South Asia’s migrant workers are facing a jobs crisis both at home and abroad – Equal Times

In February 2020, PK Valsala, a 45-year-old single woman from Kerala, south India, went to Oman to start a job as a domestic worker. She was sent to Kish Island in Iran by her Omani employer to change her tourist visa into a work visa. She landed on 22 February and was scheduled to return to Oman on 26 February.

I thought that I would be able to change my visa and re-enter Oman in a week or so, she says. But then the coronavirus hit. The very next day, Oman closed it air borders, then Iran too.

At first, she wasnt too alarmed. My employer called me and told me not to worry. He sent some money to the hotel where I was staying, which was enough to cover my expenses for for two weeks. He told me that everything would be fine after that time. But that wasnt the case.

Valsala found herself stranded on Kish Island, a popular tourist resort in the Persian Gulf, for 142 days. She struggled for food and even faced eviction from the hotel where she was staying because she could no longer afford to pay her bills, and neither could her employer.

However, a few social organisations in Oman supported her and she was finally repatriated to India in July, along with 700 Indian fisherman who were also stranded on the Iranian coast in an Indian Navy Ship.

Upon returning to India, Valsala who had previously worked in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait thought that she would be able to return to Oman for work, but her employer was unable to hire her again.

Before the coronavirus there were an estimated 23 million migrant workers in the Gulf region. The twin shock of the coronavirus pandemic and falling oil prices led the IMF to predict that the economies of Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (also known as the Gulf Cooperation Council, or GCC) would contract by a massive 7.1 per cent in 2020.

Valsalas was one of the eight million jobs (or 13.2 per cent of working hours) that the International Labour Organization (ILO) estimates was lost across the entire Arab region in the second quarter of 2020.

For the migrant workers who have managed to stay in the countries where they live and work, the Institute for Human Rights and Business says: Many [migrant workers] have been confined to poor living conditions in cramped dormitories, experienced job loss or non-payment of wages, been forced by employers to take unpaid leave or reduced wages, or repatriated back home with few to no alternative work options.

But for those who were forced to return home or who have been unable to leave their home country to start a new job abroad, the situation has been mixed. There is not yet any conclusive data on just how badly the coronavirus has impacted labour migration in South Asia (which is one of the biggest hubs of migrant labour globally) but the few statistics that are available paint a stark picture.

Both India and Bangladesh, two of the biggest sending countries in the region, witnessed a colossal dip in migration outflow in 2020. According to eMigrate, a channel set up by the Indian government to ensure fair migration, 368,043 people migrated abroad through the eMigrate channel in 2019; in 2020, that number was just 88,694, representing a 75 per cent decrease.

Meanwhile, official data from the Bangladesh Bureau of Manpower Employment and Training also reveals a 74 percent decrease in migration outflow in 2020 (181, 218 people) compared to 2019 (700,159 people).

The economic situation in Oman forced Valsala to look for a job in her home state of Kerala. In September, she got a job working 10 hours a day for US$245 a month which is about US$100 less than what she would have earned in Oman. On top of that, the recruitment agency was charging her US$40 a month in commission. The agency is exploitative and doesnt even allow sick leave. Also, due to the Covid-19 restrictions, it is quite risky to go to unknown houses, stay there and do the job. So, I quit in November, Valsala tells Equal Times.

She is desperately trying to get back to the Gulf. But at the moment, there are not many jobs there. Even if there are jobs, the salary is too low. I was offered US$320 in the Gulf in February. Now, agents are telling me that I will get only US$200, she laments.

Moazzem Hossain is a 33-year-old Bangladeshi worker who lost his job as a mason in Saudi Arabia last year. Although he was sent back to Bangladesh due to the economic crisis, he is also trying to return to the Gulf.

I am now working as a construction worker in Dhaka. I get paid just US$170 a month and with that, I have to take care of my six-member family. It is hard to survive. In Saudi Arabia, I was able to earn around US$350 a month, Hossain tells Equal Times.

I have approached an agent in Dhaka. He is telling me that job opportunities are too low in the Arab Gulf now. He is also asking for an increased recruitment fee. When I went in 2017, I paid US$1,700 in fees. Now, I would have to pay US$2,000. But Hussain says that he is willing to pay the extra money if it lands him a job abroad.

When asked whether the fall in migration outflow is likely to continue for the foreseeable future, Shabari Nair, an ILO labour migration specialist for South Asia, said it was too early to tell. Although he notes the gradual resumption of foreign recruitment in some destination countries, Nair says: It would be better to assess this situation along the lines of the demands from the countries of destination, the specific sectors that demand these workers and the skills that the workers possess.

He says he hopes governments and employers will use the disruption caused by the pandemic as an opportunity to build a better recruitment process for migrant workers, one that ensures that workers are protected right from the very start. Nair also predicts that there may be some changes in the sectors that have the most vacancies. Healthcare workers, for example, may be in high demand, Nair says, adding that sending governments may also start looking at new migration corridors in Africa and Europe.

Like many low- to middle-income countries, remittances from migrant workers play a significant role in the countries of South Asia: in India remittances are said to make up 3 per cent of GDP while in Nepal they account for 27 per cent.

It was predicted that the economic downturn triggered by the pandemic could have a massive impact on the money sent home by workers abroad, with an October 2020 report from the World Bank estimating that remittances in South Asia will fall from US$135 billion in 2020 to US$120 billion in 2021.

However, Nair says the impact of Covid-19 on global remittances is still unclear, with some South Asian countries reporting an even higher inflow of remittances than usual.

Shakirul Islam, the founding chair of Ovibashi Karmi Unnayan Program, a grassroots migrants organisation based in Dhaka, Bangladesh, is also assessing the situation carefully. He tells Equal Times that research conducted by his organisaton with potential and returnee migrant workers (those who were forced to return during the pandemic) shows that more than 72 percent of them (among 398 people) are still waiting for the situation to improve before they return overseas.

But this is a ticking time economic time bomb, he warns. Currently these workers are not getting any good jobsif situation doesnt get better in a year, then all migrant sending Asian countries will be facing a very tough time. We shouldnt forget that there are no jobs at home at the moment. If these people cant work in host countries either, then everything is going to be a problem.

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South Asia's migrant workers are facing a jobs crisis both at home and abroad - Equal Times

Europe could face another big migration wave after the pandemic, STEFANOS TSAKIRIS | Kathimerini – www.ekathimerini.com

It is not improbable that we will face a second big migration crisis after the coronavirus pandemic, Monika Sie Dhian Ho believes.

Monika Sie Dhian Ho is the general director of Clingendael, the Netherlands Institute of International Relations.

Clingendael is an independent think tank and academy on international affairs and diplomacy which seeks to shape a more secure, sustainable and just world. It has traditionally had an impact on the shaping of foreign policy in the Netherlands whilst Sie advises the Dutch government on security and foreign affairs matters.

In an interview with Kathimerini, Sie warns about a possible incoming migration crisis due to the financial repercussions that Covid-19 will eventually leave behind. She maintains that a closer relationship between the European Union and neighboring Turkey will be beneficial to both parties in dealing with a hard future on migration and, finally, she expresses her belief that the EU is still not ready to intercept new migration waves confidently.

Countries such as Hungary, Austria and the Netherlands have refused to take in any significant number of migrants. The EU hasnt been able politically or legally to enforce a fair distribution of migrants across its member-states. Whats the reason behind such a failure?

We find ourselves in a situation whereby every country has something to complain about. Since the migration crisis began in 2015, we have not managed to reform our institutions, we have not made the EU more resilient to crises. After big crises you would expect that this reform would take place like it did on the economic front. The different interests of EU members have to do with differences in location; at one point the Dutch PM said that its due to geographical bad luck. This will not do on the negotiation table of course you cannot say that in a union you have a geographical bad luck and I hope that our PM knows that by now. Yes, there are differences in where the migrants want to go and in the economic situation of the different EU countries but we have not come up with an intelligent plan yet. The Commissions pact is a positive first step and is responsive to the interests of the different EU members. Our advice is that there is urgency to act now. We need an internal grand deal as well as an external bargain with third countries of origin. We need to build trust that the internal and external bargains are feasible through actively showing that the deals are made out of sincerity and common values.

Weve seen that this geographical bad luck rhetoric and attitude has prevailed on the migration issue. If it persists, will it weaken the EU?

Yes, that the EU will become weaker is the starting point of discussion. What will happen then is that countries in the front line will not be capable or willing to register incoming migrants. I think the Northern countries have come to understand that this fundamental injustice will not hold. If they hold on to this position, they know that they will face waves of secondary movements. So, they understand that a new internal deal is absolutely necessary. The Netherlands is well aware that the Dublin system needs reform and that relocation of migrants is necessary. The pandemic makes this challenge even harder.

