued pound and finance the government, the BDL started borrowing at ever-higher interest rates, through so-called financial engineering schemes. These evolved into a cycle of additional borrowing to pay maturing debt and debt service, until confidence evaporated and reserves were exhausted.

By 2020, the BDL was unable to honour its foreign currency obligations and Lebanon defaulted on its March 2020 Eurobond, seeking to restructure its domestic and foreign debt. The resulting losses of the BDL exceeded $50 billion, equivalent to the entire countrys GDP that year. It was a historically unprecedented loss by any central bank in the world.

With the core of the banking system, the BDL, unable to repay banks deposits, the banks froze payments to depositors. The banking and financial system imploded.

As part of Lebanons negotiations with the IMF to resolve the situation, the government of Prime Minister Hassan Diab prepared a financial recovery plan that comprises fiscal, banking and structural reforms. However, despite the deep and multiple crises, there has been no attempt at fiscal or monetary reform.

In effect, Mr Diabs government and Riad Salameh, the head of the central bank, are deliberately implementing a policy of imposing an inflation tax and an illegal Lirafication: a forced conversion of foreign currency deposits into Lebanese pounds in order to achieve internal real deflation.

The objective is to impose a domestic solution and preclude an IMF programme and associated reforms. The inflation tax and Lirafication reduce real incomes and financial wealth. The sharp reduction in real income and the sharp depreciation of the pound are leading to a massive contraction of imports, reducing the current account deficit to protect the remaining international reserves. Lebanon is being sacrificed to a failed exchange rate and incompetent monetary and government policies.

What policy measures can be implemented to rescue Lebanon? Taming inflation and exchange rate collapse requires a credible, sustainable macroeconomic policy anchor to reduce the prevailing extreme policy uncertainty.

Here are four measures that would help:

First, a Capital Control Act should be passed immediately, replacing the informal controls in place since October 2019 with more transparent and effective controls to stem the continuing outflow of capital and help stabilise the exchange rate. This would restore a modicum of confidence in the monetary systems and the rule of law, as well as the flow of capital and remittances.

Second is fiscal reform. It is time to bite the bullet and eliminate wasteful public spending. Start by reform of the power sector and raising the prices of subsidised commodities and services, like fuel and electricity. This would also stop smuggling of fuel and other goods into sanctions-laden Syria, which is draining Lebanons reserves. Subsidies should be cut in conjunction with the establishment of a social safety net and targeted aid.

These immediate reforms should be followed by broader measures including improving revenue collection, reforming public procurement (a major source of corruption), creating a National Wealth Fund to incorporate and reform state commercial assets, reducing the bloated size of the public sector, reforming public pension schemes and introducing a credible fiscal rule.

Third, unify exchange rates and move a to flexible exchange rate regime. The failed exchange rate regime has contributed to large current account deficits, hurt export-oriented sectors, and forced the central bank to maintain high interest rates leading to a crowding-out of the private sector. Monetary policy stability also requires that the BDL should be restructured and stop financing government deficits and wasteful and expensive quasi-fiscal operations, such as subsidising real estate investment.

Fourth, accelerate negotiations with the IMF and agree to a programme that sets wide-ranging conditions on policy reform. Absent an IMF programme, the international community, the GCC, EU and other countries that have assisted Lebanon previously will not come to its rescue.

Lebanon is at the edge of the abyss. Absent deep and immediate policy reforms, it is heading for a lost decade, with mass migration, social and political unrest and violence. If nothing is done, it will become "Libazuela".

Nasser Saidi is a former Lebanese economy minister and first vice-governor of the Central Bank of Lebanon

Updated: August 3, 2020 11:16 AM

Excerpt from:

How to save Lebanon from looming hyperinflation - The National

How Partially Nationalizing the Highways Turned Italy Into Another Venezuela – Jacobin magazine

A specter is haunting Italys highways: the specter of Chavismo. Highways: the Venezuelan model has won, claimed journalist Nicola Porro in a video addressed to his 700,000 Facebook and 400,000 Twitter followers. Porro is a famous face on Silvio Berlusconis Mediaset TV stations and deputy editor of the tycoons newspaper Il Giornale; and within just hours, his talk of Venezuela had been adopted by dozens of right-wing commentators, but also a large part of the liberal establishment.

Such fury was not exactly well-grounded. Earlier in July, Giuseppe Contes government decided to take back a 33 percent public share in the company that manages Italys highways, twenty years after it was privatized. This was perhaps a rather tepid move, given the appalling in recent years, deadly neglect of the highways under private management. Yet comparisons with Hugo Chvez and Nicols Maduro abounded in national media, presenting Contes move as extreme and illegitimate.

His attackers drew on tropes already well-established in European and US public discourse, resorting to Cold War anti-communism even three decades since the fall of the Eastern Bloc. Faced with the slightest deviation from neoliberal orthodoxy, defenders of the status quo wheel out the classic rhetoric of economic failure, foreign ideology, and associations with uncivilized non-European countries deploying anti-communism against even forces that stand far from any kind of Marxist politics.

The Italian governments decision has its origins back in 2018, when the Ponte Morandi a cement road bridge in the outskirts of Genoa collapsed, killing forty-three people. This tragedy sparked sharp debates on the apparent lack of maintenance of this bridge and of Italys road infrastructure in general. Especially targeted was the Benetton family, owners of the clothes firm and over the last two decades the majority stake in highway-management firm Autostrade per lItalia (ASPI).

Back then, Conte led a coalition uniting the populist Five Star Movement with the hard-right Lega, and the call to revoke the Benetton familys concession began to make headway. This was a major about-turn in a public debate dominated for over a quarter-century by talk of how the efficient private sector should replace all direct state management, driving a wave of privatizations unrivaled outside the old Eastern Bloc.

ASPI was created in 1950 as part of the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction (IRI, the then-vast public industrial holding company) and was a key force in the economic boom of the 1960s. Its building of one of the worlds densest highway networks fully suited a development model based on steel (public, at the time), oil (also in public hands) and cars (then, like now, under FIATs private quasi-monopoly).

The privatization of ASPI, along with IRI and many other public firms, came in the 1990s: the now-triumphant neoliberal ideology demanded this, but so, too, the binds established by the 1992 Maastricht Treaty, the founding act of the European Union, which among other things compelled Italy to slash its public debt through sell-offs of public assets. ASPI was privatized in 1999, and by 2002 the Benetton family had majority control. Since then, shareholders have drawn enormous profits, as road tolls have continually risen while investment in maintenance has been close to zero.

The highways themselves remained public property: what was privatized was their management, and the Ponte Morandi tragedy raised the possibility that the concession would be withdrawn. Yet it was unclear whether it would be entrusted to some other private owner, or if the state would directly take back control.

As this was still being debated, there came an unusual change of government. In summer 2019, Matteo Salvinis hard-right Lega split from its alliance with the Five Star Movement, which in turn formed a new coalition together with the center-left Democrats; despite this upheaval, the independent lawyer Giuseppe Conte remainedprime minister.

The Democrats had particular problems in countenancing nationalization. This party is, in fact, the heir to the political forces that led the privatizations of the 1990s, fully embodying the paradigm of progressive neoliberalism; it also has very close links with financial groups like the Benettons, considered leading lights of the enlightened, progressive-minded bourgeoisie notwithstanding their environmental and social violations in Latin America.

But the Democrats new leader Nicola Zingaretti was elected in 2019 on a platform, if not of Corbyn-style rupture, at least of partly walking back the Blairite infatuation of previous years. It would, indeed, have been odd for the theoretically most social-democratic of Italys main parties to be the only one opposed to revoking the concession.

Faced with a popular demand to do something to punish the Benettons considered indirectly responsible for the forty-three deaths if not nationalize the highways outright, the government was also trapped by its need not to appear overly anti-business, in an international context where it could imagine no economic strategy other than attracting private investment. Added complication came from the jungle of norms governing these outsourcing agreements.

Whatever the myth of the state-as-regulator of private business, these rules consistently favor the concession-owner stipulating billions of euros in fines for the state itself should it take the highways back from the privateer management.

The story came to a head on July 15 when the government and ASPI announced an agreement. State-owned financial holding company Cassa Depositi e Prestiti is to buy up 33 percent of the shares in ASPI (at a cost lower than any possible penalties) while another 22 percent will be ceded to institutional investors enjoying government confidence.

Then, the firm will be floated on the stock exchange and the Benettonss share will fall under 10 percent. This is far from a forced nationalization something the Italian constitution does, in fact, allow for but a market operation, contracted with the current owners, which will see the state intervene as a simple shareholder (if a major one) in a private firm.

But there is a clear shift: the state is to return as an economic actor, taking back part of what was privatized twenty years ago. If in 2018 the economist Mariana Mazzucato, theorist of a new state interventionism, wrote an article for leading daily La Repubblica (together with our comrade Simone Gasperin) entitled Highways: Nationalization Is No Taboo, today she is herself economic advisor to Prime Minister Conte.

The operation also bears the typical traits of this government and Contes own leadership, a balancing act between the progressive neoliberalism of the Italian center-left of the last twenty-five years and the need to give a different kind of response to a socio-economic situation in which such recipes have become unsustainable.

Contes government is not socialist and does not have any program of nationalizations. The agreement over the highways is fully internal to the mechanisms of a market economy. But the fact that, for the first time in decades, the Italian states role in a sector of the economy is growing rather than falling, certainly does point to a window of opportunity. This is a crack in the monolithic neoliberal consensus and the Left would do well to try and widen this crack further.

The day after the agreement, the specter of Bolivarianism made its terrifying appearance on the frontpages. Autostrade per lItalia a statization reminiscent of Venezuela claimed Lucio Malan of Berlusconis Forza Italia party in the Senate. Center-right MP Maurizio Lupi agreed, The expropriation of the Benettons is shocking, we arent Venezuela. The popular ultra-free-marketeer YouTuber Rick DuFer complained that Venezuela is near.

Such rhetoric also spread to the liberal press. If Italy becomes Venezuela, who will invest? asked former economy minister Giovanni Tria on Huffington Post Italia. Its editor Mattia Feltri added, this isnt the way a government resolves matters with private business except in Venezuela. One La Repubblica columnist found the comparison with Venezuela a little over-the-top but agreed with stigmatizing a certain drift toward neo-statism allitaliana. On July 20, Economy Minister Roberto Gualtieri was asked by a Corriere della Sera journalist, The government is displaying a dirigiste face, a little Venezuelan. Why would a foreign investor risk their capital in Italy?

There is another immediate reason for this sudden interest in Venezuela. In June, a few weeks before the ASPI agreement, the conservative Spanish daily newspaper ABC reported on alleged Venezuelan financing of the Five Star Movement (M5S), which backs Contes government.

The accusation was groundless but gained traction in the right-wing opposition, which habitually (and falsely) presents M5S as a radical-left force in a bid to erode its support among conservative parts of the electorate. Lega leader Salvini, himself in coalition with M5S just twelve months ago, claimed in June that the government now is a mix of the CGIL [trade union federation] and Venezuela.

Lets repeat: this was a part-nationalization, on market terms, carried out by a very moderate center-left government with both liberal and populist traits. The rhetorical move to associate this kind of policy with Venezuela is new to Italy, given how little there is in its politics of even vaguely socialist coloration.

Elsewhere this comparison is well-established, not least in the United States, where for years Venezuela has been presented as the archetype of the authoritarianism and economic collapse supposedly bound to result from socialist policies.

Even more so in Spain, whose media are much more assiduous in following Venezuelan events, and where Chavismo has often been at the center of public debate. Indeed, right-winger Jos Mara Aznars government was accused of supporting the 2002 coup attempt in Caracas by both the subsequent Socialist prime minister Jos Luis Rodrguez Zapatero and by Chvez himself.

Still legendary in Spanish politics is a 2007 incident where, faced with Chvezs continual interruptions of a speech by Zapatero at a summit in Chile (aiming precisely to launch attacks on Aznar), the then king of Spain Juan Carlos yelled at the Venezuelan president: Why dont you shut up?

The rise of Podemos in the 2010s then fueled the Spanish rights obsession with Venezuela, not least as party founders Pablo Iglesias and igo Errejn had experience as political consultants working for Latin American left-populist governments. For years, the Right has accused Podemos of being funded by Venezuelan petrodollars, albeit without finding any evidence.

But why Venezuela? If a good part of the radical left internationally condemned Juan Guaids coup attempt and imperialist interference in that country, Bolivarianism hardly enjoys the appeal it did fifteen years ago, when Chvez could boast of opening the way to the pink tide across Latin America. The impression is that this comparison with Venezuela is so successful because it responds to a well-established canon: Cold War anti-communism.

We speak of anti-communism all too little in the West, despite the formidable role of anti-Red propaganda across much of the world in the second half of the twentieth century. It was one of the weapons that devastated the US left, from McCarthyism onward: it has decided elections and deeply molded public debate in multiple countries. The presence, in Italy, of the Wests biggest Communist Party from 1943 to 1991 made it a rather different context compared with countries like Britain and (West) Germany, where anti-communism has devastated anything to the left of social democracy. But it made its mark in Italy, too.

Beyond the folklore of Don Camillo and Peppone (the village priest and the local communist, at the heart of a famous set of conservative films and books after 1945) Christian Democracys anti-communist rhetoric across its forty-year postwar hegemony has left deep traces. It is no accident that even after the Italian Communist Party dissolved in 1991 soon rallying behind moderate Catholic center-left leaders like Romano Prodi in the 1990s and 2000s, Berlusconi continually labeled all his adversaries communists, including the likes of Prodi.

