Belgium: ‘Russia maintains ability to destabilise Ukraine’ – new NATO head Stoltenberg – Video


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Video ID: 20141001-027 W/S Stoltenberg arriving [CUTAWAY] M/S Journalist asking question [CUTAWAY] SOT. Jens Stoltenberg, Nato Secretary General (English): "To the East, the ceasefire in the...

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Belgium: 'Russia maintains ability to destabilise Ukraine' - new NATO head Stoltenberg - Video

Incoming Nato chief signals constructive approach to Russia

Jens Stoltenberg: the new Nato secretary general gives his first press conference at the alliances headquarters in Brussels, Belgium, yesterday. Photograph: Olivier Hoslet/EPA

Natos new secretary general, Jens Stoltenberg, has pledged to adopt a constructive approach to Russia.

Addressing journalists at Nato headquarters in Brussels on his first day as the transatlantic alliances top official, he said: I see no contradiction between a strong Nato and our continued effort to build a constructive relationship with Russia. Just the opposite. Only a strong Nato can build such a relationship for the benefit of Euro-Atlantic security.

Mr Stoltenberg also indicated his support for stronger links between the EU and Nato, adding that closer cooperation would be a particular advantage for countries who are not members of the alliance. Ireland is one of six EU countries that are not members of Nato.

The 55-year old former Norwegian prime minister is taking over the helm at Nato at a delicate time, as the organisation grapples with a deteriorating relationship between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

He said that Nato air patrols in the Baltic, rotation of forces and naval deployments would go on for as long as necessary in order to safeguard citizens safety. Our troops are ready to deploy within days, he said.

But he declined to specify what would constitute troop deployment, stating that Nato wanted changes in the actions of Russia which demonstrate that they are respecting their international obligations.

Asked about his own political past, Mr Stoltenberg brushed aside accusations that he had been a pacifist, anti-Nato campaigner in the 1970s, arguing that he turned the young Labour Party in Norway from one that was against Nato into one that was in favour of the organisation. It is hard to find a Norwegian politician as in favour of Nato as I am, he said.

A three-term prime minister, Mr Stoltenberg (55), is Natos 13th secretary general, a position that is usually held by a European. He replaces the former Danish prime minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen, who had held the position since 2009.

Mr Stoltenberg, whose appointment was announced earlier this year, is believed to have the strong backing of German chancellor Angela Merkel.

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Incoming Nato chief signals constructive approach to Russia

Jens Stoltenberg takes helm of NATO

BRUSSELS, Oct. 1 (UPI) -- Norway's former prime minister, Jens Stoltenberg, began his appointment Wednesday as NATO's new secretary general.

He was appointed in March by the 28-member alliance to succeed Anders Fogh Rasmussen, whose five-year term expired on Tuesday.

While prime minister of Norway, Stoltenberg helped transform the country's armed forces so that it was equipped with deployable high-end capabilities, and committed Norwegian forces to various NATO operations.

"Mr. Stoltenberg is a strong supporter of enhanced transatlantic cooperation," according to a biography provided by NATO, "including better burden-sharing across the Atlantic. He sees NATO and the EU as complementary organizations in terms of securing peace and development in Europe and beyond."

Stoltenberg expressed his enthusiasm for his new position in a Twitter post on Wednesday, writing "Honoured and ready for NATO. I look forward to working with members and partners of the Alliance and international staff for a strong NATO."

Stoltenberg takes the helm of NATO at a challenging time for the international community. As Rasmussen's term ended, the Alliance was seeking to bolster its collective defense in the face of Russian aggression toward Ukraine and the rise of Islamic extremism in the Middle East.

2014 United Press International, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Any reproduction, republication, redistribution and/or modification of any UPI content is expressly prohibited without UPI's prior written consent.

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Jens Stoltenberg takes helm of NATO

NATO gets a new chief_one Vladimir Putin has said he can do business with

New NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg arrives for his first day of work at NATO headquarters in Brussels on Wednesday, Oct. 1, 2014. A two-time prime minister, Stoltenberg became a recognizable face on the international scene with his dignified response to the twin terror attacks that killed 77 people in Norway in July 2011. (AP Photo/Virginia Mayo)(The Associated Press)

New NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg arrives for his first day of work at NATO headquarters in Brussels on Wednesday, Oct. 1, 2014. A two-time prime minister, Stoltenberg became a recognizable face on the international scene with his dignified response to the twin terror attacks that killed 77 people in Norway in July 2011. (AP Photo/Virginia Mayo)(The Associated Press)

New NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, left, shakes hands with NATO Deputy Secretary General Alexander Vershbow as he arrives for his first day of work at NATO headquarters in Brussels on Wednesday, Oct. 1, 2014. A two-time prime minister, Stoltenberg became a recognizable face on the international scene with his dignified response to the twin terror attacks in Norway in July 2011. (AP Photo/Virginia Mayo)(The Associated Press)

New NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, left, walks with NATO Deputy Secretary General Alexander Vershbow as he arrives for his first day of work at NATO headquarters in Brussels on Wednesday, Oct. 1, 2014. A two-time prime minister, Stoltenberg became a recognizable face on the international scene with his dignified response to the twin terror attacks in Norway in July 2011. (AP Photo/Virginia Mayo)(The Associated Press)

BRUSSELS At a time of daunting geopolitical crises, NATO is undergoing its own version of regime change, with the arrival of a new chief official who has the blessing, at least temporarily, of one of the West's biggest adversaries: Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Former two-term Norwegian Prime Minister Jens Stoltenberg started work Wednesday as NATO's secretary-general, the 13th in the trans-Atlantic organization's 65-year existence. And the key question is whether his consensus-building style will be more effective in tamping down the Ukraine conflict and other flashpoints than the hard talk of his predecessor, Anders Fogh Rasmussen.

"I expect more moderate language, and that he will try to keep the dialogue open," said Kristian Berg Harpviken, director of the Peace Research Institute Oslo, an independent Norwegian research institution.

To allies like Germany, the expectation of a dial-back of the rhetoric from Rasmussen a former conservative Danish prime minister was one factor arguing in Stoltenberg's favor.

Last month, Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier, though squarely blaming the Kremlin for the continued crisis over Ukraine, said: "I found that some things that came out of Brussels, from NATO headquarters, in these last few weeks weren't always helpful."

Stoltenberg was unanimously chosen as Rasmussen's successor by NATO's policy-making North Atlantic Council in March. It was a pick that won swift if tentative approval from Putin, who had dealt with Stoltenberg when the 55-year-old Norwegian headed the left-of-center government of one of Russia's neighboring countries.

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NATO gets a new chief_one Vladimir Putin has said he can do business with

NATO, US Governed By Self-Interest, Not National Interest

Much geopolitical comment commits the mistake of believing that foreign affairs should be understood in terms of national interests. The crisis in Ukraine, for instance, can be viewed as being over gas pipelines or spheres of influence. In reality, however, the decisive factor in foreign policy is very often the personal self-interest of the decision-makers themselves, and by extension the institutional self-interest of the bodies in which they work.

Take last week's Joint Statement of the NATO-Ukraine commission issued at the summit in Wales. It would be difficult to imagine a more belligerent or aggressive document. It is uncompromising in its hostility to Russia, full of allegations against Moscow, and devoid of any criticism for the way that Kiev has sought, from the very beginning of the conflict in the East, to crush its opponents by force. "Despite Russias denials," it says, "Russian armed forces are engaged in direct military operations in Ukraine; Russia continues to supply weapons to militants in eastern Ukraine; and it maintains thousands of combat-ready troops on its border with Ukraine."

Like all Western policy on Ukraine, therefore, the Statement cuts no slack to the concerns of the Russian population of Eastern Ukraine and gives no quarter to the peace proposals which have emanated from the Kremlin since the beginning of the conflict and which were repeated on 3 September. It does not even mention the hundreds of thousands of refugees who have fled into Russia as a result of the conflict. As the West did during the Bosnian war, it doggedly presents a civil conflict as an international one. The document even condemns "external interference" in Ukraine while at the same time announcing a huge programme of new NATO and bilateral lethal and non-lethal military aid to Kiev: the Statement not is therefore not only disconnected from reality but also self-contradictory.

Such a position is irrational from the point of view of national interest. NATO states have no interest in throwing oil on the flames by attacking Russia: even they admit that Russia can play a key role in calming things down. They have no interest in aggravating the internal tensions within Ukraine by encouraging it to apply for NATO membership: everyone knows this is far more serious than association with the EU. They have no interest in supporting a military solution to the conflict when a political one is at hand (NATO's declared support for Kiev's alleged pursuit of a political solution is nothing but a bad joke): fighting can only drag out the agony. By the same token, the EU has no interest, and certainly no intention, of accepting responsibility for a failed state like Ukraine: swimming in debt themselves, the EU states cannot possibly find the money to bail it out.

So what is the explanation? The NATO-Ukraine joint statement, like the EU's Eastern Neighbourhood policy of which Ukraine is the key part and which caused the crisis in the first place, makes sense only as ideology and in terms of institutional self-justification. According to the ideology, "the West" is a body of post-national states united by common values of diversity and tolerance. At his speech to European Youth in Brussels on 26 March, President Obama presented the conflict in Ukraine in precisely these stark civilisational terms - between, on the one hand, a West attached to the principles of freedom and, on the other, a Russia attached to the use of authoritarianism and brute force. The West needs to bolster this external ideological enemy, Russia, for the purposes of ensuring its own political cohesion.