How are Covid-19 and migration linked?

In African countries the health consequences of the pandemic have been less intense than in Europe. However, the economic consequences are devastating. Migrants lose their jobs abroad due to the pandemic and send in less remittances. The oil shocks created by the pandemic impose economic obstacles and the aftershocks of the disease pushthese countries into deeper crises. African migration has increased despite the pandemic. For example, irregular departures from Tunisia to Italy have significantly increased. Therere severe economic migrant crises created by the pandemic combined with potential political crises also triggered by Covid-19. It is not improbable that we will face a second big migration crisis after the disease. In 2011, we had the Arabic Spring due to unemployment and in Syria we had a war. This was the runup of the refugee crisis of 2015. The Arab Spring itself was the runup of the 2008 economic crisis. The Covid-19 crisis is expected to potentially be even more severe so Europe needs to become truly robust on migration policy now to overcome a hard future on this front.

Turkey is Greeces neighbor but also the EUs. What is the impact of the quality of our relationship with Turkey on the migrantswelfare?

Turkey hosts almost 4 million refugees. The EU is not willing to welcome those 4 million refugees, they prefer that these refugees remain in Turkey. Turkey is ready to receive them, and there children can go to school and parents can find jobs. The EU members contribute by paying those organizations in Turkey that facilitate these migrant populations. The migrants deserve these funds. Of course, the consequence of this is that countries like Turkey but also Morocco and Tunisia find out that they get leverage in their relationship against EU countries. We have to arrive on a partnership that is based much more on common interest and equality in the relationship. Specifically, what we need to do is twofold: Firstly, we need to continue offering Turkey the financial means to keep on sending migrant kids to school, and secondly, it is of high importance that we build a tracing mechanism to ensure that the funds we offer to Turkey end up benefiting the migrants solely.

It seems that migrant populations integrate better in the US than they do in Europe. We have seen that recently they have wreaked havoc in Austria and in France. How do you explain this reality? Are we witnessing a clash of civilizations?

The emphasis on work in the United States has been a key factor for migrant integration. People are welcome to work and they find work almost immediately after arrival. Work is a crucial aspect to integration. Secondly, what also plays a role is that the EU has not emphasized adequately what the European Way of Life is. The EC, by appointing Margaritis Schinas as VP, has acknowledged that there exists a European way of life which we want to protect, defend and develop. When welcoming a migrant, it is important that you explain to them clearly what this way of life is so that person knows how to behave and integrate. The key values of our society need explanation, therefore work and clarity about the societal model are significant factors for integration. Without rules and transparency, problems are unavoidable.

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Europe could face another big migration wave after the pandemic, STEFANOS TSAKIRIS | Kathimerini - http://www.ekathimerini.com

Explainspeaking: What 2020 taught us about Indias internal migration – The Indian Express

Dear Readers,

It is almost a year since the Covid-induced nationwide lockdowns were announced in India. It may not be an exaggeration to state that the distressing images of migrant workers walking back to their homes often hungry and utterly hassled, often with small children in tow with little support from the government is the most enduring memory of that period. The displacement of people has been described as the second-largest since the Partition of the country.

Eleven months since the March 2020 lockdowns, the situation is considerably different.

Covid caseload has declined sharply. The vaccine is being rolled out across the country. Economic activity is on the mend the Index of Industrial Production has grown and the RBI says capacity utilisation, as well as consumer sentiment, has improved even as retail inflation has finally started receding. Presumably, some, if not all, of the migrant workers have started returning to work.

A couple of key questions, however, remain unanswered.

One, what did India learn about its internal migration patterns in this process and why could we not avoid the disastrous reverse migration? Two, if, god forbid, another similar crisis were to happen again, would we be able to respond better and take better care of migrant workers?

As you might guess, there are no easy answers. But a few things are becoming fairly clear about Indias internal migration.

#1: As of 2020, according to Prof S Irudaya Rajan (Centre for Development Studies, Kerala), India has an estimated 600 million migrants. In other words, roughly half of India is living in a place where it wasnt born. To further put this number in perspective, if one imagines all these migrants as one nation then not only would that nation be the third-largest country on the planet that is, after China and India but also, it would be roughly double the size of the fourth-largest nation on the planet the United States.

#2: But this doesnt mean that 600 million Indians were crisscrossing between Indian states in 2020. Thats because the bulk of the internal migration in India is within one district itself. An estimated 400 million Indians migrate within the district they live in. The next 140 million migrate from one district to another but within the same state. And only about 60 million that is, just 10% of all internal migrants move from one state to another.

#3: From a Covid perspective, the 400 million that migrate within the same district were less of a worry. But 200 million were broadly affected by the Covid disruption. Even within these 200 million, only about 140 millions migrated for earning a livelihood. The balance is family members who migrate with the bread-earner.

#4: There are other misconceptions as well. Typically, it is thought that most migration happens when people from rural areas move to urban areas. That is incorrect. The most dominant form of migration is from rural to rural areas. Only about 20% of the total migration (600 million) is from rural to urban areas.

#5: That is not to suggest that urban migration is not important. In fact, 20% of the total migration is from one urban area to another urban area. As such, urban migration (rural to urban as well as urban to urban) accounts for 40% of the total migration.

#6: But even at these staggeringly high absolute numbers, Indias proportion of internal migrants (as a percentage of the overall population) is much lower than some of the comparable countries such as Russia, China, South Africa and Brazil all have much higher urbanisation ratios, which is a proxy for migration level. In other words, as India adopts a strategy of rapid urbanisation for example, by building so-called smart cities and essentially using cities as centres of economic growth levels of internal migration will increase further.

#7: Coming back to the Covid impact, however, the reality of a migrant workers existence is much more complicated than those sharply defined numbers. Not all migrants were equally affected. The worst-hit were a class of migrants that Prof Ravi Srivastava (Director, Centre for Employment Studies, Institute of Human Development) calls vulnerable circular migrants. These are people who are vulnerable because of their weak position in the job market and circular migrants because even though they work in urban settings, they continue to have a foothold in the rural areas. Such migrants work in construction sites or small factories or as rickshaw pullers in the city but when such employment avenues dwindle, they go back to their rural setting. In other words, they are part of the informal economy outside agriculture. And, thanks to the precarious nature of their existence they constitute 75% of the informal economy outside agriculture most shocks, be it demonetisation or GST or the pandemic disruption, tend to rob them of their livelihood.

#8: According to Srivastava, close to 60 million moved back to their source rural areas in the wake of pandemic-induced lockdowns. That number is roughly six-times the official estimates. That estimate also gives a measure of the sense of labour shock that Indias economy faced as migrants moved back.

So, the answer to the initial query why couldnt we take better care of our migrant workers in 2020 lies, in the words of Alex Paul Menon (Labour Commissioner, Chhattisgarh), in Indias approach to its labour class. Ignorance fuelled by indifference, says Menon. Be it academia, bureaucracy, or the political class, we have to accept that we are ignorant about our labour class and especially about migrant labourers. And this ignorance is borne out of indifference in my understanding, he says.

The truth is that even now all the estimates mentioned above are individual estimates. The official data be it the Census or the National Sample Survey is more than a decade old. In fact, Census 2011 migration data was made publicly available only in 2019.

In the absence of any real measure of understanding about our labour class, it is any surprise that so many suffered when India enforced one of the strictest lockdowns anywhere in the world with just a few hours of notice to the migrant workers who had no resources of their own or any immediate help from the government?

What can be done in terms of policymaking so that this is avoided in the future?

Watch the first in a series of eight webinars that The Indian Express and Omidyar Network India organised last week to find out the answers.

Take care

Udit

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Explainspeaking: What 2020 taught us about Indias internal migration - The Indian Express

Ayaan Hirsi Ali on Muslim Men and Western Women – The New York Times

It could also be said to be cut through with bigotry. Hirsi Ali seems to latch onto the trope of men of color threatening virtuous white women, a particular kind of fearmongering with a long and ugly history. European colonists saw their endeavors not simply as extractive, but as civilizing; to make that work, they doubled down on the idea of African and Arab men as sexually aggressive and uncontrolled, and white women their desired victims. European settlers worried about the Black peril of African rapists, which was also used to justify colonialism and the pervasive racist violence that went with it. During the French occupation of Germany after World War I, German newspapers sounded the (false) alarm about a Black plague of mass rapes and murders by Senegalese troops in the French Army. (Hitler, true to form, blamed the Jews for bringing in the Africans.) And Hirsi Ali, who emphasizes the importance of assimilation and now lives in the United States, is surely not ignorant of this countrys own history. Make any list of anti-Black terrorism in the United States, and youll also have a list of attacks justified by the specter of Black rape, Jamelle Bouie wrote in 2015, after Dylann Roof murdered nine people in Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church and reportedly told the Black congregation, You rape our women, and youre taking over our country, and you have to go. Donald Trump, the most xenophobic American president in living memory, often used the threat of white girls being raped by immigrant men to justify his draconian immigration policies.