This was a theme right from the moment the billionaire tycoon spectacularly announced that he was entering politics in 1994: the second line of his televised address declared that he had decided to enter the field and concern myself with public affairs, because I do not want to live in an illiberal country governed by immature forces and men double-bound to a politically and economically failed past.

In the attempt to delegitimize any vaguely progressive proposal any deviation from free-market orthodoxy the invocation of communist economic failure is a powerful weapon. So, not by accident, Venezuela comes into play. The point is not that Maduro really does represent a beacon for socialists internationally, but rather that the economic crisis that has struck that country will remind many Westerners of the stereotypes about scarcity in former Eastern Bloc countries. State intervention means communism, communism means poverty.

But the rhetoric about Venezuela doesnt only draw on the economic element of Cold War anti-communism. Also fundamental is the idea of foreign ties and even funding. The Moscow rubles that funded the Italian Communist Party and other Western parties are omnipresent in anti-communist stereotypes, and, behind this, the deeper idea of the communist as a traitor.

This draws on many antisemitic tropes, with which it is, indeed, often associated: communists, like Jews, are held to be more loyal to their international ties than their own country, to be at odds with the fatherland and thus a potential traitor. This guy isnt really one of us: hes paid from abroad, and the point of his radical ideas is to damage us.

In its Venezuelan versions, this rhetoric also draws on the anti-communist idea that communism is something unEuropean and essentially foreign often meaning, typical of non-white, uncivilized, colonized peoples, from the Chinese to the Vietnamese and Cubans, all so many Cossack barbarians readying to invade our civilized Europe. And its easy to identify the deep link between the pink tide in Latin America and the continents indigenous movements, even just looking at the personal biographies of many leading figures on the Left.

Not by chance, on February 28 at the peak of his primary run Bernie Sanders was himself attacked on similar grounds, as a violent column in the New York Times accused him of having been on the wrong side in the Cold War. This article had many disturbing traits, not least where it attacked Sanders on the grounds that The guy who was angry about the downfall of Salvador Allendes Marxist regime in Chile in 1973 is still angry about it today. The writer forgot to mention that this Marxist regime was a democratically elected government; its downfall, a fascist military coup.

In the Italian case, the sudden interest in Venezuelan matters thus seems to have very little to do with Maduros policies which, indeed, no one is indicating as a model to follow or as the leadership of an international socialist movement. Rather, it seems connected to deeper traits of the dominant culture in the liberal West. An established repertoire of anti-communist attacks can be called on to smear anyone who tries to question free-market orthodoxy, even as in the case of the Italian highways in the most ambiguous and timid forms.

The Cold War ended in 1989, but its cultural legacy is much more overbearing than we often imagine. And its clear that no one on the Left can hope to win broad support, without being prepared to confront this kind of rhetoric.

View post:

How Partially Nationalizing the Highways Turned Italy Into Another Venezuela - Jacobin magazine

Unmasking The Realities Of Covid 19 – New Vision

COVID-19 can be defeated, if we adhere to SOPs

As the situation worsens and deaths become overwhelming, family members may only be informed and attendance of burial is by one or two members of the family. I believe that is not what we want.

OPINIONHEALTH COVID-19

The coronavirus, first identified in China in December last year, has ravaged all countries of the world, causing socio-economic devastation in many countries. Within seven months, the death toll is close to 660,000 people and over 17,000,000 infections.

In March, President Yoweri Museveni instituted the first lockdown in Uganda after the first case was confirmed. The idea, at the time, was to assess where the cases are, trace contacts and identify possible alert cases.

Fortunately, there were no alerts, truck drivers from neighbouring countries were the main source, who initially were allowed to continue with their journey after extracting samples, only leaving behind their telephone contacts, to be contacted if their results turned out positive. They would then get admitted to the nearest designated hospital for treatment. President Museveni's position of ensuring that trucks continue despite the lockdown was a perfect position as Uganda had to continue to avoid economic collapse.

With truck drivers identified as the main source of the coronavirus, new measures allowed them to proceed after testing negative for COVID-19, a decision that has saved Uganda from a catastrophe.

The President has re-opened the economy except schools, gyms, borders, places of worship and large gatherings. Political activities are also up with national elections for February 2021. The reopening is a "new normal" that we should comprehend.

To avoid the coronavirus and avert the pandemic, the health ministry has issued standard operating procedures (SOPs) that include frequent washing of hands, social-distancing up to two metres and wearing of masks, if we are in public.

However, a good number of people are obstinate and ignore these guidelines. Some wear the mask like necklaces or simply cover the mouth. This is unfortunate. With 1,154 cases as of July 31, 123 active cases and two fatal alert cases, Ugandan health workers are doing extremely well, but the situation can get out of hand. If, out of nonadherence that happens, we must know the implications of the disease to the health infrastructure and to ourselves.

By not adhering to the SOPs, we endanger our health workers who are not replaceable on short notice. Training of doctors and nurses take years. Let us not endanger them through our reckless behaviour. The worst situation is community transmissions which gain momentum through a multiplier function where one positive person infects 10, each of the 10 also infect 10 and within one month, 10,000 cases can be registered, making contact tracing impossible.

This can overstretch hospitals and doctors earmarked for COVID-19 treatment. In Greater Kampala, (Kampala, Wakiso and Mukono districts), the treatment centres are Mulago and Nagulu hospitals, whereas Namboole stadium was mentioned as a possible treatment centre in case the situation gets worse.

If a person tests positive after being attended to at another hospital or clinic outside the designated ones, all health workers that interacted with that patient are taken into institutional quarantine to avoid transmitting it to patients and their families.

This can drastically reduce the number of health workers and may overwork those who remain. Remember that no foreign country offers help with doctors because they are also handling the situation in their own countries.

The existence of COVID-19 does not take away other diseases that have to continue to be treated. In such a situation, patients with sickness such as malaria or bacterial-induced sore throat infections may be chased away at other clinics to avoid contracting the virus.

With a huge increase in the virus infections and designated COVID-19 hospital beds get full, in-patient admissions start to replace those who have died, as intensive care beds or ventilators are not easily installed. Ventilators are operated 24 hours by trained medical personnel who also need years of training. Intensive care patients that survive take between five and 21 days before transfer to the general ward. Even if the Government was to put up another field hospital, there might be no health workers to deploy there.

The result, like in other countries, becomes home treatment where you keep health workers informed of your condition on phone and your own people start to distance themselves from you. Unavoidable delayed treatment may be dangerous because by the time the overstretched health workers reach you, the situation may not be reversible.

Out of obstinate, negligent or unfortunate behaviour, one may take COVID-19 home, infect their family or neighbours who are vulnerable like the diabetic, hypertensive, asthmatic, cancer and HIV patients. We must know that all ages are equally vulnerable. You cannot know who will survive or die. It could be you or your loved one, parents or the entire family.

Upon positive confirmation, one is taken to a designated health facility alone and your loved ones wait for updates from health workers. Do we ever imagine if the person taken to quarantine is your five-year-old child whom you cannot take care of as a parent?

As the situation worsens and deaths become overwhelming, family members may only be informed and attendance of burial is by one or two members of the family. I believe that is not what we want.

As President Museveni said right at the beginning, COVID-19 can be defeated, if we adhere to SOPs. We know how the disease is spread. The choice to avoid it. Take personal responsibility, wear the mask, stay safe.

The writer is the director of Confucius Institute and the head of Department of African Languages at Makerere University.

Read more:

Unmasking The Realities Of Covid 19 - New Vision

Grape Pips Reveal Collapse of Ancient Economy in the Grip of Plague and Climate Change – HeritageDaily

While we all try to understand the new reality imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic, many look to the past for historical precedents such as the Spanish flu of 1918 and the Black Plague of the 14th century.

The first historically attested wave of what later became known as the Black Plague (caused by the bacterium Yersinia pestis) spread throughout the Byzantine Empire and beyond, in 541 CE. Known as Justinianic Plague, after the emperor Justinian who contracted the disease but survived, it caused high mortality and had a range of socio-economic effects. Around the same time, an enormous volcanic eruption in late 535 or early 536 CE marked the beginning of the coldest decade in the last two thousand years (another volcano of similar proportions erupted in 539 CE).

However, scholars disagree as to just how far-reaching and devastating the mid-6th century epidemic and climate change were. This scholarly debate is unsurprising considering that even today, leaders and policymakers around the world differ on the severity and correct response to COVID-19, not to mention climate change. One reason that hindsight is not 20/20 when it comes to ancient plagues is that ancient reports tend to exaggerate, or underrepresent, the human tolls, while archaeological evidence for the social and economic effects of plague are very hard to find.

Recently, a team of Israeli archaeologists discovered new and compelling evidence for a significant economic downturn on the fringe of the Byzantine Empire in the aftermath of a major pandemic in the mid-6th century CE. The research, published today in theProceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS), reconstructs the rise and fall of commercial viticulture in the middle of Israels arid Negev desert.

Daniel Fuks, a PhD student in the Martin (Szusz) Department of Land of Israel Studies and Archaeology at Bar-Ilan University, led the study as a researcher in Prof. Ehud Weiss Archaeobotany Lab, and as a team member of the Negev Byzantine Bio-Archaeology Research Program, Crisis on the Margins of the Byzantine Empire, headed by Prof. Guy Bar-Oz of the University of Haifa. This project seeks to discover when and why the agricultural settlement of the Negev Highlands was abandoned.

Agriculture in this arid desert was made possible through rainwater runoff farming which reached its peak in the Byzantine period, as seen at sites like Elusa, Shivta and Nessana. At Negev Highland sites today, the ruins of well-built stone structures attest to their former glory, but Bar-Ozs team, guided by field archaeologists from the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA), Dr. Yotam Tepper and Dr. Tali Erickson-Gini, discovered even more compelling evidence about life during that period in an unexpected place: the trash. Your trash says a lot about you. In the ancient trash mounds of the Negev, there is a record of residents daily lives in the form of plant remains, animal remains, ceramic sherds, and more, explains Bar-Oz. In the Crisis on the Margins project, we excavated these mounds to uncover the human activity behind the trash, what it included, when it flourished, and when it declined.

The study of seeds found in archaeological excavations is part of the field known as archaeobotany (aka paleoethnobotany). The Bar-Ilan University Archaebotany Lab in which most of this research was conducted is the only lab in Israel dedicated to the identification of ancient seeds and fruits. Prof. Ehud Weiss, the labs head, explains that the task of archaeobotany is to get into the pantry or, in this case, the trash of ancient people and study their interactions with plants. Archaeobotany reconstructs ancient economy, environment and culture, but the way there is not easy. Grain by grain must be sorted through endless sediment samples, looking for seeds, identifying them and counting each one, as it is written if one can count the dust of the earth, then your seed too can be counted (Genesis 13:16).

For the present study, nearly 10,000 seeds of grape, wheat and barley were retrieved and counted from 11 trash mounds at three sites. Identifying seed and fruit remains is a unique capability of our lab, says Weiss, and it relies on the Israel National Reference Collection of Plant Seeds and Fruit held in our lab, and on years of experience in retrieving, processing, and analyzing plant remains from sites of all periods in Israeli archaeology.

One of the researchers first observations was the high numbers of grape seeds in the ancient trash mounds. This fit well with previous scholars suggestions that the Negev was involved in export-bound viticulture. Byzantine texts laud the vinum Gazetum or Gaza wine as a sweet white wine exported from the port of Gaza throughout the Mediterranean and beyond. This wine was generally transported in a type of amphora known as Gaza Jars or Gaza Wine Jars, which are also found in sites throughout the Mediterranean. In Byzantine Negev trash mounds, these Gaza Jars appear in high quantities.

Daniel Fuks, the Bar-Ilan University PhD student, sought to determine whether there were any interesting trends in the relative frequency of grape pips in the rubbish. In a Ted-style talk hosted by Bet Avichai last year, he said, Imagine youre an ancient farmer with a plot of land to feed your family. On most of it, you plant cereals like wheat and barley because thats how you get your bread. On a smaller part, you plant a vineyard and other crops like legumes, vegetables and fruit trees, for your familys needs.

But one day you realize that you could sell the excellent wine you produce, for export, and earn enough cash to buy bread and a bit more. Little by little you expand your vineyard and move from subsistence farming to commercial viticulture.

If we look at your trash and count the seeds, well discover a rise in the proportion of grape pips relative to cereal grains. And thats exactly what we discovered: A significant rise in the ratio of grape pips to cereal grains between the 4th century CE and the mid-6th century. Then suddenly, it declines.

Meanwhile, Fuks and Dr. Tali Erickson-Gini, an expert in ancient Negev pottery, took this to the next level. They checked whether there were similar trends in the proportion of Gaza Wine Jars to Bag-Shaped Jars, the latter being much less suited to camelback transport from the Negev Highlands to the port at Gaza. Indeed, the rise and initial decline of Gaza Jars tracked the rise and fall of the grape pips.

The researchers concluded that the commercial scale of viticulture in the Negev, as seen in the grape pip ratios, was connected to Mediterranean trade, attested to by the Gaza Jar ratios. In other words, a novel archaeological testimony to an international commercial economy from some 1,500 years ago was discovered!

Like today, this situation brought unprecedented prosperity, but also greater vulnerability to shocks. In the mid-6th century, there were a few such shocks that could explain the decline. One of them was Justinianic plague, which had a high death toll in Byzantium and other parts of the empire. In the article, the authors explain that the resulting contracting market for Gaza products would have detrimentally impacted the Negev economy, even while trade at nearby Gaza may have continued If the plague reached the Negev, it could also have harmed the local production capacity and supply of agricultural products in general by inducing a shortage of agricultural laborers.