This ideology not only flatters Westerners' sense of moral superiority; it also serves a specific function for Western political elites, namely to justify the existence and expenditure of NATO and the EU. Both bodies need to continue to expand to foster the illusion that they have universal appeal because they are based on universal values; both bodies need to dissipate their own internal tensions and lack of legitimacy by currying enmity with an external enemy which embodies the values they reject. Without such an enemy, they would have to be dissolved and their officials dismissed. These structures give the officials who work for them, and the politicians who control them, far greater power than they would otherwise have, because their expansion and strengthening means that ever greater areas of policy-making are transferred to the cosy world of international summitry, and away from the difficulties created by public scrutiny in the domestic arena. It is for this reason that the Secretary-General of NATO, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, said that last week's summit in Wales would be "one of the most important summits in the Alliance's history". It was nothing of the kind, of course, but Rasmussen and his Western political bosses need to keep up a sense of urgency to justify their own pay packets.

The virulence of the Statement, and Kiev's announcement that it will abandon non-aligned status and seek NATO membership, also confirms a crucial point which has in fact been clear from the very beginning of the crisis - that the EU Association Agreement, which Viktor Yanukovich refused to sign last November, and which caused the whole crisis in the first place, was in fact always really about NATO. The political chapters of that agreement, signed by Prime Minister Yatseniuk in March only weeks after his seizure of power, requires that there be "convergence in the area of foreign and security policy, including the Common Security and Defence Policy". This Common Security and Defence Policy, in turn, thanks to Article 42 and Protocol 10 of the EUs Lisbon Treaty, is itself integrated into that of NATO: the treaty declares that the Policy "shall be consistent with commitments under the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation". A key geopolitical point which was previously buried inside the arcane paragraphs of an international treaty has at least now been publicly announced.

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NATO, US Governed By Self-Interest, Not National Interest

NATO Lost in Contradictions

LONDON, September 10 (RIA Novosti) The NATO summit that concluded recently highlighted the sad case of an alliance of countries whose leaders live in a strange world, where what they insist is truth contradicts all facts, leading them to make foolish decisions which they soon regret.

NATO furiously condemned what they claimed were Russias actions in Ukraine. Obama accuses Russia of aggression. David Cameron says Russia has ripped up the rule book. Merkel has said Russia cannot be permitted to use force to change borders. They have created a 4,000-man rapid deployment force to deter Russia. They are imposing additional sanctions on Russia and threaten still more.

In reality, Russia hasnt engaged in the sort of behaviour they condemn it for, but they have behaved that way themselves.

Before considering NATOs strange truth, let us look at the actual facts. Russia has not invaded Ukraine or committed aggression against Ukraine. It did not aid or support the overthrow of Ukraines constitutional and democratic government or interfere in its domestic affairs as the West did before the February coup. Russia did support the exercise of self-determination of the people of Crimea. It did not use force in doing this, but it did act to prevent force from being used to prevent it. The International Court of Justice has said this is legal; it did so at Western insistence following Kosovos unilateral declaration of independence. Russia has never claimed any part of eastern Ukraine for itself. Russia has not sent its army there. All claims that NATO has made about the presence of the Russian army there are unconvincing or even ridiculous, as a group of retired senior US intelligence officials has pointed out. Russia has always contended and still says that it recognises Ukraines sovereignty over eastern Ukraine. There should be no question then of Russia ripping up rule books or changing borders by force.

In reality, where Ukraine was concerned, Russia did everything it could to prevent violence. It called for the constitutional negotiations the West brokered between Yanukovych and his opponents on February 21, 2014 to be observed. Ukraine would not have lost the Crimea and there would have been no war in eastern Ukraine if these had taken place. Russia always spoke out against the use of force in Ukraine and called for Ukrainians to negotiate in order to settle their differences. Its call went unheeded. Russia sent humanitarian aid to Ukraine in a way the International Court of Justice says is legal. It negotiated ceasefire agreements on April 17, 2014 and July 2, 2014, which Steinmeier and Fabius, the German and French foreign ministers, admitted were broken by the Ukrainian government. Finally it was Russias President Putin who proposed the peace plan that seems to have finally produced a ceasefire.

To talk of Russia as the aggressor that attacked Ukraine as NATO does is to stand reality on its head. It is also strange and hypocritical, coming from an alliance that in recent years has attacked Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya, which last year threatened to attack Syria and which used force to alter the borders of Yugoslavia.