Hirsi Ali does skew this old narrative just a bit: Instead of being virtuous for their submissiveness, maternity or innocence the usual rendering of white women in need of protection European women in Prey are virtuous for their liberal feminist values, and also vulnerable because of them. But this is where Hirsi Ali gives away the game. After spending much of the book portraying herself as a defender of these very values, by the end, shes ready to give them up if it means keeping certain immigrants out. Her proposed solutions include ramping up policing, harsher criminal penalties and intrusions into personal privacy. Even as she says she has thought deeply about the seeming paradox of using illiberal means to achieve liberal ends, she ultimately decides that the ends indeed justify the means even privacy-obsessed Germans, she posits, could be persuaded to accept the use of video surveillance, artificial intelligence and facial recognition technology in troubled neighborhoods.

Hirsi Ali suggests scrapping the current asylum program, which offers safe harbor to those facing persecution, and instead proposes that European nations adopt immigration policies where the main criterion for granting residence should be how far they are likely to abide by the laws and adopt the values of their host society. In Hirsi Alis estimation, that means assessing whether immigrants have the skills to work for pay a requirement that could curtail granting legal status to a great many female asylum-seekers and refugees, who tend to be less educated than their male counterparts.

Whether Hirsi Ali herself, who wore the hijab as a teenager and supported the fatwa against Salman Rushdie, would have qualified for asylum under her rules is an outstanding question. Yet this is where her illiberalism truly shines through. All liberal institutions are predicated on this idea, she writes approvingly, that the individual, whether male or female, is recognized as a decision-maker responsible for his or her behavior. Central to this concept of liberal individualism is an antagonism to collective punishment, and the idea that individual responsibility means one persons wrongdoing doesnt implicate his family, his entire race or his religious group. No such concept of individual rights and responsibilities exists in the Muslim world, she says, where group identity takes precedence. Its why, she writes, Muslims have a victimhood complex when sex crimes laws, which they believe are invalid in the first place, are enforced against Muslim men: Because the individual is inextricably linked to the group, condemnation of the individual is considered vilification of the group.

Its Hirsi Ali, though, who does exactly this: She finds stories of individual Muslim immigrants who commit heinous crimes, and by suggesting those stories are broadly representative, uses them to justify curtailing the opportunities afforded to the whole group. This is not, as she suggests, a feminism of standing up for the rights of women. It is a feminism of reaction and one that would undermine the very liberal values Hirsi Ali begs feminists to protect.

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Ayaan Hirsi Ali on Muslim Men and Western Women - The New York Times

How the UK is headed for a perfect storm on human trafficking, according to author of The Truth About Modern Slavery – St Helens Reporter

That is according to Emily Kenway, author of The Truth About Modern Slavery, published in January.

Drawing on professional experience, plus conversations with senior police officers, campaigners and victims, Kenway takes a closer look at the reality behind the headlines and government rhetoric on this issue. She presents a troubling picture.

Kenway served as an advisor to the first Independent Anti-slavery Commissioner, Kevin Hyland, a role created by the 2015 Modern Slavery Act. Shes worked specifically on modern slavery, but, she stresses, shes also been involved with issues which relate and feed into it.

This is one of the main things Kenway hopes her readers take to tackle the issue of modern slavery, we have to see it in a societal context and understand what makes it possible.

The main drivers behind this are poverty, insecure immigration status, a context where labour rights have been gradually eroded, Kenway told JPI Media. All these things create opportunities for people to be exploited.

Kenway had begun work on the book when, in October 2019, news broke that a number of people had been found dead in the back of a lorry in Essex.

The reaction from some politicians, she says, perfectly illustrated one of her core criticisms of how modern slavery is understood.

The local MP and Priti Patel were referring to this as related to trafficking. But I knew they couldn't possibly know that because it was only a few hours after they'd been discovered, she said.

This is how trafficking as a part of modern slavery is used to make the public misunderstand what's actually going on. They are doing so because the public immediately then thinks of the traffickers as the perpetrators, we think of these individual deviants who have caused these horrific deaths.

When the case did eventually go to trial it was as a case of migrant smuggling, which is a different issue to human trafficking, explains Kenway.

If instead we understand it as a case of migrant smuggling, we have to ask why people are risking losing their lives in order to get to other countries and that becomes a question of borders and governance, she said.

Kenway argues that these same hypocrises exist in other aspects of the Governments approach to modern slavery. She highlights numerous cases where senior police figures announced raids on sex workers under the banner of human trafficking operations.

After looking in depth at these operations and the outcomes, Kenway discovered that women were often arrested, but very few if any referrals were made to the the modern slavery pathway, the National Referral Mechanism.

Kenway also points to some of the requirements of the Modern Slavery Act as being wholly inadequate, such as the stipulation that large firms publish statements about their supply chains.

A company could write a statement which says We have done nothing about modern slavery, and effectively, that would comply with the law, she says.

This means firms which go the extra mile to make sure their supply chains are not party to exploitation such as stone-firm Marshalls, cited throughout the book as an example of a firm getting it right are at a disadvantage to those which pay no heed to the issue.

Kenway is not optimistic about the future of modern slavery. Indeed, she says, we may actually be headed for a perfect storm.

A migration crisis driven by climate breakdown, the post-Covid economic shock and Brexit - which will create another group of people who are undocumented, and may likely lead to a reduction in labour rights - mean this is only going to get worse, she says.

Unless we change the way we think about and approach these issues, there are going to be millions of people suffering these kinds of exploitation.

It is thanks to our loyal readers that we can continue to provide the trusted news, analysis and insight that matters to you. For unlimited access to our unrivalled local reporting, you can take out a subscription here and help support the work of our dedicated team of reporters.

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How the UK is headed for a perfect storm on human trafficking, according to author of The Truth About Modern Slavery - St Helens Reporter

Lebanon: Overlapping crises exacerbate medical needs and worsen access to care – Doctors Without Borders

Since the explosion, the public health system has also struggled to cope with the growing number of COVID-19 cases, which rose from less than 200 cases a day before the blast to an average of 1,500 in December 2020. To date, more than 226,000 cases have been reported nationwide.

In August 2020, MSF stepped up efforts to respond to COVID-19 in Lebanon and support the national health system in dealing with the pandemic. We temporarily turned our hospital in Bar Elias, in the Bekaa Valley, into a COVID-19 facility and now support an isolation center in Sibline, in the south of the country. MSF teams are also involved in testing, health promotion, and training activities in different locations across the country. Lockdown measures, although necessary, have worsened peoples economic difficulties.

My husband used to find daily laborer jobs in agriculture or construction, said Samaher, a 40-year-old Syrian refugee who lives in an informal tented settlement in Akkar governorate, near the Syrian border. But with the economic situation and the coronavirus, it has become more difficult. He only works two or three days a week, and sometimes theres no work for [two weeks]. When he doesnt find work, we have to borrow money from the neighbors so we can buy food.

For many people in Lebanon, whether they are Lebanese, refugees, or migrant workers, the current economic crisis and the deteriorating living conditions come on top of other traumatic events and stressful experiences, such as conflict or displacement, disrupting psychological wellbeing. Many patients who request MSFs mental health services in Lebanon show symptoms related to emotional distress, depression, anxiety, and hopelessness.

I feel completely down and useless. The economic situation in the country is a disaster. I only hope we wont end up in the streets, said Tawfik, a Palestinian refugee living in Shatila camp in Beirut. His family relies entirely on UN agencies and nongovernmental organizations to survive. We are so tired, adds Hanadi, his wife, unable to hold back her tears while she speaks.

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Lebanon: Overlapping crises exacerbate medical needs and worsen access to care - Doctors Without Borders

Empowering the Migrants: Requisites and Rationalities | Nupur (…) – Mainstream – Mainstream

Home > 2021 > Empowering the Migrants: Requisites and Rationalities | Nupur(...)

by Nupur Pattanaik

The paper analyses the plight of migrants and talks about the atrocities encountered by the migrant community during the pandemic. The Covid-19 has brought to the spotlight the trials and tribulations faced by women, children, old aged people in the pandemic and how they have been succumbing to exploitation and marginalisation, the need for efficient paradigms and perspectives to make migration safer and needed for the development of the nation. It reflects a need for rational and emergent mechanisms to pave way for better capability and empowerment schemes to elevate the migrant communities by the inclusion of women, children-base entitlements and make migration feasible and safe in the Post-Covid Times for their upliftment and advancement, making migration governance the new normal implications and the order in the new Covid-free world.