A different shock of that period was a volcanic eruption of global proportions in late 535/early 536 CE, which covered the Northern Hemispheres atmosphere with dust and caused decade-long global cooling (another eruption of similar magnitude occurred in 539 CE). This led to drought in Europe, but may have increased precipitation, possibly including high-intensity flash flooding, in the southern Levant, causing detriment to local agriculture.

The Sisyphean task of sorting and counting seeds may not appear to be the most exciting, but the research on archaeological plant finds is innovative and influential, while also demonstrating the ingenuity and insightfulness involved in ancient peoples interactions with plants. Guy Bar-Oz, of the University of Haifa, states,: The discovery of the rise and fall of commercial viticulture in the Byzantine Negev supports other recent evidence unearthed by the Crisis on the Margins project for major agricultural and settlement expansion in the 5th to mid-6th century followed by decline. It appears that agricultural settlement in the Negev Highlands received such a blow that it was not revived until modern times. Significantly, the decline came nearly a century before the Islamic conquest of the mid-seventh century.

Two of the most likely triggers for the mid-6th century collapse climate change and plague reveal inherent vulnerabilities in political-economic systems, then and now. The difference is that the Byzantines didnt see it coming, explains Fuks. We can actually prepare ourselves for the next outbreak or the imminent consequences of climate change. The question is, will we be wise enough to do so?

BAR-ILAN UNIVERSITY

Header Image Credit Public Domain

Originally posted here:

Grape Pips Reveal Collapse of Ancient Economy in the Grip of Plague and Climate Change - HeritageDaily

Unsustainable transition? Hydropower and the post-Covid recovery in Georgia – Open Democracy

The Covid-19 crisis has provided further evidence of the dramatic consequences of the destruction of large ecosystems caused by rapid development in large parts of the globe. As the growing list of countries affected by the pandemic are struggling to mitigate its deep social and economic impact, investment in large infrastructure has been hailed by some as the basis for a green new deal able to foster a sustainable recovery.

Indeed, ahead of the crisis, the construction of hydropower plants had already been supported, by large international banks and governments alike, as one of a number of ways of fostering a transition to a sustainable and a green economy. As investments in renewable energy have been rising, global hydropower installed capacity reached 1,308 gigawatts in 2019.

Amongst the countries that have followed this green development pathway, Georgia has sought to make the most of its mountainous territory by planning no less than one hundred projects across its waterways. However, a close look at some of these large hydro projects highlights their unsustainability, raising questions about the broader idea of a transition to a green economy that provides their justification.

On 22 July this year, crowds of protesters gathered in Kutaisi, Georgia to voice their opposition to the construction of two large hydropower complexes: the Oni Cascade and Namakhvani HPPs in the mountainous region of Racha-Lechkhumi in central Georgia.

The Namakhvani HPP is composed of two interconnected dams and it is currently the largest hydropower project in the country, with a projected total capacity of 400 megawatts at a cost of US$750m. The authorisation to build this HPP came, somewhat abruptly, at the beginning of the year, almost a decade since the project was first announced in 2010.

The preliminary works for this mega infrastructure started at the beginning of June in the municipality of Tsageri. As the workers from Turkish company Enka Renewables, the majority investor behind the infrastructure, alongside Norwegian company Clean Energy, started laying down a small bridge on the Rioni river, a group of villagers gathered in the proximity of the building site to host a wine festival and rally celebrating their traditions and to discuss the dam under construction. One of the attendees, having taken up the mic, raised a question: why such hurry? Whose time is this project running on?

Despite the long gestation and multiple interruptions of this mega project, this simple question captures the issue at the core of the opposition to this transition infrastructure - namely, the lack of engagement of the project with the territory it is intended to transform. In recent years, the different stages of the project's approval scoping, environmental impact assessment (EIA) and consultations have been rushed through, often unlawfully according to local critics. At the same time, estimates of the damages that might incur from the construction have been minimised.

Indeed, according to Georgian environmentalists, the EIA submitted by the company Enka Renewables was approved by the Georgian government despite lacking a range of compulsory surveys. Although the population of the valley is small, opposition to the project has progressively grown bringing together local communities, environmental activists, scholars and NGOs from within and outside Georgia.

At the wake of the projects inception, the environmental NGO Green Alternative has demanded a revocation of its permit. In the aftermath of the rallies, the Public Movement to Save the Rioni Valley released a list of demands addressed to Georgian president Salome Zurabishvili, requesting the interruption of the works, a revocation of the development permit and an inquiry into the damages caused by the partial collapse of another dam, the Shuakevi HPP, which has been developed by Clean Energy, also involved in Namakhvani. If the construction goes ahead as planned, the consequences of this accelerated process might be disastrous and stretch much beyond the valley where the plants are set to rise.

As research from the Institute of Earth Science in Tbilisi has shown, the Main Caucasus Thrust belt is the most active tectonic unit of the region, generating the highest magnitude earthquake recorded in the Caucasus in 1991, which triggered major landslides and buried two villages.

The high humidity, steep topography and complex geological settings of the Racha-Lechkhumi region, which includes the Rioni valley where the HPPs are planned makes it extremely vulnerable to landslide processes, while high precipitation in the area makes steep mountain slopes unstable. For example, in 1987 a landslide blocked the Rioni River for 15 minutes by temporarily forming a dam near Mekvena, a village that will be partially flooded by the proposed Namakhvani reservoir. As Tea Godoladze, the director of Georgias Institute of Earth Sciences has argued, flooding the valley may also induce further and much larger landslides than have hitherto occurred due to the pressure generated as the valleys walls become progressively saturated.

The hazards highlighted by Godoladze were not seriously considered by the EIA approved by the Georgian Minister of the Environment. Geologists have repeatedly called for a rigorous geophysical and geology survey of the valley to be undertaken, and to ensure an effective system of geophysical monitoring is put in place. The construction of the dams, however, has already begun, leaving these vital assessments unattended.

While the development of the project is accelerated, the time of local communities, however, seems to matter less.

For an entire decade, the as yet unrealised plan to flood part of the Rioni valley has stalled the refurbishment and upkeep of existing infrastructure connecting it to the rest of the country, resulting in the progressive isolation of the valley and its inhabitants. Despite its infrastructural and socio-economic decay, the valley has remained the site for the production of several endemic high value crops, the most important of which is the Tvishi wine. The wine, named after one of the villages where it is produced, is a semi-sweet white wine very popular both in Georgia and on the international market, especially in Russia. It owes its sweetness to the local terroir, characterised by high humidity levels. In recent years, and in parallel with the planning of the dam, several winemakers have established organic vineyards in the valley, benefitting from state subsidies.

Wine, moreover, is not the only high value endemic crop found in the area. The slopes of the Khvamli massive that towers over the valley are home to a variety of herbs that locals collect to make teas, ointments and condiments. The women and men who collect and transform herbs and the winemakers, are currently at the forefront of the protests against the construction of the dam, as they argue the changes in the territory caused by the reservoirs will permanently affect humidity levels, spoiling the local terroir and destroying its endemic flora and fauna. This rich local expertise has, up to this day, been overwhelmingly sidelined in accounts of the dam project coming from the company and the state.

Rather than rush the development of major infrastructure projects such as this, the Georgian government should learn from the spectacular failures of some recent hydropower developments.

Two of the large HPPs recently built in the country, the already mentioned Shuakevi HPP in Adjara and the smaller Dariali HPP, have partially collapsed, creating extensive damage to local ecosystems and, in the case of Dariali gorge, killing nine people. While these collapses were not foreseen by the companies leading their development - amongst whom is Clean Energy, one of the enterprises currently involved in the Namakhvani project, local communities, scholars and NGOs had been warning against the hazards for years prior to the developments completion.

At the time, however, these complaints had fallen on deaf ears, including those of the large international investors backing the projects. The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, who has placed the transition to a green economy as a top priority for its developmental vision, backed the development of both failed projects and until recently had been considering committing to support the Namakhvani HPP.

In late 2019, the EBRD, after a formal letter from the Green Alternative NGO, decided against supporting the project, reportedly due to its negative assessment of the dams impact on the endangered fauna of the Rioni river. The river was listed amongst the potential sites to be included in the Emerald Network, protected by the Bern Convention, however, its candidacy has been subsequently withdrawn by the government in order to allow its use for hydropower production. Despite not being involved in this particular project, the EBRD has played a key role in promoting the idea of transition on the basis of which investments in hydropower have been justified, in Georgia as elsewhere in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union.

Formed in the aftermath of the Soviet collapse, the EBRDs core mission has been to foster the transition to market economy in the space left behind by the Socialist bloc. Most recently, however, this original calling has been integrated by a new transition concept which defines a well-functioning market economy as more than justcompetitive; it should beinclusive,well-governed,green,resilientand integratedas well. Under this banner the bank has financed in the past five years over 60 hydropower projects in south eastern Europe and the Caucasus. As Bankwatch reports, many have provoked serious damage to the fragile ecosystems that have hosted them.

For the past three decades, Georgias socio-economic development has been contained within this mutating framework of transition. The imperative of transition, and the market-driven deregulation at its core, has, in some ways, replaced the drafting of a concrete development strategy for the country. In the case of the energy sector, the OECD reported that, despite contracting consulting firm McKinsey & Company to aid with the production of an energy development strategy in 2018, Georgia has nevertheless to this day failed to adopt a comprehensive framework.

The development of the Namakhvani HPP has been described by Georgian economy minister Natia Turnava as necessary to the countrys energy security, however as the UNECE notes in their recent report, in the absence of a national energy strategy and supporting policies it is difficult to assess energy projects compatibility with national supply and demand trends as well as energy security concerns and long-term environmental objectives. In the rush to complete the long-awaited transition(s), therefore, Georgia seems to discount the very practices that will enable its populations to reap the benefits of its many infrastructural investments.

The global spread of the coronavirus should be a lesson about the irreversible consequences of the exploitation of the ecosystems in which we live. Discounting the impact that infrastructural projects have on their environments in order to achieve economic development is a false economy, the consequences of which are often only recognised subsequently. If it happens, the construction of the Namakhvani HPPs will give rise to a series of inter-related socio-economic, ecological and geophysical changes that together may have destructive and unpredictable consequences locally.

There can be no good transition without a deep engagement with all of the elements of this complex puzzle. For this reason, as scholars committed to support the creation of a more sustainable world, we join those who call for the immediate interruption of the construction of the Namakhvani HPP and Oni Cascade.

Visit link:

Unsustainable transition? Hydropower and the post-Covid recovery in Georgia - Open Democracy

A future written in the past? – ft.lk

If the Gotabaya-Mahinda combo succeed in gaining a massive majority at the upcoming parliamentary election, Sri Lankas future maybe akin to the worst of her past including mob-violence and economic collapse. How can there be peace or stability, if the guiding ideology of the state sees a potential enemy in every non-Sinhala-Buddhist?

By Tisaranee Gunasekara

This day, 27 years ago, Sri Lanka was burning.

During Black July, Sinhala mobs murdered not just Tamil men, women and children; they also killed prospects of peace and stability. They torched not just Tamil property, but also to prospects of economic development.

Black July was the darkest episode in the post-Independent history of Sri Lanka, a colossal failure in morality, decency and civility. It also constituted a critical abnegation of reason, sanity and intelligence. The orgy of violence gave wings to the separatist cause and to the LTTE. It opened the floodgates of war and insurgency (the JVP was proscribed in its immediate aftermath, to provide the UNP government with a scapegoat).

The opening up of the economy in 1977 had caused a massive surge in growth and employment and income generation. Like with every such radical transformation, it had also resulted in huge socio-economic dislocations. By the early 1980s inflation was skyrocketing and economic inequality has reached alarming levels. Faced with growing discontent in the Sinhala South, the government adopted the time-tested method of scapegoating the minorities.

Blaming Tamil businesses for Sinhala poverty and Tamil professionals for Sinhala unemployment was not limited to rank racists such as Cyril Mathew. Even relative moderates like Ronnie de Mel saw a use value in racism. The Tamils have dominated the commanding heights of everything good in Sri Lanka, the then Finance Minister opined in the immediate aftermath of Black July. The solution was to restore the rights of the Sinhala majority (The wages of envy The Economist 20.8.1983).

In the eyes of its perpetrators and defenders, Black July was a necessary measure of political chastisement and socio-economic recalibration. For many a Sinhala supremacist, it epitomised the ideal Sri Lanka, a land where even the most poorest and marginalised Sinhalese was more potent than the richest, the most highly placed non-Sinhalese. The same mindset was evident in the attacks against Christian churches in the early 2000s and in the recent mini-riots targeting Muslims.

So long as people who subscribe to such thinking are confined to the political and societal fringe, the harm they can do is limited. But if they enter the mainstream, then violence and instability become the norm.

Today, those who believe in the corrective capacity of anti-minority violence are not just in the mainstream; they are vocal and active in the corridors of power. The Rajapaksas may or may not believe in the racist ravings of their more extremist supporters. But (like S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, Sirima Bandaranaike and J.R. Jayewardene) they have no compunctions about using the resultant hysteria for their benefit. After all, the Gotabaya-Mahinda government even tried to turn a global pandemic into a Muslim problem and did succeed for a while.

A country that is forever mired in some sort of majority-minority conflict can never know peace, never be stable, never prosper. Black July was both an outbreak of barbarism and of stupidity. It was destructive and self-destructive. Developing a way of existence with the minorities based on tolerance and justice is in the interests of the majority community as well. That is a basic lesson of Black July and its aftermath, a lesson the Rajapaksas are ideologically incapable of learning.

The Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration failed to counter racism. Theirs was a sin of omission. With the Rajapaksas, racism is a weapon of choice, to be used tactically or strategically depending on the need. And the need would grow, as the economic crisis worsens, heaping hardships not just on the Sinhala poor but also the middle class.

If the Gotabaya-Mahinda combo succeed in gaining a massive majority at the upcoming parliamentary election, Sri Lankas future maybe akin to the worst of her past including mob-violence and economic collapse. How can there be peace or stability, if the guiding ideology of the state sees a potential enemy in every non-Sinhala-Buddhist?

The two-thirds mania: from Referendum 1982 to Election 2020

Before Black July came another incident of monumental stupidity and criminality that cast a long shadow over Sri Lanka the referendum of 1982.

Knowing that the new PR system would deprive it of the two-thirds majority it gained in 1977, the J.R. Jayewardene administration decided to evade a parliamentary election via a referendum. The government won the referendum and retained its absolute power, but only at the cost of undermining the system.

Had the Jayewardene government not been obsessed by the two-thirds mania, had the referendum of 1982 not been held, had there been a normal parliamentary election in 1983, Sri Lanka, and Sri Lankans, would be in a different and in all probability a better place today. But the pursuit of absolute power generates absolute stupidity, even in men of undoubted intelligence like J.R. Jayewardene.

Today we are at a similar inflection point.

What will the SLPP do with a two-thirds majority? Abolish the 19th Amendment for starters. What would that mean in practical terms, for the country, for the people?

Lethal violence was the norm in Lankan elections until the 19th Amendment instituted an independent election commission. Since then, three elections were held, without a single loss of life. This is the fourth election, and so far, no one has been killed or seriously injured. And when the SLPP candidate for Puttalam Sanath Nishantha led a vehicle parade riding a number-plate-less motorbike sans a helmet, it became news because such open violation of election laws is now an anomaly rather than the norm.

Those who yearn to abolish the 19th Amendment intend to return to a past when elections were fought not like peaceful contests but like mini-wars. Is that the future we want?

In 2014, when the then President gathered his kith and kin to celebrate Sinhala Avurudu in Medamulana, the attendees included Chief Justice Mohan Peiris (http://www.adaderana.lk/news.php?mode=head&nid=1829). Peiris had been handpicked by the Rajapaksa brothers to head the Supreme Court after they hounded out chief justice Shirani Bandaranayake via an illegal impeachment. Rewarded for his obedience, Peiris wore his subservience to the Rajapaksas like a mantle of honour.

The 19th Amendment restored judicial independence to a great degree. That democratic pillar is not completely dead yet. For instance, this month, the Court of Appeal struck down the illegal decision by the Gotabaya-Mahinda cabinet to abolish permit requirements for sand transportation. The abolition of permit requirement had played havoc with the environment, and as the AGs Department admitted to the court, it was done in violation of the Mines and Minerals Act.

Had the 19th Amendment not been in place, the government could have got away with this illegal and destructive decision. Is that the past we want to return to?

This month, an archaeological site in Kurunegala was destroyed, allegedly on the orders of the SLPP mayor of the city. The Rajapaksas are protecting alleged culprit. Mahinda Rajapaksa tried to use racism to justify this act of vandalism, saying that King Buvanekabahu II had a Muslim wife. When Gotabaya Rajapaksa was asked about it while on the campaign trail, he dismissed the incident with his signature laugh and a few incoherent words. The cabinet did not discuss the matter, and the police is yet to make a move against the alleged culprit, even though the expert committee appointed by Mahinda Rajapaksa recommended that the perpetrators be punished.

This incident clearly demonstrates what the future will hold if Gotabaya-Mahinda combo wins a massive majority. Such empowerment will give a free rein not just to the ruling siblings and their family but also to their supporters, including the worst of them. Crime and abuse by the rulers and their acolytes will become the norm again, as the police watch helplessly from the sidelines.

Is that the country we want to return to?

The Rajapaksa supporters hint that a two-thirds majority for their masters will strengthen Sinhala dominance and keep the minorities in place. An overly empowered Rajapaksa government will indeed make minority lives more insecure, precarious even. But the same violence will be unleashed on the majority community, the moment they step out of line, as the Rathupaswala example demonstrates.

When the killing (of three Sinhala people) in Rathupaswala was over, a villager asked a soldier why he did not use rubber-bullets. The soldier replied, We cant mollycoddle people with rubber bullets (The Sunday Times 11.8.2013). It was no accident that the Rajapaksa regime sent the 58th Division implicated in the White Flag incident to teach the Sinhala people of Rathupaswala a lesson in obedience. Add to it the fact that Brigadier Deshapriya Gunawardana, the commanding officer accused of ordering soldiers to shoot at the unarmed protestors, was promoted to the rank of major general by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the message is clear a massive majority for the Rajapaksas will boomerang on the Sinhalese someday.

Economic insanity

A Chinese firm has reportedly been awarded the contract to develop a smart card system for Sri Lanka Railways (http://www.newswire.lk/2020/07/25/china-secures-deal-for-sri-lanka-railway-smart-card-system/).

This in a country with a superlative information and communication service industry.

According to the governments own Export Development Board website, ICT services have become the fourth largest export earner in Sri Lanka. Sri Lankan ICT metal is behind the innovations that power international stock markets, telecommunication and transportation systems in Europe and the UK... Sri Lanka is emerging as a world's ICT destination of choice. The island is steadily transforming itself into the most preferred ICT hub in Asia thanks to the availability of the most precious resource in the world talent.

Clearly our globally recognised talent is not good enough for the Gotabaya-Mahinda government. So we are getting a Chinese company to provide ICT services to our railways. So much for Gotabaya Rajapaksas much hyped fidelity to meritocracy and technocracy.

According to the EDB website, our ICT sector employed more than 85,000 people by 2017. At a time when the economy is tanking and unemployment is rising, giving the railway contract to a fully competent Lankan firm would have made even more economic sense than usual. Yet the Rajapaksas have reportedly not done it. Was it because of our growing financial dependency on China?

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa began his tenure by dealing a devastating blow to the countrys revenue base with his senseless tax cuts. By March 2020, the Central Bank was compelled to undertake an orgy of money printing, reportedly the largest in our history. As a result, the rupee came under severe pressure and around $ 1.3 billion in foreign reserves were lost (Economy Next 6.7.2020). The rulers obviously see no downside in churning out notes and the Central Bank is too cowed to tell them otherwise. Therefore the possibility of even worst binges happening in the future cannot be ruled out.

The government is trying to get out of paying frontline health workers their entitlements using the lack of money as an excuse. The same government has money enough to engage in ventures that can only be called insane, such as a research project undertaken by the Civil Aviation Authority The King Ravana and Lost Heritage of Aviation Dominance (http://www.sundaytimes.lk/article/1122522/caaslto-conduct-research-on-king-ravana-lost-heritage-of-aviation-dominance). It is perhaps no accident that the current chairman of the CAA was once President Gotabayas travel agent.

There cannot be much doubt that if elected with a huge majority, Gotabaya-Mahinda combo will resurrect other wasteful projects such as the Homagama Cricket stadium (26 acres, 60,000 spectators, 30 to 40 million dollars) and give the main contract to another Chinese firm. After all who but the Chinese would lend us colossal amounts of money for such wasteful projects?

If the Rajapaksas gain the power of their dreams, political irrationality will be compounded by economic irrationality. As the economic malaise worsens and the political discontent increases in consequence, the governments usage of ethno-religious racism as a weapon of subjugation and control will grow. A new vicious cycle of violence and counter-violence will be born, destroying all prospects of peace, stability and development, as happened in the Lost Decade of 1980s.

Will we opt for that past on 5 August?

Continue reading here:

A future written in the past? - ft.lk

COVID, Classrooms and InequalityEducation in the Time of Pandemic – Black Voice News

Study the past if you would define the future.Confucius

Words are limited. They are very often (even when we wish otherwise) inadequate to perfectly convey intent, context and meaning.

The word unprecedented is bandied about quite a bit these days and as we are just beginning to stumble almost sleepwalking through the weird landscapes, the unprecedented COVID-19 crisis has laid before us.

We are left to figure out the path ahead on our ownwithout a map or even a piece of string to guide us through the labyrinth.

COVID-19 is like the dye on a deadly and perverse egg shell, it has exposed all the cracks and fractures which pre-existed this plague, it will take eternal vigilance to assure the stresses of what has been exposed doesnt collapse the entire structure.

Paul Reville, the Francis Keppel Professor of Practice of Educational Policy and Administration at Harvard Graduate School of Education, when asked during an interview with The Harvard Gazette to enumerate those things which surprised him most about the COVID-19 education crisis stated:

One thats most striking to me is that because schools are closed, parents and the general public have become more aware than at any time in my memory of the inequities in childrens lives outside of school. Suddenly we see front-page coverage about food deficits, inadequate access to health and mental health, problems with housing stability, and access to educational technology and the internet. Those of us in education know these problems have existed forever. What has happened is like a giant tidal wave that came and sucked the water off the ocean floor, revealing all these uncomfortable realities that had been beneath the water from time immemorial. This newfound public awareness of pervasive inequities, I hope, will create a sense of urgency in the public domain. We need to correct for these inequities in order for education to realize its ambitious goals. We need to redesign our systems of child development and education. The most -obvious place to start for schools is working on equitable access to educational technology as a way to close the digital-learning gap.

Digital learning, no matter its intrinsic inadequacies or advantages, is the method of instruction which, for the foreseeable future, will be taking a prominent role in education in the United States during the pandemic.

Opportunities and Challenges of Digital Learning (Photo Brookings Institute)

Take down of Online Education (Source: Inside Higher Ed)

Digital Divide

The digital divide or lack of access to the internet is most acute in Black, Brown and rural families. According to The Pew Research Center, the technology needed to access the internet is still out of reach for far too many low-income families. Among families which earn less than thirty thousand dollars a year, 29 percent dont have access to a smartphone, 44 percent dont have access to broadband, while 46 percent dont have access to a laptop or P.C. nor do they own tablets. These yawning deficits complicate an already daunting set of circumstances.

Lower Income Americans have lower levels (Source: Pew Research)

They are further compounded by issues of connectivityspeed. The magazine Techcrunch reported in California, 1,529,000 K-12 students dont have the connectivity required for adequate distance learning. These same students lack an adequate device as well. They warned, The homework gap that separates those with strong connections from those on the wrong side of the digital divide will become a homework chasm without drastic and immediate intervention. For the Black community, these deficits can also lead to our nemesis, the school to prison pipeline.

In Michigan, a girl by the name of Grace was placed in juvenile detention for failing to complete her online homework during quarantine.

Grace, who has special needs (ADHD), was pushed into the pipeline for minor infractions. She is currently being held after a judge refused to release her. This, despite Michigans Governor having ordered the suspension of assignment to detention, unless the student is considered, a substantial and immediate risk to others.

The risk of falling afoul of the law is as ever-present for Black children as it was before the pandemic.

In California, several programs have been announced to provide some relief to low income students, however much is left to be done.

Thousands of digital devices have been donated to the most vulnerable, still most remain in need and while there have been partnerships and attempts to address access and connectivity issuesmany of these programs and partnerships must be expanded and renewed.

COVID-19 and Children

As has been said a million times before, when White America catches a cold Black America catches the flu. But what do we catch when what is in the air is a deadly virus?

The response to the crises has been completely inadequate for the majority. Governmental aid has been a patchwork, spotty and totally dependent upon a mish mash of random factorsrace, socio-economic status and unsurprisingly, yet especially galling, geography.

The complete balkanization of our COVID-19 response and the novelty of the disease makes it extraordinarily difficult to evaluate with any assurance of what is happening on the ground.

The management of the pandemic has become so poisonously politicized, the very basic function of a civilized societyto provide a structure upon which its constituent members may act in coordination with one another to do what is best for itselfhas been completely compromised. We are told that even the numbers of people who have been sickened or have died from this disease are not being correctly tracked or reported. Depending on dueling sources, the true numbers have been either over or underestimated.

On June 25, 2020, Time Magazine reported infection rates may be under-reported by as much as 10 times the current estimations and that was before, according to an article in the Washington Post dated July 14, 2020, the President changed the COVID-19 reporting hierarchies taking the data collection process out of the hands of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the agency tasked with heading and managing the response to outbreaks of disease in this country.

Regardless of who now collects the data, infection rates in the United States are climbing alarmingly, making the U.S. one of the largest current reservoirs of the deadly virus reflected in the numbers of cases as well as deaths.

It is in this chaotic environment many parents are being asked to make the heavy decision of whether to and when to return children to school without understanding all the dangers they, their families and school personnel may face.

A few schools in California are asking teachers and staff to sign liability waivers to prevent them from suing in case they come down with the disease and some have been illegally fired for refusing to sign them.

On the federal level, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has threatened to hold up any relief to families unless corporations receive blanket immunity protections from COVID-19 lawsuits. While the California legislature is in the process of trying to pass similar legislationAB 1384 to protect school districts.

Face Sheet California Legislation Information (Source: California Legislature)

On Tuesday, July 28, The American Federation of Teachers (AFT), 1.7 million strong, stated they are prepared to strike if districts dont protect the students and staff in their care. The AFT has a specific stipulation of what safety looks like including COVID-19 transmission rates of less than one percent and positive rates under five percent. As a state, we are nowhere near either goal.