However, NATO leaders still insist they are the peacemakers and that Russia threatens them. They call for increases in defence spending to counter this imaginary threat, even though they already account for 57% of the worlds defence spending (Russia accounts for just 5%). They talk grandly of setting up a rapid deployment force to deter Russia and then show how little actual belief they have in the threat they say Russia poses by assigning just 4,000 men to it. They solemnly tell us that according to Article 5 of the NATO Charter, an attack on one member is an attack on all of them, even though the very fact that they are obliged to say it publicly shows how little they actually believe it. Words of this kind are cheap since as they know Russia has no plan or desire to attack any of them. Yet at the same time they make empty threats and warnings against Russia, they still want Russias help regarding Irans nuclear program and to counter the far more real threats they face from the Taliban, ISIS and Islamic terrorism in general.

It seems the leaders of NATO have succumbed to cognitive dissonance with regard to Russia, where facts cannot be allowed to shake their strange truth, which would allow them to have Russia both as an enemy and a partner as it suits them. It would be nearly impossible for them to devise a more certain way of causing themselves and their countries injury by antagonising a country that had only wanted to be their friend.

Alexander Mercouris is a London-based lawyer. The views expressed in this article are the authors and may not necessarily represent those of RIA Novosti.

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NATO Lost in Contradictions

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NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen to step down Sept. 30

BRUSSELS, Sept. 29 (UPI) -- NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen bid farewell to NATO members and NATO staff as he prepares to step down Tuesday.

At a ceremony in Brussels on Friday to mark the end of his five-year term, Fogh Rasmussen acknowledged the soldiers who comprise NATO forces as "the backbone of our Alliance" and laid a wreath in honor of those who paid the ultimate sacrifice at the NATO Memorial to the Fallen. He thanked member states and staff for their contributions during what he described as "the busiest and most challenging years for NATO."

"We have reinforced the Alliance to make it fitter, faster and more flexible," noted the outgoing secretary general.

During his tenure, Fogh Rasmussen oversaw the completion of the NATO-led ISAF mission following handover of security responsibility to Afghan security forces. In 2012, he endorsed the Smart Defense initiative to stream line collaboration and maximize limited resources, and supported the Connected Forces Initiative to increase joint and combined military training and exercises among Alliance states.

In 2014, Fogh Rasmussen advocated for more robust collective defense in the face of Russian aggression toward Ukraine and the rise of Islamic extremism in the Middle East. And in September, at the Wales Summit, NATO members adopted a Readiness Action Plan to improve the Alliance's responsiveness to threats and enhance international cooperation.

Fogh Rasmussen will be succeed by former Norwegian Prime Minister Jen Stoltenberg, who assumes the position of NATO secretary general on Wednesday.

2014 United Press International, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Any reproduction, republication, redistribution and/or modification of any UPI content is expressly prohibited without UPI's prior written consent.

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NATO's planned Balkan expansion a provocation

Monday, 29 September 2014 18:49

SARAJEVO: NATO's potential expansion to the former Yugoslav republics of Bosnia, Macedonia and Montenegro could be seen as a "provocation", Russia's foreign minister was quoted as saying in a newspaper interview published on Monday.

Moscow has opposed any NATO extension to former communist areas of eastern and southeastern Europe, part of a competition for geo-strategic influence since the end of the Cold War that sits at the heart of the current conflict in ex-Soviet Ukraine.

Montenegro, Macedonia and Bosnia share an ambition to join the Western military alliance, following in the footsteps of Albania and ex-Yugoslav Croatia, which became members in 2009. Asked about the integration of the three into NATO, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov told the Bosnian daily Dnevni Avaz: "With regards to the expansion of NATO, I see it as a mistake, even a provocation in a way.

"This is, in a way, an irresponsible policy that undermines the determination to build a system of equal and shared security in Europe, equal for everyone regardless of whether a country is a member of this or that bloc." Russia has energy interests in the Balkans and historical ties with the Slavs of the region, many of them Orthodox Christian like the Russians.

But Moscow's influence has waned as the countries of the former Yugoslavia seek to join the European mainstream with membership of the EU and NATO.

The tiny Adriatic republic of Montenegro appears closest to NATO accession.

Bosnia's bid is hostage to ethnic bickering that has slowed reforms, while Macedonia remains blocked by a long-running dispute with neighbouring Greece over the name of the landlocked country.

Only Serbia, perhaps Russia's closest ally in the region, is not actively pursuing membership of NATO given political sensitivities lingering since the alliance's 1999 air war against then-strongman Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic to halt a wave of atrocities against ethnic Albanians in Kosovo.

Lavrov confirmed that Russian President Vladimir Putin would visit Serbia in mid-October to mark the 70th anniversary of Belgrade's liberation from Nazi occupation by Yugoslav Partisan fighters and the Soviet army.

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NATO's planned Balkan expansion a provocation

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