Locking and Unlocking in India due to the universal pandemic has highlighted the major paradigms of the migrant plight, the economic halt and situated the conditions of the migrant workers. Invisible, unrecognised vulnerabilities pre-locking and post-unlocking of the nation confronted by the migrant masses has some-way or the other has overblown them. Migrant workers are the spine of Indias informal sector, their movement to states jobs indicates economic integration, and also inter-regional and rural-urban disparities. While empowering themselves, they also enrich their home and host regions. The national lockdown due to the corona-virus contagion has threatened and unravelled the phenomena of migrant crisis; Their mass exodus from the places has created a humanitarian and health, security confrontations, and a logistical nightmare. A Report by World Economic Forum exposes the existing problems, and a need for urban reforms as the pandemic has affected the migrants and post-pandemic there would be imbalances, inequalities, oppressions, disparities towards the poor-low income groups especially the migrants. Remittances are much lower than the Pre-Covid days which have affected their livelihood. Economic precarity, lack of adequate shelter, infections and inadequacy of protective gear, lack of basic services has been a way of life for the migrants. The challenges of the Covid-19 pandemic in India particularly on the migrants internal international diasporic communities and refugees irrespective of their status and has drastically contrived their human rights.

Every year The International Day of Migrants celebrated on 18th December. The year 2020 was a year of massive pretentious trouble for them and the refugees and migrants were remembered who have lost their lives, the major theme was to reimagine human mobility. Migration is a process and not a problem, it is for better livelihood and should not be seen as a suffering trend, but due to a lack of effective well-timed safety measures, they have encountered adversities and misfortunes. Ellsworth Huntington, an eminent geographer who opined that History in its most comprehensive and inclusive aspect is a record of human beings migrations from one environment to another. Globally the enormity of migrant crisis has been exposed by the pandemic like never before. The struggle and strain confronted by migrants are of inconceivable forms. The media visuals of millions of migrant workers out on the road, when the sudden lockdown was first announced in India in the last week of March is still afresh among the masses.

According to a report by The Global Migration data portal reveals that the number of global migrants or people living in a country of destination other than their country of origin in 2019 had reached 272 million, Women migrants account for 48 per cent of the total number, 38 million are the child population, Three out of four international migrants are depicted of the working-age, that is between 20 and 64, It has been estimated that 31 per cent of the international migrants worldwide are in Asia, 30 per cent in Europe, 26 per cent in the Americas, 10 per cent in Africa and three per cent in Oceanian countries.

Lives and Livelihood

Migration has been shaping our world in every turn, in an era of deepening globalization, increased digitalization and rapid urbanization, migration touches all States and people more than ever before. Migration is an expression of development, the inclusion of migration in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development presents a glorious platform to estimate the impact of migration on a range of development issues and to understand better how development can impact on migration and migrants. The central theme to migration in the 2030 Agenda is to Reduce inequality in and among countries. It has been a mechanism for orderly safe regular and responsible migration and movement of people through the implementation of planned and well-managed policies for migrant communities.

The epoch of Pandemic and the post-pandemic world has brought a threat to their lives and livelihood which has positioned them in a deplorable condition. The pandemic has disproportionately affected them and made them marginalised. They have become the victims of violence, atrocities, trafficking and many forms of social maladies, basically, children of these migrants too suffered, and also they had become the sufferer of gender inequalities. Women migrant workers are often employed in domestic work, and many of them have suddenly lost their jobs because employers perceive them as carriers of the infected virus. Those who are employed in hospitals, and care sectors like health care clinics and old-age care facilities, looking after COVID-19 masses or cleaning hospital rooms, putting their lives to risk on a daily basis. In addition, women migrant workers who are pushed into the margins of society during the catastrophe are likely to experience the enormous intensity of marginality, harassment and violence. With services such as emergency hotline services being less active due to the universal pandemic, they will have lesser ways to get help services and escape it.

The Covid-19 activated mass migration which is a sudden reversal of this cumulative migration of seven decades, since the partition of India when 14.5 million people migrated. The pandemic has worsened their lives and right to live and a threat to their physical and social well-being. Around 30% of immigrants live in relative poverty in the OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development), compared with 20% of the native-born (OECD/European Union, They are also more likely to live in sub-standard accommodations (23% against 19%) and twice as likely in overcrowded dwellings (17% against 8%). Lack of basic conditions has increased the likeliness of infection, especially given that immigrants are more likely to live in extended cohabiting families.

The pandemic extremed the violence against women migrants specifically domestic maids, children, old aged migrants by the domestic violence, child marriage issues due to utmost poverty, trafficking trade of women migrants were some of the dark sides of the pandemic. Child Abuse, Exploitation, foeticide, stigmatisation were some of the noted phenomena witnessed during the times and there is a need to give a rethought to change their situations and circumstances and prepare them to be capable and enlightened so they can be an active contributor for their own livelihoods and development of nation in the coming times.

The pandemic has significantly escalated their plight. The travails and travesties of these workers need to be addressed, though policies and programmes have been there but a needed deeper level analysis to contribute for their mental well-being is required. A migrant worker from Koraput, Odisha voiced on anonymity that due to pandemic and post-pandemic work responsibilities he has been witnessing ostracizations, xenophobia and stigmatisation from the people around the place of work, a domestic women migrant worker from the same place was jobless due to the pandemic and opined that she has been a victim of domestic violence as she was not having an income.

Empowerment and Entitlements

From hardship to hope for the migrants, the need for migration governance, by achieving human rights and gender rights and organising them for their rights and responsibilities is a needed rational requirement, acting with a sense of urgency is a prerequisite to cater their needs and preparing them for a post-covid world order. Empowerment in the migration process can specifically allow the migrant communities to make right and active choices and protect them from pressure and excessive influence by others in their community of origin and after migration and prevent themselves from every aspect of discrimination. However, the conditions that allow these migrants irrespective of caste, class, faith and gender divide to assert their power and achieve them. Women migrants though constitute a majority of international migrants and should be entitled with rights and several benefits are not somehow incorporated in the gender dimension of migration. The multidimensional aspects of gender, migration and empowerment should be dealt from a multi-pronged perspective. The constraints and enablers, the empowerment and disempowerment processes should be taken into consideration to frame out better and effective policies and privileges in the Post-Covid world order.

While human mobility has been an essential feature of our global history, it is as pertinent today as it ever was in the past. It has been estimated by recent calculus released by the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UNDESA) that 232 million international migrants in the world, migration is and always has been one of the most significant and pressing global issues of the times. The economic, social, and civic proportions of integration needed to be addressed comprehensively. Encouraging migration for better development is a needed recipe for the hour as the pandemic has retrenched and reshuffled the desire for migration. The emergent adequacy to entitle the migrant community should be the outlook to promote mobility and migration. The role of civil society, NGOs (Non-Governmental Organisation), Media and other positive communities should play a priority role in encouraging safe migration.

Rethinking mobility and migration strategies, migrant inclusivity, a new urban paradigm to prepare for a post-pandemic world through various policy frameworks should be introduced for uplifting the migrant communities, the parameters of empowerment should be relocated to usher in an equal safe haven for the migrants.

References

1.https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/international-migrants-day-2020-key-facts-on-global-migrant-crisis-23400592.https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/economy/policy/view-india-should-use-migrant-labour-crisis-to-transform-economy-society/articleshow/76184723.cms3.https://www.who.int/news-room/feature-stories/detail/migrants-and-refugees-say-covid-19-has-dramatically-worsened-their-lives4.https://www.oecd.org/coronavirus/policy-responses/what-is-the-impact-of-the-covid-19-pandemic-on-immigrants-and-their-children-e7cbb7de/5.https://www.unescap.org/blog/plight-migrants-under-spotlight-covid-19-responses6. https://www.iom.int/

(Author: Dr Nupur Pattanaik is associated with the Department of Sociology, Central University of Odisha)

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Empowering the Migrants: Requisites and Rationalities | Nupur (...) - Mainstream - Mainstream

Desperation grows in battered Honduras, fueling migration – PBS NewsHour

SAN PEDRO SULA, Honduras (AP) Nory Yamileth Hernndez and her three teenage children have been living in a battered tent under a bridge on the outskirts of San Pedro Sula since Hurricane Eta flooded their home in November.