While the virus is purportedly less deadly in children, children have and are continuing to die from this disease as well as an associated disorder called MIS-C. The current state of medical knowledge has not given us a clear picture of the connections between the two diseases or even clear data on the rates of lethality. Children have been home since the shelter in place order was given, lending an experimental air to this all.

Florida, which shut down later than other places and opened earlier than most, is currently experiencing a steep rise in cases of children with this disease with 31 percent testing positive for COVID-19 and a 23 percent jump in hospitalizations. Florida is on a tear with a thousand children a day testing positive over a period of eight days.

On top of these concerns, schools, some in terrible states of want and disrepair before the pandemic, will be asked to reliably take on the additional expenses to provide a clean and properly sanitized environment for students to learn in, while providing staffing levels to assure social distancing requirements are metall of which seem very unlikely.

This for many communities so food insecure, school breakfasts and lunches are the only meals students can reliably count on each day.

Its More Than Just Bad Blood

On Fox news this weekend Dr. Ozwhose previous reputational issues have been held up to scrutinysuggested that reopening schools, are an especially appetizing place to start reopening the economy. This is based on a study in the Lancet which coldly calculates the collateral damage of this bug to low- income and middle-class children which, according to Oz, was projected to be a mere two to three percent loss of life.

Never mind that nothing and no one belonging to Dr Oz will be repeatedly exposed to the same dangers Black children will face. Many Black children will be returning to chronically underfunded, over-looked and neglected facilities.

It is not just Dr. Oz. Talking points have gone out and you can hear the faint drum beat of the suggestion that these lives arent as important as the man-made construct called the economy. That drumbeat will get louder.

It is not the first time our people have heard these discordant sounds. Many are familiar with the infamous Tuskegee syphilis experiments where adult men with syphilis were allowed to rot from the disease just to see what would happen, even though they could have been cured with penicillin.

When these naive men or their families asked what was wrong with them, they were told they had bad blood. Some people may even be familiar with how Black female slaves were tortured and abused by the father of gynecology James Marion Sims, to develop the tools used today in that discipline.

However, few are aware of the lead paint experiments John Hopkins University conducted (with the aid of government grants) on poor Black families in Baltimore in the 1990s to find cheaper ways of disposing of toxic lead paint. Some of this lead waste was purposefully ground up to make fertilizer which was spread on the lawns where poor Black chicken played. Lead, as are all heavy metals, is toxic to the human body and can damage the brain and nervous system, causing lifelong disability and even death.

John Hopkins University conducted lead paint experiments (with the aid of government grants) on poor Black families in Baltimore in the 1990s. (Source: Creative Commons Baltimore)

Readers may also be unfamiliar with the unethical experiments conducted on Black and Brown children in New York City where six to ten-year-old boys were dosed with fenfluramine (Fen-Fen) intravenously. These unethical experiments were conducted at the New York Psychiatric Institute which is affiliated with Columbia University. Ironically, these experiments, which ended in 1996, were to test whether violent or criminal behavior can be predicted by the levels of certain brain chemicalscriminal lapses of the Hippocratic Oath and the medical code of ethics, notwithstanding. The babies were the younger brothers of children already in the criminal justice system the experimenters identified through court records. The experiment is a strong reminder of the atrocities of the Eugenics era.

John Hopkins University conducted (with the aid of government grants) on poor Black families in Baltimore in the 1990s. (Source: Creative Commons Baltimore) (Source: Empire State Building)

Those Who Fail To Learn From the Past

Authorities are still planning on some kind of physical presence in schools this upcoming school year. Schools in the inland region, like many places in the state, will be unable to reopen for in-person instruction until the respective county, Riverside or San Bernardino, has remained off the states watch list for 14 consecutive days.

The Los Angeles School District has announced it plans to begin the school year onlineleaving open the date which in person instruction will begin.

Without accurate information on the effects of this virus on children, let alone adults, parents are left trying to make life and death decisions blindly.

Meanwhile, talking heads and politicians ramble on about herd immunity and acceptable risk/loss. Many of them, as always, may not feel they have as much skin in the game as Blacks and other minorities. They appear to encourage the essential to play with their lives for very little in return.

Russian- roulette should not become a family gamelike Monopoly.

Phyllis Kimber-Wilcox is an undergraduate student, history buff, avid reader, and freelance writer. She is also a doting grandmother, parent, sister, aunt, lover of people, animals, plants, and the planet.

More here:

COVID, Classrooms and InequalityEducation in the Time of Pandemic - Black Voice News

Towards a great forest transition – part 1 – The Ecologist

The Covid-19 pandemic did not come out of the blue. It was a symptom of the fundamental structures of industrial civilization, and it is an early warning signal for how this civilization is rapidly eroding the very conditions of its own existence.

Over the last decade, environmental scientists have warned that human activities are increasingly at risk of the breaching planetary boundaries thatdefine the environmental limits in which humanity can safely operate.

Read: Towards a great forest transition - part 2

As industrial civilisation increasingly encroaches on natural ecosystems, we are reducing this safe operating space for human survival.

Impasse

Deforestation is one of the most intractable and yet most potent drivers of environmental crisis. It is also among the four out of nine planetary boundaries that civilisation was already at high risk of crossing five years ago according to research published in the journal Science.

Other boundaries we were on the brink of breaching at that time included the rate at which species were going extinct, levels of atmospheric carbon dioxide, and the flow of nitrogen and phosphorus into the environment due to industrial agriculture. The further we breach these and other planetary boundaries, the greater the risk of irreversibly driving the Earth into a less hospitable state for humanity.

Five years on, the eruption of the Covid-19 pandemic has exposed the extent to which we are gradually eroding and reducing this safe operating space for human survival, a fact that is evident in the structural impasse we now face: allowing the virus to run through the population leads to massive fatality rates, collapsing healthcare systems, and crashing GDP; locking down to suppress the virus results in haemorrhaging demand, the contraction of multiple industrial sectors, and crashing GDP.

Both those scenarios entail mass deaths of vulnerable populations over varying levels of time, whether from disease or other socio-economic impacts. And a business-as-usual trajectory heralds more of the same.

Pandemic

A new report from the United Nations Environment Programme points out that the Covid-19 pandemic is essentially a dry-run for what could be an even worse pandemic. It is part of a rising trend in zoonotic diseases circulating among animal hosts jumping to humans, driven by core processes of industrial expansion which, if they continue, are bound to trigger the next pandemic.

The pandemic has thus pushed human civilisation into a state of retreat, as part of a much wider complex of expanding industrial processes.

Despite this, most governments, policymakers and business leaders do not understand the scale of the crisis or its true nature. They are clamouring for a return to business-as-usual to simply get economies moving again with little reflection on how this would only reinforce the behaviours that got us into this intractable mess in the first place.

As the global combination of societal disruption, strained healthcare infrastructures, lockdowns and social distancing have strained normal economic activity, this has put as at risk of ditching seemingly costly environmental commitments. Amidst such pressures, it is no surprise to see that deforestation driven by logging activity has accelerated in Brazil, Colombia, Cambodia, Indonesia, Nepal and Madagascar during the Covid-19 pandemic partly due to reduced environmental monitoring by authorities and harsh economic consequences amidst lockdown regimes.

In the context of the pandemic, does the challenge of deforestation represent industrial civilisations breaching of a key planetary land-system boundary around five years ago? This question is particularly pertinent given that even while enduring one of its dire consequences in the form of the Covid-19 pandemic, progress in addressing deforestation is at risk of reversing exactly when we need to be immediately putting an end to deforestation once and for all.

Fire drill

According to Professor Kees van Veen, scientific director of the Sustainable Society programme at the University of Groningen in the Netherlands, the pandemic can be understood as another expression of the fact that humanity pushes the planetary boundaries. The growing world population increases the chances that someone somewhere will be affected with a new and dangerous virus.

"These chances increase due to the fact that humanity exposes itself more and more to different virus habitats by penetrating the biosphere deeper and deeper. Combined with our very efficient and global transportation networks between densely populated urban areas, viruses can spread very quickly and new accidents are waiting to happen.

Yet Covid-19 is not simply a dry-run for the next pandemic it is also, as executive director of the UN Global Compact Lise Kingo has said, a fire drill for climate catastrophe. Deforestation is among the top drivers of global heating, contributing nearly a tenth of all carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions due to tree cover loss from tropical forests. This is so large that if tropical deforestation were a country, it would rank a third in global CO2 emissions behind China and the United States.

The Covid-19 pandemic thus offers us a moment of awakening. We have arrived at an inflection point for the human species. The world needs new global approaches to tackle deforestation to not only avert the next pandemic, but to avert climate catastrophe, along with other forms of biodiversity collapse and ecological crisis.

If we fail to do this, we face an intensifying perfect storm of ecologically-linked catastrophes that will increasingly erode the safe operating space for human survival. That process of erosion as we breach planetary boundaries has already begun. We need to bring it to an end, right now.

Collapse

The problem of deforestation provides a powerful window into how intractable the processes of environmental destruction really are. These processes are baked into the core structures of production and consumption that sustain industrial civilisation as we know it.

In 2013, the UNs Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) assessed that deforestation was responsible for up to 10 percentof human-induced carbon dioxide emissions. But when taking into account forest degradation negative impacts on a forests structure or function which do not decrease its area size as well CO2 emissions tropical peatlands, this figure rises to 15 percent.

Satellite data for the period 2003-14 shows that tropical forests have now ceased to act as carbon sinks, because they emit more carbon than they capture due to deforestation and degradation.

Deforestation also exacerbates heating at local scales within tropical ecosystems. A recent study in Environment Research Letters found local warming larger than that predicted from more than a century of climate change under a worst-case emissions scenario.

The larger the patches of deforestation, the more extreme are the local warming impacts. As a result, the combined effects of deforestation and climate change on tropical temperatures present a uniquely difficult challenge to the long term public health, occupational safety, and economic security of tropical populations.

Consumption

But deforestation also endangers critical planetary ecosystems in more direct ways ways which, if undermined, in themselves could endanger the safe operating space for humanity.

Before the development of human civilisations, the Earth was covered by 60 million square kilometres of forest. As deforestation has accelerated due to the human footprint on the planet, there are now less than 40 million square kilometres of forest remaining.

In May, a shocking new study published in Nature Scientific Reports, by physicists Dr Gerardo Aquino of the Alan Turing Institute in London and Professor Mauro Bologna of the University of Tarapacs Department of Electronic Engineering, came to a stark conclusion based on examining this dynamic.

Their study in particular modelled human-forest interactions over the last few decades, along with its potential impact on the viability of human civilisation. Their findings were alarming:Calculations show that, maintaining the actual rate of population growth and resource consumption, in particular forest consumption, we have a few decades left before an irreversible collapse of our civilisation."

Tracking the current rate of resource consumption against the rate of deforestation, the authors found that statistically the probability to survive without facing a catastrophic collapse, is very low. At the current rate of deforestation, they projected that all the worlds forests would disappear within approximately 100-200 years.

As forests provide critical services to the life-support systems necessary for human survival on the planet including carbon storage, oxygen production, soil conservation, water cycle regulation, support for natural and human food systems, and homes for countless species it is highly unlikely to imagine the survival of many species, including ours, on Earth without them.

Catastrophic

On that scenario, human civilisation would begin to collapse long before the terminal point for planetary-scale forest destruction, potentially well within the next two to four decades.

The study authors wrote:In conclusion our model shows that a catastrophic collapse in human population, due to resource consumption, is the most likely scenario of the dynamical evolution based on current parameters.

"Adopting a combined deterministic and stochastic model we conclude from a statistical point of view that the probability that our civilisation survives itself is less than 10 percent in the most optimistic scenario. Calculations show that, maintaining the actual rate of population growth and resource consumption, in particular forest consumption, we have a few decades left before an irreversible collapse of our civilisation.

This verdict would seem to indicate that there is an over 90 percent probability of a collapse of industrial civilisation due to deforestation alone this is extraordinarily high.

Industry

Since 1990, industrial expansion has resulted in the loss of some 420 million hectares of forest overall, and the decrease of old-growth primary forest worldwide by over 80 million hectares.

The main driver of deforestation and forest degradation is agricultural expansion, in particular large-scale commercial agriculture which is responsible for some 80 percent of global deforestation. Between 2000 and 2010, the latter types of agriculture accounted for some 40 percent of tropical deforestation, and local subsistence agriculture for another 33 percent.

Of the worlds major political institutions, the European Union has perhaps been at the forefront of developing new legislative and policy approaches to tackling deforestation. But there are strong grounds to suspect that these approaches are not fit for purpose and may well even deepen the challenge.

A new study by the EU Commission in February found that the agricultural expansion behind deforestation is driven by growing demand for key products like soy, beef and vegetable oils such as palm oil, rapeseed and sunflower. And while the production of such commodities often takes place in developing countries in South America, West Africa and Southeast Asia, the reality is that much of the impetus for the production comes from Western consumers: approximately a third of globally-traded agricultural products linked to deforestation were consumed by European countries between 1990 and 2008.

Thus, deforestation is not just a problem outside the West. New research published in July in the journal Nature Researchshowed that deforestation rates in EU forests are picking up steam. Forests account for some 38 percent of the EUs land surface area. They are harvested regularly for timber production.

But between 2016 and 2018, the loss of biomass due to harvesting increased by 69 percent, compared with the period from 2011 to 2015. The area of forest harvested also increased by 49 percent over these time-scales.

Palm oil

The study attributed this upsurge in European deforestation to increased demand for wood for timber and as a fuel, among other wood products.

The abrupt increase in deforestation poses a serious threat to the EU meeting its climate mitigation targets:If such a high rate of forest harvest continues, the post-2020 EU vision of forest-based climate mitigation may be hampered, and the additional carbon losses from forests would require extra emission reductions in other sectors in order to reach climate neutrality by 2050.

Yet in its recent efforts to address deforestation since 2015, the EUs overwhelming focus has been not on its own direct complicity in deforestation, but rather on the role of external commodities.

In fact, the commodity that comes in for the most trenchant criticism as reflected in the most recent draft EU legal framework to stop deforestation is palm oil. The proposed draft framework builds on the EUs already existing approach: in 2019, the EU decided to cease categorising palm oil for biodiesel as a renewable energy product, and began implementing a planned phase-out.

Palm oil has undoubtedly been one of the major drivers of deforestation, particularly in parts of Southeast Asia. The region has experienced the highest rate of deforestation of any major tropical region, losing 1.2 percent of forest annually, compared to Latin America (0.8 per cent) and Africa (0.7 per cent). At this rate, Southeast Asia will lose three-quarters of its forests and 42 percent of its biodiversity by the end of this century.

Beef

While a major driver, palm oil is not in fact the biggest driver of deforestation.

In 2019, I reported on a major new study in the Global Environmental Change journal which found that between 2010 and 2014, beef and oilseed production accounted for over half of carbon emissions from tropical deforestation. The study also quantified precisely which products were more responsible for deforestation than others.

It concluded that the biggest global driver of carbon emissions induced by deforestation is beef production in Brazil, the rest of Latin America, and Africa, accounting for some 34 percent of emissions. The next major driver is from oilseeds products such as vegetable oils, at around 20 percent.

The study was able to disaggregate responsibility for emissions in another way. Latin America overall bears the bulk of responsibility, accounting for just under a third of deforestation-linked carbon emissions, with Brazil alone driving a fifth of emissions. Overall, palm oil produced in the Asia-Pacific accounted for 14 per cent a substantial amount, but still less than half of the former.

It is also worth noting that by far the biggest culprit in Asia is Indonesia one of the worlds biggest palm oil producers accounting for ten percent of deforestation emissions. The other main palm oil Asian producer of course is Malaysia, which would fit within the remaining fourpercent of emissions.

Policy

This analysis builds on previous data. In 2013, a report by the European Commission found that between 1990 and 2008, large imports of soybean products mainly from South America accounted for roughly 82 percent of deforestation attributed to the import of oil crops into the EU. This contrasted with palm oil imports from Southeast Asia, which contributed about 17 percent of deforestation associated with EU27 oil crops imports, imported primarily from Indonesia and Malaysia.

Armed with this data, we are equipped to realise that the EUs attempt to tackle deforestation through a de facto ban on palm oil for biofuels, while largely neglecting strong legislative and policy action to address rocketing beef and soy consumption, makes little environmental sense.

Indeed, a new study in July revealed that around half of Brazils beef exports and nearly a quarter of its soy exports to the EU could be from zones which were illegally deforested in the Amazon and Cerrado. The EU is thus directly complicit in the biggest drivers of deforestation, yet has done next to nothing to address this.

But the available scientific evidence suggests that the prevalent approach to stopping deforestation focused largely on the strategy of boycotting particular commodities is unlikely to work. In part 2 of this series, I explore more effective policy responses.

Ending deforestation will require not just looking at legislation to compel Others out there to change course while we relentlessly accelerate our own path of endless growth. It will means, therefore, scaling back our complicity in the fundamental drivers of the endless growth machine.

This Author

Dr Nafeez Ahmed is an award-winning environment journalist. He currently writes for VICE on system change, and formerly reported on the geopolitics of the environment via the Earth Insight blog at The Guardian. He is executive director of the System Shift Lab and a research fellow at the Schumacher Institute for Sustainable Systems. He is the author of A Users Guide to the Crisis of Civilisation: And How to Save it (2010) and Failing States, Collapsing Systems: BioPhysical Triggers of Political Violence (2017).

Original post:

Towards a great forest transition - part 1 - The Ecologist

The new Cold War is unfolding – New Europe

New Europe was the first mainstream newspaper to assess the aggressive approach launched by Donald Trump against the Communist Party of China some three years ago, which he has managed to turn it into a new Cold War between the United States and China.

Whether it is right or wrong is a different issue.

The point is that the US is in a full-fledged Cold War against China and this war is extending into a generalized Cold War by the democratic West against Chinas Communist system. In this context, the democratic Western nations, in one way or another, are gradually populating an alliance of the free, while China is finding allies in the remains left over from the collapse of Soviet Communism in the late 1980s and early 1990s.

In bringing the situation at the present point-of-no-return, Trump has trapped the next American president, whoever it will be, in a position of having no choice but to continue and intensify the Cold War against China.

The Cold War, until it has no winner, is a win-win situation for both sides, which explains while it is highly unlikely to swift from cold to hot. Indeed, as it goes, it has only a consolidating effect for both sides.

Western society is in a deep socio-economic crisis that stemmed from the decade-long policies of austerity and overregulation in Europe and the corrupt administration of the Clintons in the US, coupled with the demolition of the, even primitive, social structures by Trump. The situation both in Europe and the US was about to explode right up to the moment the coronavirus issue appeared. This provided an opportunity to stop, or rather temporarily postpone, these percolating social explosions and gave time to the ruling elites to try to adapt societies to the new normal, which nobody can precisely say what that is for the time being and what changes will it imply and to what depth.

The damages caused by the virus crisis aside from the number of victims, which are statistically not of an alarming magnitude is only financial. It is only about money. So far, nobody can safely say what it will mean in one or two years time. For the time being, only the price of gold is growing, and this anticipates only anomalies.

The new Cold War, in the short-medium term, only benefits the ruling Chinese Communist Party, which is important for its survival. The Cold War will, once again, necessarily isolate China from the free world. This is the only way for Chinese Communists to stay in power.

Indeed, the Chinese Partys invention of combining Maos version of Communism with a free economy flagrantly failed, and a return to the status quo ante is the only way for Beijings Communist system to survive. This implied invention of real or imaginary foreign enemies, isolation, and even-stricter Communist rule will, in a Machaeridian approach, eliminate all potential threats to its supremacy.

However, all wars in human history had a beginning, a middle, which is what we now are experiencing, and an end. The end of it will produce a clear winner.

If the winner is China, it will be the end of the civilisation of freedom and human dignity as humanity will witness the Communist Sinicization of everything. That scenario seems most unlikely to happen, but not impossible. The greatest chapters in history are based on human mistakes. However, free people have the power to imagine and to invent, and this is why the possibility that the West will lose this war is nil.

If the free West emerges as the winner, the loser will not be China, but Communism. China will be liberated, and the Chinese people will join a future Western civilization. The new normal will be rather close to traditional Chinese philosophy minimalistic, with everything in moderation and anthropocentric.

The millennia-long qualities that are deep in the DNA of the Chinese people are still intact despite the desperate efforts of Bejings Communists to eradicate them.

See original here:

The new Cold War is unfolding - New Europe

Educating India – The Indian Express

Written by Kumkum Roy | Published: July 31, 2020 1:00:47 am Any mention of reservation in academic institutions, whether for students, teachers, or other employees is absent in the National Education Policy. (Express Photo by Gurmeet Singh)

The National Education Policy, an ambitious and complex document, laying down a road map for the next two decades, has been adopted in the midst of a pandemic and a lockdown, which renders discussion and debate difficult. Nevertheless, it requires closer scrutiny, in terms of its implications for the marginalised, disciplinary spaces, autonomy, and constitutional values, among other things.

What are its implications for the majority of those covered under the acronym SEDGs (Socially and Economically Disadvantaged Groups) in the text? Absent in the document, as far as I could see, is any mention of the term caste, apart from a fleeting reference to Scheduled Castes. Also absent is any mention of reservation in academic institutions, whether for students, teachers, or other employees. Reservation, necessary but not sufficient, is the bare minimum required in terms of affirmative action in the highly differentiated socio-economic milieu in which we exist. The silence of the document on this issue is troubling, to say the least.

Equally disturbing is the passing reference to educational institutions in tribal areas, designated as ashramshalas (NEP 1.8) and envisaged as part of the Early Childhood Children Education programme. What, one wonders, will be transacted in these institutions. While there are sections of the document (for instance, NEP 14.4) that describe ways in which SEDGs are supposed to gain access to higher education institutions, there is no time-frame that is specified. This is particularly crucial as the document visualises increased benign privatisation of education, attempting to distinguish this from commercialisation. In a situation of growing privatisation and the near collapse of public institutions of higher education, how these policies will be implemented is a matter of concern.

One of the buzz words in the document is multi-disciplinarity an apparently attractive and flexible proposition, allowing learners to experiment with a variety of options. We learn (NEP 11.7) that Departments in Languages, Literature, Music, Philosophy, Indology, Art, Dance, Theatre, Education, Mathematics, Statistics, Pure and Applied Sciences, Sociology, Economics, Sports, and other such subjects needed for a multidisciplinary, stimulating Indian education and environment will be established and strengthened at HEIs across the country. While the list is unexceptionable, it is worth flagging what is missed out fields of studies such as Womens Studies or Gender Studies, Cultural Studies, Media Studies, Dalit Studies, Studies of Discrimination and Exclusion, Environmental Studies and Development Studies, all of which have developed over the last three or four decades. Many of these have engaged with multi-disciplinarity/inter-disciplinarity in exciting and disturbing ways, bringing to the fore issues of diversity, difference and identity. That these developments are ignored in what purports to be a forward-looking document is intriguing.

While there is a running refrain of autonomy and choice in the document, this is circumscribed at crucial junctures. For instance, the selection of vocational subjects in middle school is described as a fun choice. At the same time, it is to be exercised as decided by States and local communities and as mapped by local skilling needs (NEP 4.8).

Further up in the scheme of things is the National Testing Agency (NEP 4.38) which, we learn will serve as a premier, expert, autonomous testing organisation to conduct entrance examinations in higher educational institutions. This is expected to be a means of drastically reducing the burden on students, universities and colleges, and the entire education system. That instead of an overarching centralised agency, an innovative educational policy would attempt to create space for context-specific and diverse modes of evaluation for different fields of learning is a possibility that remains unexplored.

Overall, HEIs will now be run by a Board of Governors (NEP 19.2), backed by legislative changes where required. Further centralisation is envisaged through the setting up of the National Higher Education Regulatory Authority (NHERA) to regulate in a light but tight and facilitative manner, meaning that a few important matters particularly financial probity, good governance, and full online and offline public disclosure of all finances, procedures, faculty/staff, courses, and educational outcomes will be very effectively regulated, while leaving the rest to the judgment of the HEIs (NEP 20.4). What, one wonders, remains in the rest.

While we have been hearing a great deal about the benefits of being atma-nirbhar, the policy explicitly facilitates the presence of foreign universities within higher education. Also, and perhaps more intriguing, these universities are held up as ideals to be emulated. So MERUs (Multidisciplinary Education and Research Universities) will be set up and will aim to reach the global status of, e.g., the Ivy League Universities in the US. (NEP 11.10)

Several universities and HEIs have evolved and sustained democratic mechanisms, including academic and executive councils. These formulate, discuss, and implement policies, courses and other institutional matters. What has made them vibrant institutions is the presence of faculty and students, elected, as well as on the basis of seniority and rotation. Jettisoning these structures, norms and practices for a linear top-down mode of administration, as envisaged, will deprive members of HEIs of an opportunity to engage with the challenges of democratic functioning.

Also worrisome is what happens with the Constitution while an assortment of values are identified as constitutional, including knowledge and practice of human and constitutional values (such as patriotism, sacrifice, non-violence, truth, honesty, peace, righteous conduct, forgiveness, tolerance, mercy, sympathy, helpfulness, cleanliness, courtesy, integrity, pluralism, responsibility, justice, liberty, equality, and fraternity) (NEP 4.23), and there is an occasional mention of fundamental duties, one searches in vain for any allusion to fundamental rights. Are these to be erased from the memories of future generations?

It is to be hoped that beyond the immediate excitement that the announcement of the implementation of the NEP has generated, there will be opportunities to examine its long-term implications, and, if necessary, revisit it, before it is actually implemented.

The writer is professor, Centre for Historical Studies, JNU. She has been involved in developing textbooks and curriculum for NCERT

The Indian Express is now on Telegram. Click here to join our channel (@indianexpress) and stay updated with the latest headlines

For all the latest Opinion News, download Indian Express App.

The Indian Express (P) Ltd

More:

Educating India - The Indian Express

Activation during the pandemic downturn – Social Europe

Mandatory activation conditions for social-assistance recipients should be suspended during the pandemic.

Whether activation policies can foster labour-market integration and, at the same time, protect individuals from poverty is doubtful. Pressing citizens into precarious occupation may lead to in-work poverty or lack of employment rights, while they risk losing their right to a minimum income due to the increasing conditionality of activation.

These concerns are even more compelling amid socio-economic transformations and downturns, such as that caused by the Covid-19 pandemic, when available occupations are scarce and harder to secure, especially for vulnerable groups.

With additional redundancies and rising unemployment, there are fewer jobs to go back to and competition for them may intensify, especially for social-assistance recipients with weaker labour-market histories and health, social and household challenges. In this context, putting pressure on claimants through work conditionality and sanctions, to integrate quickly into the labour market by accepting any job, including workfare, may not only harm recipients wellbeing and income protection but also put wages and working conditions generally under added strain.