They were there in the dust under the rumbling traffic, surrounded by other storm refugees, when Hurricane Iota hit barely two weeks later. And when the first migrant caravan of the year shuffled by in January, only fear and empty pockets kept them from joining Honduras growing exodus.

I cried because I dont want to be here anymore, the 34-year-old Hernndez said. She had joined the first big caravan in October 2018, but didnt make it to Mexico before turning back. Shes sure she will try again soon. Theres a lot of suffering.

WATCH: Biden rolls back Trumps immigration policies with a raft of initiatives

In San Pedro Sula, Honduras economic engine and the departure gate for thousands of Honduran migrants in recent years, families like Hernndezs are caught in a cycle of migration. Poverty and gang violence push them out and increasingly aggressive measures to stop them, driven by the United States government, scuttle their efforts and send them back.

The economic damage of the COVID-19 pandemic and the devastation wrought by Novembers hurricanes have only added to those driving forces. Word of a new administration in the U.S. with a softer approach to migrants has raised hopes, too.

After her failed attempt to migrate in 2018, Hernndez returned to scraping out a living in San Pedro Sula. Last year, she sold lingerie door-to-door in one of the countrys most dangerous neighborhoods. But the storms wiped out her inventory and her customers had limited ability to pay her for items they bought on credit.

I couldnt charge people because we all lost, Hernndez said. We all have needs, but you have to be sensitive. They dont have anything to pay with and why go to collect?

Chamelecon is a neighborhood of low, tin-roofed houses and small shops with barred windows on the outskirts of the city. Only two of its streets are paved, including one that is the dividing line between the rival gangs Mara Salvatrucha and Barrio 18.

At the bridge where Hernndezs tent is pitched, tattooed youths smoke marijuana and residents slop around in rubber boots. The violence continues, with newspapers talking about finding bodies wrapped in plastic.

In December, Hernndez got sick with fever, nausea and, she said, her brain hurt. She went to a hospital, but was never tested for COVID-19. In January, her eldest son writhed in their tent with fever.

The father of her youngest son lives in Los Angeles and encouraged her to get money together for another trip. He told me that this year is going to be good because they had gotten rid of Trump and the new president was going to help migrants, Hernndez said.

Within weeks, U.S. President Joe Biden signed nine executive orders reversing Trump measures related to family separation, border security and immigration. But fearing a surge in immigration, the administration also sent the message that little will change quickly for migrants arriving at the southern U.S. border.

Hernndez recently found work cleaning flooded streets, but she still hasnt been able to tackle the house where she once lived with 11 others. Its still filled with several inches of mud and foul water.

The assembly plants that surround San Pedro Sula and power its economy are still not back to pre-hurricane capacity amid the pandemic.

The Sula Valley, Honduras most agriculturally productive, was so heavily damaged that international organizations have warned of a food crisis. The World Food Program says 3 million Hondurans face food insecurity, six times higher than before. The dual hurricanes affected an estimated 4 million of Honduras 10 million people. The area is also Honduras hardest-hit by COVID-19 infections.

Its a vicious cycle, said Dana Graber Ladek, head of the International Organization for Migration office in Mexico. Theyre suffering poverty, violence, the hurricanes, unemployment, domestic violence, and with that dream of a new (U.S.) administration, of new opportunities, theyre going to try (to migrate) again and again.

The last several attempted caravans have been foiled, first in Mexico and later in Guatemala, but the daily flow of migrants moved by smugglers continues and has shown signs of increasing. The hope and misinformation associated with the new U.S. administration helps that business too.

The traffickers are using this opportunity of desperation, of political changes in the United States to spread rumors and false information, Graber Ladek said.

In January, San Pedro Sula was abuzz with plans to migrate.

READ MORE: DOJ rescinds zero tolerance immigration rule

Gabriela, 29, feeling like she had nothing to lose, went north just days before a few thousand Hondurans headed out of San Pedro Sula on Jan. 15. She had lost her cleaning job in the pandemic and the rest of her life to the hurricanes. She asked that her full name be withheld because she had made it to southern Mexico and feared being targeted.

Gabriela paid a smuggler, paid off authorities along her route and walked through jungle as part of her journey north.

She had lived in La Lima, a suburb of San Pedro Sula. Small businesses there have begun to reopen, but in outlying neighborhoods, the streets are still full of debris, dead animals, snakes and burning mattresses.

Everyone wanted to leave, said Juan Antonio Ramrez, an elderly resident. His children and grandchildren were among some 30 people who spent six days stranded on a corrugated metal roof surrounded by floodwaters in November. A lot of people went from here, but they all came back. The problem is theres a barrier and they send them back from Guatemala.

After the 2018 caravans and rising number of migrants at the U.S. border in early 2019, the U.S. government pressured Mexico and Central American countries to do more to slow migration across their territories. Numbers fell in the latter half of 2019 and Mexico and Guatemala effectively stopped caravans in 2020. In December, a caravan leaving San Pedro Sula didnt even make it out of Honduras.

But the U.S. has reported a rising number of encounters at the border, showing that beyond the caravans, the migration flow is increasing again.

In September, Lisethe Contreras husband made it to Miami. The La Lima resident said it took him three months and $12,000 paid to smugglers. Shes thinking of going too, but for the moment has her small business selling necessities.

Biden has promised investment in Central America to get at the root causes of immigration, but no one expects to see any change soon. Honduras primary elections are scheduled for March and nongovernmental organizations worry any aid will come with political strings attached.

Hernndez admits confusion and disillusion. I dont know. They all promise and then dont follow through, she said. I dont see a good future here.

Gabriela, already halfway to her goal of reaching the U.S., has no thoughts of turning back, even after 19 people, believed to be mostly Guatemalan migrants, were found shot and burned in northern Mexico just across from Texas.

I only go back to Honduras if Immigration sends me back, she said. And if that happens Ill try again with my son.

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Desperation grows in battered Honduras, fueling migration - PBS NewsHour

Rewiring Migrant Returns and Reintegration after the COVID-19 Shock – World – ReliefWeb

The COVID-19 Pandemic Highlights the Need for Sustainable Reintegration Strategies for Returning Migrants Communities and Countries

WASHINGTON As the COVID-19 pandemic hit, millions of migrants were stranded in the countries where they work and live, and countless others were expelled or returned voluntarily to their countries of origin amid restrictions on mobility and widespread economic dislocation. Countless more migrants may yet return to their countries of origin as second and third waves of the outbreak are occurring.

Destination- and origin-country governments have engaged in chaotic and mixed policy responses to forced returns. Origin countries face the challenges of receiving returning nationals amid a public-health crisis and reintegrating them into communities and labor markets at a time of economic struggles. The experiences highlight the importance of countries along the migration continuum being better prepared for disruptions to migration patterns. A greater focus on sustainable reintegration is needed, not only for the current crisis but for the long term, Migration Policy Institute (MPI) analysts argue in a new policy brief.

In Rewiring Migrant Returns and Reintegration after the COVID-19 Shock, Camille Le Coz and Kathleen Newland examine the effects of the pandemic on return, reception and reintegration. The brief also considers how to strengthen return infrastructure and partnerships between countries of origin and destination going forward.

While the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration recognized the need for international cooperation on return and reintegration, the global public-health crisis hit scarcely a year into its adoption. Governments rapidly closed borders and imposed travel restrictions in uncoordinated fashion even as many migrants were compelled to leave their jobs and, often, the countries in which they were living. And while some countries initially suspended forced removals, others exerted further pressure on origin countries by accelerating returns.

The reception of returning migrants has posed a daunting challenge. Few countries of origin, for example, had adequate quarantine facilities for returnees, and the crisis has demonstrated the importance of improving monitoring of returns and ensuring appropriate reception conditions.

Origin countries have also faced challenges reintegrating returning migrants into local communities and helping them re-establish livelihoods, with economic effects compounded by the loss of migrants remittances as well as the reallocation of humanitarian and development funds away from reintegration to support immediate COVID-19 responses.

Yet, the brief notes, some innovations have flourished during the crisis, including online training for returnees and efforts to reopen legal migration pathways in ways that are better managed and more respectful of workers rights. The authors suggest the pandemic has spotlighted the need for a broadened definition of reintegration.

The focus of reintegration programs is often on returnees themselves, but recovery from the COVID-19 crisis requires a more comprehensive approach, particularly to assist communities affected by lower levels of remittances and other economic disruptions, they write. Reintegration assistance that focuses not only on the outcomes of individuals returning but also on the economic, social and physical health of their communities and countries in short, that emphasizes the development potential of returns and returnees is the kind of assistance this crisis demands.