"Social Europe publishes thought-provoking articles on the big political and economic issues of our time analysed from a European viewpoint. Indispensable reading!"

Columnist for The Guardian

Thank you very much for your interest!Now please check your email to confirm your subscription.

It would seem logical to reduce work-related benefit conditionality when unemployment rises, to avoid negative repercussions on citizens and the wider workforce when labour demand is low. Yet in the economic crisis following the 2008 financial collapse, not only did governments not reduce conditionality for social-assistance recipientssome even intensified it.

In a scenario where vulnerable individuals in particular are unable to secure quality, sustainable employment, social and employment services could suspend work-related conditionality and devote their efforts to providing support. Removing the threat of sanction would mean continuing to promote social and labour-market integration through enabling services, provided on a consensual basis.

Resources previously devoted to the administration of work-related conditions could be redirected towards personalised support. This would prioritise individuals needs, aspirations and wellbeingincluding social dimensions such as decent housing, improved health and informal careand support sustainable labour-market integration in the longer-term, while guaranteeing a minimum income meantime.

Such personalised support could assist training, entry into subsidised/socially-useful work and voluntary activity. Longer-term and sustainable activation strategies, addressing the complex needs of vulnerable individuals, would support them to face societal and labour-market transformations, boost their trust in government and allow them to contribute to society in multiple ways.

Suspending the punitive aspect of mandatory activation is not only a matter of efficiency but, first and foremost, equity. Such obligations rest on two assumptions: that individuals are not willing to work and yet that quality employment is available. When sustainable jobs are few, they merely serve a punitive function.

Going one step further, recent policy experiments (such as the Finnish basic income trial) have investigated the implications of removing work-related obligations and sanctions, thus leaving participation in social and employment services voluntary. Findings show that receiving financial support without the pressure of work-related conditions leads recipients to greater wellbeing (sense of autonomy, security, mental health) and more general interpersonal trust, with no negative repercussions on employment.

As you may know, Social Europe is an independent publisher. We aren't backed by a large publishing house, big advertising partners or a multi-million euro enterprise. For the longevity of Social Europe we depend on our loyal readers - we depend on you.

The current situation lends itself to additional experimentation in this regard. The economic downturn ahead is likely to mean those with limited resources will be unable to bridge it with their own savings and will resort to minimum-income support. An enabling, unconditional activation strategy is possible only with adequate income support and when the scheme covers all those who reside in a country and are in financial need.

Minimum-income schemes have to be strengthened and behavioural conditionality revoked if we want to avoid the risk that a health and economic crisis turns into a social crisis too.

See the original post here:

Activation during the pandemic downturn - Social Europe

Zimbabwe: Churches mediate between government and opposition – Vatican News

The Zimbabwe Heads of Christian Denominations (ZHOCD) meet with political leaders to discuss pressing issues affecting the country.

By Fr. Benedict Mayaki, SJ

The heads of Christian denominations in Zimbabwe have gathered religious and political leaders in a meeting, in the wake of the countrys pronounced socio-economic problems, now exacerbated by the Covid-19 crisis.

In a press statement, the Zimbabwe Heads of Christian Denominations (ZHOCD) said the meeting is part of a series of consultations lined up by the churches to find consensus on the current but also the long-standing challenges facing the nation.

The meeting, which took place last week in Harare, saw representatives from seventeen political parties in attendance. However, representatives from the countrys ruling party, ZANU PF (Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front) were noticeably absent from the meeting.

The ZHOCD reports that participants at the meeting discussed a series of issues affecting the nation.

The participants raised concerns about the current state of the health sector characterized by the protracted strike by medical personnel, especially as the nation battles with increasing Covid-19 cases. They also noted that the resources mobilized for the pandemic were not being satisfactorily put to use.

Another point of unease was the failure to implement the constitution. The Christian leaders and political representatives agreed this has led to an increase in fear among citizens confronted by violence and unresolved cases of abductions and systematic torture at the hands of persons alleged to be state functionaries.

The participants also highlighted the negative effects of the current economic collapse in the country. They pointed out that even the informal economy, which had become the source of livelihood for many citizens, has been destroyed not only by the pandemic, but also because of poor economic policies. In addition, the increase in the level of poverty has further marginalized citizens, especially women and children.

At the same time, the political representatives noted that at the heart of many of the countrys issues is the failure to bring closure to the many hurts and human rights violations of the immediate and long-past, including, but not isolated to,Gukurahundi.They pointed out that due to this wounded past, some communities feel marginalized from national development priorities.

TheGukurahundirefers to a series of killings of mainly Ndebeles in Matabeleland from 1983 to 1987 by military forces. It is estimated that approximately 20,000 civilians were killed. This Shona word Gukurahandi loosely translates as the early rain which washes away the chaff before the spring rains.

In light of these concerns, the participants pointed out that the intertwined and overarching nature of these issues require an urgent, inclusive, broad-based national dialogue process involving political parties, churches, the security and business sectors, among others.

The participants, therefore. requested the collaboration of all stakeholders as these issues can neither be addressed in isolation nor by a few actors.

According to the World Bank, poverty in Zimbabwe rose from 29 percent in 2018 to 34 percent in 2019, with a population increase from 4.7 to 5.7 million people.

Severe droughts in the country, which used to be the breadbasket of southern Africa, have now made it one of the most food-insecure countries in the world.Electricity and water supplies have also been reduced, with widespread rationing.

Read more from the original source:

Zimbabwe: Churches mediate between government and opposition - Vatican News

President Ilham Aliyev: Armenian leadership needs some kind of crisis to divert thoughts from fundamental issues, and it deliberately resorted to this…

BAKU, Azerbaijan, July 18

Trend:

The Armenian leadership today needs some kind of a crisis to divert thoughts from these fundamental issues, and it deliberately resorted to this provocation, said President of the Republic of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev during the meeting of the Cabinet of Ministers dedicated to the results of socio-economic development in the first quarter of 2020 and future objectives, Trend reports.

As for the reasons for the Armenian military provocation, of course, we cannot know them for sure, life will tell. But there are many logical assumptions, and I would like to share my thoughts on this with the citizens of Azerbaijan. I believe that the first reason is the current political and economic crisis in Armenia. This is no secret to anyone. Two years ago, a group funded from abroad, receiving salaries and instructions from foreign funds and using their coup technologies, seized power by illegal means and made many promises. They promised that there would be prosperity and paradise in Armenia. They stated that investments of tens of billions of dollars would be made in Armenia in a short time, the population of Armenia would soon reach 5 million although it is less than 2 million people now, life in Armenia would be rebuilt, there would be justice, democracy would develop, human rights would be protected they made other promises, said President Ilham Aliyev.

He noted that the Armenian people are so disgusted with Sargsyan's regime that they would have believed anyone.

If someone else had organized that coup, the Armenian people would have voted for him as well because the hatred for Sargsyan's regime was enormous. The group that took advantage of this and seized power by force had to fulfill these promises to the end. But how can they do it if there is no experience, competence, domestic resources or foreign investment? On the contrary, today they treat foreign investors with contempt and drag them into litigation. Strategic investors who are helping Armenia stand on its feet are being prosecuted and accused of corruption. They are committing dirty deeds even against companies of the country they are attached to, so to speak. Of course, all of this will scare any potential investor away. If this is how you treat the closest companies that invest in your country, create infrastructure there and provide your people with jobs, then what should investors from other countries think? said President Ilham Aliyev.

The head of state pointed out that therefore, it is natural that the collapse of these promises has already led to the emergence of a crisis in Armenia.

How did the authorities react to this? Instead of uniting society, it actually creates political prisoners, political opponents are detained, prosecuted and deprived of immunity, the constitution is flagrantly violated, illegal amendments that are possible only through a referendum are made to it. They know perfectly well that these amendments will not pass in a referendum. Power has been usurped and there is no division of powers. Power is concentrated in the hands of one person, there is no democracy at all and never has been. What kind of democracy, human rights can we talk about in a fascist state? But the current situation is even more deplorable, because the promises made for the economic sphere were never fulfilled, while from a political point of view Armenia has driven itself into isolation. This was once again confirmed by their silly actions related to the convocation of a special session of the UN General Assembly on the initiative of Azerbaijan. The whole world supported us, only Armenia opposed, said President Ilham Aliyev.

The head of state noted that democratic principles are completely violated in Armenia, recommendations of the Venice Commission are rejected, political opponents are prosecuted and there is a dictatorship.

Therefore, the Armenian leadership today needs some kind of a crisis to divert thoughts from these fundamental issues, and it deliberately resorted to this provocation. Why 12 July? This is also no coincidence. This is being linked to certain events in Armenia now. I do not want to touch on this issue, because I have never touched on family matters and do not advise anyone to do this. But I believe that the main reason for this was the special session of the UN General Assembly, which was officially declared open on 10 July. Because this is yet another huge success, another great victory for our country, as we received the support of 130 countries. Azerbaijan is a country that has drawn attention to the COVID-19 problem that occupies the entire agenda, has held two major summits and after that a special session of the UN General Assembly. This is the reason, said President Ilham Aliyev.

The head of state pointed out that there may be many reasons.

I just want to share my thoughts. The fact is that it is no coincidence that Armenia committed this military provocation at this particular time. But they have received a fitting response. I want to say again that the Azerbaijani army is in full control of the situation. I should also note that although our villages were shelled and an elderly person was killed, none of the inhabitants of our villages budged, not a single person left anywhere. At the same time, according to the operational data we have, people from some villages and cities of Armenia are being evacuated. There is panic there now. This is the difference. The citizens of Azerbaijan live on their land with dignity. The Azerbaijani state and the Azerbaijani army protect and will continue to protect them, said President Ilham Aliyev.

See the article here:

President Ilham Aliyev: Armenian leadership needs some kind of crisis to divert thoughts from fundamental issues, and it deliberately resorted to this...

Global Food Security Does the Solution for Local Food Production Lie with Israel? – Georgia Today

The COVID-19 pandemic and the ensuing global economic crisis revealed a very troubling fact: the world is unprepared for food security. The complex global systems that were created in the era of accelerated globalization are threatening to collapse: Leading food producers have placed limitations on the export of agricultural goods from their territory, disturbances and interruptions have been encountered along the entire global supply chains from production in the field, to the international marketing of food, the decline in demand and buying-power due to the global economic recession, shortage of farm-hands and the contraction of disease amongst workers in the food-packing factories.

But what is important to emphasize is that we still have not truly distanced ourselves from the danger of hunger and the interruption in the global food supply mechanisms. At the same time, the phenomena of rising food prices, the lack of foreign currency for purchasing food on the global market, market disturbances etc., continue vigorously. Tens of millions of people in the Middle East, Africa, Asia and other areas of the world have joined the 820 million people that, prior to the pandemic, were already defined as under-nourished and in danger of hunger or starvation. The World Bank estimates that approximately 40 million people have entered the category of immediate risk in western Africa alone. UN reports, and first among them, that of the International Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), warn of a rising threat of hunger, and the UN called upon the international community to maintain open commerce and to refrain from national protectionist policies.

The situation in Georgia is also of considerable concern. According to the UNEP (United Nations Environment Program), land resources are limited in Georgia: only 15% of the country is cultivated, while 70% is forests, bush, meadows and pastures. Agricultural cultivation methods are still largely traditional or unsustainable, which, when combined with climatic and terrestrial conditions, results in the unfortunate fact that more than a third of agricultural land is affected by degradation, erosion, pollution and soil damage. Moreover, around 4% of farmland is vulnerable to desertification. Naturally, that affects food security: Georgia is 70% self-sufficient in vegetables, but only 8% self-sufficient in wheat, according to official statistics.

Just this week, the UN published its annual report on The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World 2020. According to it, projections show that the world is not on track to achieve Zero Hunger by 2030 and, despite some progress, most indicators are also not on track to meet global nutrition targets. The food security and nutritional status of the most vulnerable population groups is likely to deteriorate further due to the health and socio-economic impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic.

This situation raises the question of what we can do to prevent a global food crisis which may result in hunger, political and security instability and rampant migration. Without doubt, international trade systems for food and agricultural necessities such as fertilizers, machinery, fuel, etc. must be kept open and functioning. At the same time, states would do well if they increased their local food production capacity. This food, in addition to supplying caloric needs, must be healthy, nutritious and available to everyone and at an affordable price. For this, local farming requires significant incentives and support in order to increase its production and variety.

The State of Israel, having proved itself over a period of decades an expert in successful innovative farming in some of the most challenging desert and drought prone areas of the world, can be a supplier of quick, efficient and low-cost solutions for these needs. Drip-irrigation is one of the best examples of this. It is amazing that, to date, most of the agricultural crops the world over are still grown by dry farming, i.e. farming that is reliant on rain for field irrigation. Moving to irrigated farming would increase the crop yield, would save water and greenhouse gases, and would, over time, create food security. Vegetables, for instance, could be grown a number of times during the year via drip-irrigation as opposed to only once a year when relying on natural precipitation during the rainy season.

Precise agriculture, which supplies all plant needs on an almost individual basis, is another example. Today, sensors are capable of informing precisely how much water and fertilizer is required for each tree and from what diseases it is suffering, and accordingly, an individualized treatment which is often administered via drones or other methods. The use of satellites for information gathering and remote sensing, computerized greenhouses and continuous monitoring of temperature, humidity, pests/insects, etc. from afar also increase agricultural crop yields and creates more food.