The policy brief is the third in the series Critical Migration Governance Issues in a Changed World, which results from a partnership between MPI and the Deutsche Gesellschaft fr Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) GmbH, supported by the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ).

Find this and other publications in the series here: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/international-program/critical-migration-governance-issues-changed-world.

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Rewiring Migrant Returns and Reintegration after the COVID-19 Shock - World - ReliefWeb

Kudic and Buzar discussed Developments regarding the Migrant Crisis – Sarajevo Times

Mufti of Biha Hafiz Mehmed ef. Kudi received yesterday Mirsad Buzar, Deputy Director of the Service for Foreigners Affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Mufti Kudi and Deputy Director Buzar discussed current developments regarding the migrant crisis and the organization of religious life for the migrant population, as well as other current issues within the scope of activities of the institutions they represent.

I am grateful to the Deputy Director of the Service for Foreigners Affairs, Mr. Mirsad Buzar, for his visit and the information he conveyed to us about the current situation in the Lipa camp. From the very beginning of the migrant crisis, the Islamic community has played a progressive role and has helped in various ways to alleviate the humanitarian crisis and to support the organizations in charge of distributing aid to this population, said Mufti Kudi.

At the request of institutions and organizations, we constantly responded to provide what they asked of us, and what was needed for the realization of religious activities of migrants. We told the Deputy Director that we in no way want the mosques to be used for any other purpose than as prayer spaces at the exact time indicated. I am glad that state institutions support our views on this. I am especially satisfied with the fact that state institutions have become more actively involved in this process and that they will manage this crisis in full capacity in the coming period, said Mufti Kudi, the Biha Muftis Office announced.

Buzar added that the Service would provide a space for social activities of migrants in the Lipa camp, and a space for religious activities was planned within that space.

We are grateful to the Islamic Community for supporting us in that sense and helping us to provide adequate conditions for religious activities for migrants, who express a desire for that, said Deputy Buzar.

Currently, there are more than 900 migrants in the reception center Lipa near Biha. Last Friday, more than 120 migrants prayed the Jumuah prayer in this camp.

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Kudic and Buzar discussed Developments regarding the Migrant Crisis - Sarajevo Times

Liberal and Realist Explanations of Merkel’s "Open-Door Policy" During the 2015 Refugee Crisis – Inquiries Journal

During the 2015 refugee crisis Chancellor Angela Merkel allowed refugees to enter Germany in unprecedented numbers. Her historic decision to adapt the so-called open-door policy continues to shape contemporary German politics. More precisely, it will likely define Merkels legacy and political future. This article analyzes her decision through two major IR theories: liberalism and realism. It aims to contribute to the disciplines understanding of the open-door policy by assessing what each theory can explain well and less well. While the article analyzes the decision through competing IR theories, it does not suggest that one theory is more suitable to explain the event. It rather concludes that each theory explains Merkels refugee response differently and is able to better explain some aspects of her decision than others. Thus, the article highlights the importance and significance of analyzing a global political event through multiple lenses (i.e. IR theories).

During the height of the 2015 European refugee crisis, Germanys chancellor Angela Merkel decided to allow refugees, mostly from Syria, Afghanistan, and Iraq, who had arrived at the German border through the so called Balkan-Route, to enter the country. Nearly one million refugees arrived in Germany during that year. Merkels decision is commonly referred to as implementing an open-door policy. At the time, the move was applauded as humanitarian by the public, media, and politicians across the political spectrum. However, years later, despite the refugee intake having declined significantly, the decision has arisen to define not only Merkels legacy but her political future. More precisely, the issue of refugee intake and immigration assimilation has become the main topic of political discourse in Germany. Merkels government coalition (grand-coalition), based on her partys alliance with the CSU, has been on the brink of collapse multiple times over disagreements on immigration. Several members of her own party, including members of her cabinet, remain opposed to her stance on immigration and have repeatedly threatened to bring her 15-yearlong chancellorship to an end. Furthermore, her open-door policy allowed the right-wing and anti-immigration party Alternative fr Deutschland to rise to political significance, fueling the growing polarization of Germanys society and politics (McAuley & Noack, 2018).

Due to the continuous weight of Chancellor Merkels 2015 decision, explaining the dynamics behind it remains relevant. In other words, analyzing her open-door policy implementation is crucial because understanding the decision is a key component of explaining international relations and state behavior. Furthermore, it will assist in conceptualizing the legal as well as ethical obligations states have to both refugees and their own citizens. However, how do we best analyze the decision, its origins, and its consequences. More precisely, can different IR theories explain different aspects of it. Can a certain theory see things that another might not be able to?

Accordingly, the article analyses Merkels decision to allow refugees into Germany through the two major IR theories: liberalism and realism. Using texts written by the most prominent liberal and realist IR scholars as well as secondary readings, it attempts to explain her implementation of the open-door policy. While this article will draw from multiple authors of liberal and realist IR theory, it will not discuss how Merkels policy is seen through individual scholars explanations. In other words, a generic liberal and realist framework and its main assumptions which have been developed and are widely agreed upon by the discipline will be used to analyze the 2015 decision. While an analysis of individual scholars would certainly be a valuable contribution to the discipline, it would go beyond the scope of this article.

Through the relevant and contemporary case study open-door policy, this article highlights how a global event can be interpreted vastly different, if analyzed through competing IR theories. In other words, I expect that liberal and realist IR theory can explain certain parts of the decision well and others less well. More precisely, realist theory might be better in explaining aspects associated with power, rationality, national interest, and considerations of sovereignty. Contrary, liberal theorys focus on international cooperation and its study of the individual as the basic unit of political life can provide an explanation of Merkels ethical and normative considerations as well as the role of the European Union during the refugee crisis. However, while the two theories come to competing conclusions on the dynamics underlying Merkels decision, I do not suggest that one theory is more suitable than the other to explain the event. In other words, neither liberalism nor realism offer a superior explanation of the decision. Each theory just explains Merkels refugee response differently and might better explain some aspects of her decision than others.

I begin by evaluating the implementation of the open-door policy through a liberal lens. Afterwards I focus my attention on realist theory and its explanations of the decision. Each part commences with a short description of the major principles of the respective theory. Following, I analyze in greater detail what part of Merkels refugee response the theory can explain well and less well. The article concludes by discussing the similarities and differences of each approach, highlighting each theories strengths and weaknesses.

Liberal IR theory, also often referred to as idealism, focuses its analysis on the individual as the basic unit of political life. State-power is derived from individuals, who are acting independently through a social contract. Thus, the population as well as domestic policy shape states, who consequently behave differently on the international level. While states are rational actors, they are increasingly interdependent, e.g. though trade. Even though liberal scholars believe that the international system is anarchic, they share the central and optimistic outlook that state cooperation for mutual benefit is possible. Hence, change, progress, and peace in the international system is achievable. Moreover, natural laws and justices, which proceed the sovereign, exist. Liberalism suggests, that some institutions and values are normatively better, namely liberty, equality, autonomy, individual freedom, and private property. Accordingly, these values need to be protected and advanced. This can be achieved through the spread of democracy, the rule of law, and institutions. Hence, liberal thought gives considerable attention to international organizations and international law (Matthews, 2017).

To understand Merkels open-door policy we must first explain in what kind of international structure Germany operates and makes policy decisions. Liberal theory demonstrates particular strengths in such analysis. Its focus on cooperation and international organizations allows us to understand the emergence and continuing existence of the European Union. As a project of integration and collaboration, it provides an important starting point of such analysis. Peace and progress are indeed possible, highlighting a core assumption of liberal theory. In other words, the context and structure in which Germany is forced to respond to the refugee crisis can be explained well by liberalism. Furthermore, Germany, as a member of the EU and the international community, has agreed to follow universally accepted rules and definition for asylum seekers. Accordingly, Germany and the EU have a legal and moral obligation to assist refugees in their attempt to claim asylum. Thus, it is important to note not just the humanitarian aspects behind Merkels decision, but the weight the international structure and its organizations (including its rules and norms) have on German state behavior. Furthermore, international legal constraints prevent states from enacting certain policy options when responding to a refugee crisis. More precisely, according to liberal theory, due to Germanys membership to the international community, the country cannot act entirely sovereign but is expected to respond to the refugee crisis based on agreed upon norms and rules. Thus, a sovereign above the state exists, defining the legal and ethical obligations a state has not just to its own citizens but to asylum seekers (Betts, 2015).

A refugee crisis is foremost a humanitarian crisis. Thus, state behavior in response to such crises should not be guided by considerations of power but by universal norms and values. Liberal theory further suggests that some values are normatively better than others (Gibney, 1999). Merkel herself framed her decision to implement an open-door policy on normative and humanitarian grounds. Thus, liberalism is well suited to explain the moral and ethical considerations of Germanys refugee response. The theory successfully highlights how Merkels attempt to act based on European norms, was an effort to advance and protect those values (i.e. liberalism, tolerance, solidarity). Trying to show that Europes ideals are valid also in difficult times, she passionately defended her stance: If we start having to apologize for showing a friendly face in emergencies, then this is not my country (The Economist, 2015). Furthermore, she tirelessly urged other EU countries to show more international cooperation, responsibility, and solidarity. Doing so, she directly linked the EUs refugee response to Europes identity and its liberal interpretation of human rights: If Europe fails on the question of refugees, if the close link with universal civil rights is broken, then it wont be the Europe we wished for (Eddy, 2015). Accordingly, it is obvious that the refugee crisis and Germanys response to it can only be fully explained if considering normative and humanitarian aspects. That is why liberal theory is more suitable than other IR theories to shed light on such considerations.

Moreover, the liberal focus on the individual as a basic unit of political life allows an analysis of the decision conceptualizing Merkel as an individual. Even though leaders are acting in unique political environments, the role of their personality (i.e. background, beliefs, motives, personal characteristics) in decision making deserves particular attention (Sprout, 1956). During the 2015 refugee crisis, Merkel relied on her own individual policy preferences which were mostly motivated by humanitarian concerns and personal beliefs (Mushaben, 2017). Where do these values and beliefs originate from? Much attention in the literature has been given to Merkels own past, living under a communist regime. There is little doubt that her background of growing up in East Germany has significant impact on her political ideology as well as her decision making, namely her humanitarian response to the refugee crisis. Stefan Kornelius, the author of Merkels authorized biography, argues that one cannot understand Merkels political life without considering her background: The mystery that is Merkel, has its roots in that doomed republic (Kundnani, 2016). Merkel herself cited her experiences of living in East Germany as a core principle of her stance on migration. Criticizing the lack of solidarity in the EU and the national isolation of member countries during a summit in Brussels in October 2015, she tuned to Hungarian Prime Minister Victor Orban: I lived behind a fence for too long [] to now wish for those times to return (ibidem). To the people close to Merkel, it is clear that her decision to implement an open-door policy during the 2015 refugee crisis was based on humanitarian grounds. Her autobiographer Kornelius concludes: Angela Merkel shows a lot of understanding for people who flee from war and despair. There is no moral questioning of her motives (Lebor, 2015).

However, Chancellor Merkel was only able to implement an open-door policy because of the normative resonance between international and domestic levels in Germany. Liberal theorys attention to the impact of domestic policy on state behavior provides a compelling description of Merkels refugee response. Domestic and social factors were a central factor in the decision because they significantly influence Germanys state behavior in the international system. In other words, the state was only able to react in a humanitarian manner because of circumstances and dynamics within Germany. The country had not only the economic strength to take in a large number of refugees but a civil society who was in agreement with the decision and willing to assist in its implementation. Additionally, Merkel was on her height of power during the summer of 2015. More precisely, she knew that her institutional and political power would be able to legitimize and back her decision (idem: 46). Her unchallenged power in combination with the initial support of the German population which welcomed refugees into the country, allowed Merkel to hold a strong pro-migrant stance during the refugee crisis. There is no doubt, that Germanys history and its considerable experience of benefiting from the kindness of strangers played a part in the embracement of refugees. The world sees Germany as a country of hope and opportunity, that was not always the case, Merkel explained the significance of welcoming refugees into the country (Eddy, 2015). Moreover, civil societys importance in assisting and making up for gaps in state efforts were unquestioned. Even though the German population had no agency in the policy decision of the state, its support was crucial in providing legitimacy (Funk, 2016: 293.)

All of the mentioned dynamics within Germany are relevant in explaining the states refugee response. Liberal theory is able to see them and explain its impact on state behavior in the international system. Thats why the theory provides a unique analysis of the refugee crisis, explaining many aspects well which might be overlooked by other IR theories. However, analyzing Germanys refugee response through liberal theory also has limitations. Its focus on normative considerations and sensitivity to human security makes it easy to neglect German aspirations of power in the international system. Furthermore, its emphasis on international organizations and cooperation might lead to inattention to issues of sovereignty during the refugee crisis. Likewise, it is possible that we miss one of the core aspect of German state behavior (i.e. self-interest) when focusing too narrowly on the impact of domestic policy and the individual as a basic unit of political life.

After exploring the refugee crisis through a liberal lens, I will now turn my attention to realism, examining what the theory is able to explain well and less well. Are there key aspects of Germanys refugee response which only realist IR theory can explain?

At its core, realism suggests that no justice can exist before the sovereign and that the state of nature in the international system is a state of war. Because the international system is a state system, scholarly focus should be on individual independent states. Hence, sovereignty plays a key part in realist theory. Moreover, the international system is anarchic, making war always possible while peace is not. No sovereign to control an anarchic system exists. Accordingly, states cannot rely on one another, making cooperation and progress impossible. Due to their lack of sovereignty, international organizations, NGOs, and transnational corporations have less power in the international system and thus should be given little attention by IR scholars. States on the other hand are rational actors which act based on their national interest. Realism aims to be a theory of objective analysis. In other words, its goal is to observe and conceptualize rather than being used to advocate for change in the international system. However, two of the most prominent realist scholars, Morgenthau and Waltz, differ in their approach. Morgenthau focuses his analysis exclusively on the state and explains outcomes through the actions of sovereign states. His so-called classical realism perceives states as power maximisers and the driver of insecurity being human nature. In Waltzs structural realism, the international system is the level of analysis and the structure itself does the explanatory work. The international system is anarchic precisely because of its structure and thus states are forced to be security maximisers (Morgenthau, 1946 & Waltz, 1979).

While it is certainly true that the EU as an international institution was meant to foster cooperation between member states, realism can explain well why that did not occur during the refugee crisis. Sovereign states were the entities reacting to the crisis because in times of emergencies states always act in their self-interest. Moreover, they do not follow normative considerations, particularly when they derive from international institutions not domestic ones. The EU itself is lacking a strong sovereign leader and hence could not consolidate a singular position. When discussing the refugee crisis, member states followed realist principles and preferred to maintain their sovereignty (Hellman, 2016: 4). Some realist scholars like Waltz go even further, arguing that because of the European Unions lack of sovereignty it is of no interest to IR: Europe will only become interesting when it forms a genuinely unified sovereign country (idem: 5). The refugee crisis could have brought European integration, but it did the opposite, precisely because member states wanted to vigorously keep their sovereignty. Thus, realism is well suited to contextualize the lack of European cooperation in response to the crisis as well as the erosion of the EU. Founded on shared principles and values (i.e. tolerance, human rights, solidarity) the project was doomed to fail because of the anarchy of the international system and the unfeasibility of cooperation. No realist is surprised that the international community and the EU were unable and unwilling to respond collectively to the worst refugee crisis since WW II. Even Jean-Claude Juncker, the President of the European Commission, resented the inability of the European Union to respond to the crisis at a panel discussion in Rome: In former times, we were working together []. This has totally gone. While proponents of the EU might argue that the refugee crisis was a singular incident highlighting a lack of willingness to work together, realism suggests that the envisioned cooperation was never feasible in the first place. One example which emphasizes that international cooperation does not work in the long-term is the suspension of the Schengen agreement during the refugee crisis. Furthermore, the European Union is facing historic challenges: the increasing support of far-right parties, historic unemployment in some member states, Brexit, and a persistent questioning of European identity and values. According to realism, none of these challenges can be solved through international cooperation. In the contrary, they might even be a result of an international organization which acts on normative grounds without any form of sovereignty. Any organization which lacks legitimacy and the ability to act in concert can only be described as weak. Even threats of the EU to withhold EU transfers to member countries not taking in their fair share of refugees had virtually no impact (Funk, 2016: 295). That is why during the refugee crisis Germany was forced to respond as a sovereign state without putting any trust into the assistance of other states or the institutions of the European Union. Hence, Merkels attempt to work towards a European solution was not only naive but impossible to achieve in an anarchic international system (Hellmann, 2016: 15).