Everyone knows that without water, nothing can be grown, and in arid Israel, unlimited solutions have been found and implemented, such as the use of purified sewage water for farming, or even the use of saline water, leak prevention and/or the identification of their source in water supply systems, and hydroponics (a form of farming that allows for growing vegetables in water). Water conservation, irrigation monitoring and many other solutions developed in Israel can be implemented relatively easily and at low cost throughout the world.

Among other things, the COVID-19 crisis has also exposed the exaggerated reliance on animal-based food. The closure of slaughter houses and meat packaging facilities, due to the contraction of the disease by their employees, gave a very strong push to the market of plant based substitutes for protein. This industry is seeing an accelerated growth and many technologies such as cultivated meats will begin to see mass use in the coming years. This process will also be accelerated since we know that cultivation of livestock creates heavy damage to the planet and is unsustainable and must therefore be reduced. As a result, the importance of protein sources whose origin is found in plants or cultivated meats, will grow considerably. In Israel, there is extensive research in this area and Israeli startups are on the frontline of the global development of such foods.

The need to strengthen local agricultural produce grows even stronger against the backdrop of the ever-worsening phenomena of climate change, widespread global desertification and water crises, and the extinction of animal and plants species, and with it, huge damage to biodiversity. These and other issues are threatening our ability to supply food over the long term. As a result, there is great importance in preparing ourselves to be able to guarantee food security and for agricultural production by means that do not adversely affect the environment and the climate.

In conclusion, the COVID-19 crisis is still very far from being resolved and we will continue to experience its ramifications in almost every realm of our daily lives. Therefore, it is more important today than ever before to understand the fragility of the global food supply chains, the vulnerability of food security to different sources of disturbance, and to increase local food production wide-scale.

Israel would be both happy and honored to share its rich experience and knowledge in these areas with our Georgian partners. MASHAV (Israels International Development Cooperation Agency) has been operating in Georgia for almost 30 years and has so far trained more than 1,500 Georgian women and men in various professional spheres relating to agriculture, irrigation, entrepreneurship, womens empowerment, public health and numerous other disciplines. The COVID-19 pandemic presents us not only with challenges, but also with fresh opportunities for increasing food security in Georgia and the entire Caucasus. Israel and MASHAV are ready to continue partnership with Georgia (both the public and private sectors) and invest in a better, healthier and safer future for all.

By Ambassador of Israel, Ran Gidor

Isreli water technology innovators share best practices with high-level Indian stakeholders. Source: 2030wrg.org

16 July 2020 17:50

See original here:

Global Food Security Does the Solution for Local Food Production Lie with Israel? - Georgia Today

After coronavirus: Global youth reveal that the social value of art has never mattered more – MENAFN.COM

(MENAFN - The Conversation) Health and government officials around the globe are slowly and ever-so-tentatively moving to relax lockdowns due to coronavirus.

In Canada, where the possibility of health-care collapse seems to have been averted (for the time being), some are beginning to ask questions other than ''when will the pandemic end?'' Instead, they''re turning towards ''how will we move forward?''

Young people have some answers that warrant our attention. Over the past five years, through my collaborative ethnographic research with 250 young people in drama classrooms in Canada, India, Taiwan, Greece and England, I have gained remarkable insight into these young people''s experiences and assessments of the world .

I found crisis after crisis being shouldered by young people. Through their theatre-making, they documented their concerns and hope, and they rallied around common purposes. They did this despite disagreement and difference.

Beyond simply creating art for art''s sake, or for school credits, many of the young people I encountered are building social movements and creative projects around a different vision for our planet. And they are calling us in. This is an unprecedented moment for intergenerational justice and we need to seize it.

I have had an up-close look at how seemingly disparate crises around the globe are deeply connected through divisive systems that don''t acknowledge or respect youth concerns. I have also learned how young people are disproportionately affected by the misguided politics of a fractured world.

In England, young people were burdened by the divisive rhetoric of the Brexit campaign and its ensuing aftermath.

In India, young women were using their education to build solidarity in the face of dehumanizing gender oppression.

In Greece, young people were shouldering the weight of a decade-long economic crisis compounded by a horrifying refugee crisis.

Read more: Solidarity with refugees can''t survive on compassion in crisis-stricken societies of Greece and Italy

In Taiwan, young people on the cusp of adulthood were trying to square the social pressures of traditional culture with their own ambitions in a far-from-hopeful economic landscape.

In Toronto, youth tried to understand why the rhetoric of multiculturalism seemed both true and false, and why racism persists and, in so doing, they spoke from perspectives grounded in their intersectional (white, racialized, sexual- and gender-diverse) identities.

They embraced the reality that everything in popular culture may enter a drama classroom. But they responded to current news stories like the 2016 presidential debates in the United States by saying that they had different and more pressing concerns, like mental health support and transphobia.

Today''s young people are a generation that has come of age during a host of global crises. Inequality, environmental destruction, systemic oppression of many kinds weigh heavily.

I found a youth cohort who, despite many not yet having the right to vote, have well-honed political capacities , are birthing countless global hashtag movements and inspiring generations of young and old .

These marginalized youth are aware that their communities have been living with and responding to catastrophic impacts of crises of injustice and inequalities long before now.

How do these youth live with their awareness of global injustices and what these imply for the years ahead? We learned some disturbing things: as young people age and move further away from their primary relationships (parents, teachers, schoolmates), they feel less optimistic about their personal futures.

But in terms of hope, we learned something very recognizable to many of us now: many young people practise hope, even when they feel hopeless . They do this both in social movements they participate in and in creative work they undertake with others .

This is something we can all learn from. In Canada, we are maintaining social distancing as a shared effort. Acting together by keeping apart is how we are flattening the curve, as all the experts continue to tell us .

We know that in communities around the world, government leadership matters enormously . But citizens, social trust and collective will matter at least as much.

In this pandemic, institutions, like universities , businesses and individual citizens have stepped up remarkably in the interests of the common good and our shared fate.

However, Jennifer Welsh, Canada Research Chair in Global Governance and Security at McGill University, argues that the defining feature of the last decade is polarization , existing across many different liberal democracies and globally.

Along with this, the value of fairness has been deeply corroded because of growing inequality and persistent historic inequalities we have failed to address, like Indigenous sovereignty and land rights in Canada .

Read more: The road to reconciliation starts with the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

In the context of the rise of populist politicians and xenophobic policies globally, and also the rise of the most important progressive social movements in decades, my research has taught me that in this driven-apart, socio-economic landscape, the social value of art has never been more important.

People are making sense of the inexplicable or the feared through art, using online platforms for public learning . Art has become a point of contact, an urgent communication and a hope.

But some are still without shelter, without food, without community and without proper health care . The differences are stark.

Arundhati Roy has imagined this pandemic as a kind of portal we are walking through: we can ''walk through it lightly ready to imagine another world .'' We can choose to be ''ready to fight for it.''

Read more: What is solidarity? During coronavirus and always, it''s more than ''we''re all in this together''

It''s time to put global youth at the centre of our responses to crises. Otherwise, young people will inherit a planet devastated by our uncoordinated efforts to act, worsening a crisis of intergenerational equity .

We should of course develop a vaccine and, in Canada, stop underfunding our public health-care system . But we must also flatten the steep curves we have tolerated for too long . For a start, we could act on wealth disparity and social inequality .

But our response to the pandemic could also illuminate new responses to fundamental problems: disrespect for the diversity of life in all its forms and lack of consideration for future generations.

Youth expression through theatre and in social movements are valuable ways to learn how youth are experiencing, processing and communicating their understandings of the profound challenges our world faces. How powerfully our post-pandemic planning could shift if we changed who is at decision-making tables and listened to youth.

MENAFN20720200001993603ID1100512516

Read more:

After coronavirus: Global youth reveal that the social value of art has never mattered more - MENAFN.COM

Exemption from examination: Academic commitment or populist politics? – The Times of India Blog

Academic realm remains an easy prey for populist politics and demand for exemption from examination amid fighting with the Corona crisis is no exception. Confrontation of a genuine health emergency, arising out of communist Chinas irresponsible infliction of COVID-19 Pandemic on humanity, presupposes preferences for an enlightened national interest to partisan gains. The entrenched vested interest, however, constantly tries to deprive the country of a cohesive approach for a successful way out of this global predicament, as demonstrated in questioning the national lockdown in the name of livelihood-issue, and now resisting the much needed examination process on the grounds of life exigency and concerns related to accessibility. At the centre of this mischief is the regressive nexus between status quoist public intellectual and power monger hungry opposition.

On 6th July 2020, the UGC advised all the institutions to hold examinations for terminal semester or final year by September-end. In an immediate response, four non-BJP ruled states West Bengal, Odisha, Maharashtra and Punjab have objected to the UGCs guidelines and expressed their inability to comply. AAP led Delhi government cancelled all state university upcoming exams including final years, and its Deputy Chief Minister, Manish Sisodia, further announced award of the degree on the evaluation parameters, decided by the universities and the institutions. Senior Congress leader Mr. Rahul Gandhi joined the chorus of protest and said that exams should be cancelled and students be promoted on the basis of their past performance. Echoing to the demand of the opposition, Sukh Deb Thorat, the then UGC Chairperson between 2006 and 2011, in a letter to the current UGC Chairperson, Dhirendra Pal Singh, on 9th July 2020, made a case for the cancelation of the exams, which in itself is self-explanatory on how far he can go devastatingly in terms of global damage to the genuinely benefitting axioms and educationally uplifting norms for the students of our country. In addition, the UGCs vide letter dated 6th July, 2020 on the guidelines on examination and academic calendar for the Universities in view of Covid-19 Pandemic has surprisingly been totally ignored by him and the like on the heavy cost of true forms of goodness and welfare for the students without making any sense of real concern and cognizance of the matter related to the entire student fraternity, and that too in terms of going to any extent in the matter of opposing Govt. policies and scheme in any way knowingly.

A look into the merit of this case for exam cancelation indicates more of a political motivation rather than any genuine pedagogic or public intent. Since there is durational uncertainty of the current Corona crisis, postponing examinations for indefinite period is not a viable option. When it comes to access issues, there is ample evidence of using online mode for carrying forward teaching and learning exercises in a significant scale. One may argue for augmenting scale and scope of digital provisioning, instead of doing away with the application of newer modes altogether.

Examination is a part of ethical responsibility of the university, and exams have the major roles to play in providing necessary qualities in life such as hard work, patience, creativeness to the students, enabling them to overcome their weaknesses in order to be successful in life. The absence of examination or promoting them without examination will have a negative impact on the students further prospects. Examination and evaluation are unavoidably necessary steps in the careers of all our students. It evaluates students skills, knowledge, attitudes and values in them. It is a way to measure knowledge, and also helps measure their attainment of learning alongside. This also promotes competitiveness among students and helps in developing students personality and confidence.

COVID-19 induced emergency should not allow academic ethics to be undermined in any way. Examinations are needed to uphold academic integrity. Since extraordinary situations need (extraordinary) flexibilities, UGC has offered lenient modes of examination in the absence of perfect solution. With the current pandemic shaking the fundamentals of our system, UGC has also tried to move ahead with the precautionary measures while ensuring equity, validity, transparency and fairness altogether. It has framed the revised guidelines for the terminal examinations in the universities, considering the larger interests of the students for their academic/career progression and job placement related issues. It has given the option for offline or online or a blended mode, keeping in mind the health, safety and security of the students. This will not only give them more confidence and satisfaction but also will ensure the merit and lifelong credibility with respect to wider global acceptability in time to come.

Evaluation is of utmost importance to save our students from the adverse impact of COVID-19 situation. The career readiness and proficiency along with the future competitive examinations will be adversely affected if evaluation and assessment is scrapped altogether. It is, therefore, necessary to proceed with the examination for the final year students, taking measures to ensure equality and fairness. As assessment is essential for further education and employment of students, the degree obtained without evaluation would lead students degree, devoid of credibility in the country as well as abroad. Passing out without an actual examination deprives the brighter students of showcasing their competencies, which may adversely affect their chances of better placement and admission in the premier institutions round the globe.

From a global perspective, not having exam would have a huge repercussion on the prospective students looking abroad for their further study. With many international universities asking for final semester grade sheet, last semester hour grade points, not having an exam would be detrimental to those students. Institutions like Australian National University have a method of ranking students from all over the world against each other, who apply for the same programme. With many countries opting for exams either online or take-home format, Indian students would be put to disadvantageous category.

Examinations have an important role in the process of learning, reflecting acquisition of certain amount of knowledge by students in some branches of study. A students success in an examination, therefore, helps employers and others assess his/her mental or general ability. Exam results are one of the most important criteria for university admissions and employment requirements for many companies. The interruption of exams was delaying decisions on students progression and their graduation degree, while affecting their access to labour markets, carrying individual and broader socio-economic impact. High stake exams are considered as an important outcome of the education system. It is difficult to do away with exams students depend upon them; parents believe in them; employer looks at the mark sheet, so does the wider global community. In the current fragile situation, UGCs emphasise on conducting examinations for the terminal years is crucial, for at the end of the day when they come back to the university or the employer, they have not lost so much.

Finding solution to the problem instead of retreating from it is need of the hour. Not having exams will have far reaching consequences, leading to the collapse of countrys teaching learning process. The future growth of Students community is the prime consideration behind making any choice from the various existing alternatives of teaching-training process and condution of examinations in todays changing environment. The UGC has taken a larger perspective of academic credibility, global acceptability, and future progression into consideration. Its examination guideline has given a way forward instead of getting away with the problem

DISCLAIMER : Views expressed above are the author's own.

View original post here:

Exemption from examination: Academic commitment or populist politics? - The Times of India Blog