Realism suggests that states always act based on their self-interest to strengthen and increase their power. Thus, Merkels refugee response could have been underlined by just that, Germanys national interest. It can be explained as an attempt to solidify its leadership in Europe. Germanys response to the refugee crisis reinforced Chancellor Merkels image as the leader of Europe. In the months after the decision to implement an open-border policy, she was even frequently called the leader of the free world by the international media. Following the decision, Germany was perceived as becoming a global player, increasing its power in the international system (Steinmeier, 2016). However, it is important to note that this understanding of power is more sensitive to human security and based on moral humanitarian action not military strength. Thus, it stands in sharp contrast to a realist definition of power. Nevertheless, realist theory provides a compelling explanation of Germanys push for an EU-wide solidarity solution to the refugee crisis. It might have been an attempt to strengthen the countrys leadership in the region and to mold European institutions, processes, and decisions to serve its interest and preferences (Hellmann, 2016: 9).

Furthermore, Germanys refugee response can be explained by examining not only the countrys economic capabilities but its potential economic gains from implementing an open-door policy. Germany desperately needs migrants to fill a growing shortage in the workforce due to an aging population and chronically low birthrates. Projections by Eurostat, the statistical office of the EU, suggest that Germanys population will decline from 82 million to 65.4 million by 2080 (Lebor, 2015). Thus, Merkels response to the refugee crisis might have little to do with humanitarian concerns but the countrys long-term economic interests. In other words, it was the rational response to the crisis because the positive economic ramifications outweighed the costs. Because of it, Germany would acquire additional material capabilities and power, in terms of labor force and population. According to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, 40% of Syrian refugees entering Europe at the time were university educated (idem). While Merkel never explicitly referred to the economic benefit of welcoming refugees, she argued that her decision would be in Germanys long-term interest if shaped so that it grows into something that is of benefit to us all (Connolly, 2015). Thus, the sharp reversal of policy in regard to Germanys refugee response was only possible because it was in alignment with the countrys national interest.

Moreover, realist theory provides a suitable explanation why Merkel called for a European solution to the crisis while defying European regulations as well as striking bilateral treaties with individual EU member countries, namely, Spain, Italy, and Greece. According to the EU Dublin III agreement, every refugees asylum claim has to be processed in the EU member country in which he/she first arrives. However, Merkel suspended the agreement on August 24, allowing all refugees who arrived in Europe to enter Germany. Whether her decision was grounded on humanitarian grounds or national interest is irrelevant. Important to note is, that she found Germanys sovereignty to exceed any international agreement, constituting a core realist assumption. Additionally, the Dublin agreement in itself can hardly be described as a product of solidarity and international cooperation as it pushes the burden onto the Mediterranean EU member states where nearly all refugees first arrive. Thus, it is reasonable to conclude that Germany valued its sovereignty more than any international agreement and that the suspension of the Dublin rule was in the countrys self-interest.

Furthermore, once Germanys willingness to accept refugees diminished, Merkel was instrumental in negotiating international treaties on the behalf of the EU to prevent further migration into Europe. Most notably, Merkel and the EU signed a treaty with Turkeys President Erdogan to prevent refugees from entering the EU through Greece. Turkey would monitor its coastline to avert further refugee migration into Europe and admit rejected asylum seekers from Greece. In return, Erdogan would receive six billion euros for the care of refugees and a pledge from the EU that it would consider visa free EU entry for Turks. This deal with an increasingly repressive leader on the back of refugees can hardly be explained normatively. However, realisms focus on power, security, and self-interest offers a rational for such agreement. Precisely, it was in the interest of Germany to prevent and discourage further refugees from taking a journey to the EU. With that goal in mind, there was no room for normative or humanitarian considerations (Funk, 2016: 290).

Realism offers a thorough and compelling explanation of Germanys response to the refugee crisis. It was in Germanys national interest to welcome refugees, because it would solidify its leadership in Europe and be of economic benefit. Moreover, the European Union and international cooperation should be neglected in the analysis as it had little to no impact on Merkels refugee response. Realism is well suited to explain why the international community failed to respond collectively. Furthermore, Germanys attempt to maintain its sovereignty played a key role in its policy considerations during the refugee crisis. Nevertheless, while realist IR theory provides a convincing explanation, significant shortcomings are visible. The theory is unable to make normative considerations, which is inadequate when analyzing a refugee crisis which is at its core a humanitarian crisis. Additionally, realism fails to see domestic factors within Germany which allowed Merkel to make the decision to implement an open-door policy.

After analyzing Germanys response to the 2015 refugee crisis through a liberal and realist lens, this article will conclude by contrasting each theorys findings. More precisely, it will outline each theorys strength and weaknesses, assessing what it can explain well and less well.

There is no doubt that the 2015 refugee crisis was a defining moment for Germanys position in the international system and Chancellor Merkels political future and legacy. However, liberalism and realism offer different explanations for Germanys response to the crisis. Liberal theory is well suited to highlight the moral and humanitarian considerations, while realism is unable to see any such concerns. Furthermore, both theories offer an explanation for the role of the European Union. However, while liberalism explains aspects of international cooperation and international norms and rules well, realisms strengths are in conceptualizing the lack of a unified European response to the refugee crisis. Moreover, realism provides a compelling analysis of issues linked to EU member states understanding of sovereignty. Nevertheless, realist theory is unable to see any factors within Germany which might have influenced the decision to implement an open-door policy. Chancellor Merkels individual policy preferences and her own beliefs, characteristics, and background can only be seen through a liberal analysis.

Liberalism and realism are both well suited to examine Germanys response to the 2015 refugee response. While they come to different conclusions on the dynamics behind Merkels decision, they are equally valid to offer an explanation. In other words, each theory can see some aspects well and others less well. Thus, this article highlights the importance of analyzing a global event through competing IR theories. Nevertheless, it has limitations due to its lone focus on liberal and realist theory. Future research is advised to examine the 2015 refugee crisis through other IR theories, including non-traditional ones (i.e. post-colonial, feminist). Moreover, an analysis of Germanys refugee response through the literature of individual IR scholars theoretical frameworks could offer additional interesting insight.

Betts, Alexander. The Normative Terrain of the Global Refugee Regime. Ethics & International Affairs, Vol. 29 (4), 2015: 363-375.

Connolly, Kate. Refugee crisis: Germany creaks under strain of open door policy. The Guardian, 8 October 2015.

Eddy, Melissa. Angela Merkel Calls for European Unity to Address Migrant Influx. The New York Times, 31 August 2015.

Funk, Nanette. A spectre in Germany: refugees, a welcome culture and an integration politics. Journal of Global Ethics, 14 December 2016: 289-299.

Gibney, Matthew J. Liberal democratic states and responsibilities to refugees. The American Political Science Review, Vol. 93 (1), 1999.

Hellmann, Gunther. Germanys world: power and followership in a crisis-ridden Europe. Journal of Global Affairs, 11 May 2016: 3-20.

Kornelius, Stefan. Angela Merkel: The Authorized Biography. (London: Alma Books Ltd, 2014).

Kundnani, Hans. Angela Merkel: enigmatic leader of a divided land. The Guardian, 13 March 2016.

Laegaard, Sune. Misplaced idealism and incoherent realism in the philosophy of the refugee crisis. Journal of Global Ethics, 14 December 2016: 269-278.

Lebor, Adam. Angela Merkel: Europes Conscience in the Face of a Refugee Crisis. Newsweek Magazine, 5 September 2015.

Matthews, Elizabeth G. & Callaway, Rhonda L. Liberalism in International Relations Theory: A Primer. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017).

Morgenthau, Hans (1946). A Realist Theory of International Politics. (New York: Routledge, 2014).

McAuley, James and Noack, Rick. What you need to know about Germanys immigration crisis. The Washington Post, 3 July 2018.

Mushaben, Joyce Marie. Angela Merkels Leadership in the Refugee Crisis. Current History, Vol. 116 (788), March 2017: 95-100.

Ostrand, Nicole. The Syrian Refugee Crisis: A Comparison of Responses by Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Journal on Migration and Human Security, Vol. 3 (3), 2015: 255-279.

Sprout, Harald and Sprout, Margaret. Man-Milieu Relations Hypothesis in the Context of International Politics. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1956).

Steinmeier, Frank-Walter. Germanys New Global Role: Berlin Steps Up. Foreign Affairs, Vol. 95 (4), 2016.

The Economist Group Limited. Merkel at Her Limit. The Economist, 10 October 2015.

Waltz, Kenneth (1979). Realist Thought and Neorealist Theory. (New York: Routledge, 2014).

Betts, Alexander. The Normative Terrain of the Global Refugee Regime. Ethics & International Affairs, Vol. 29 (4), 2015: 363-375.

Connolly, Kate. Refugee crisis: Germany creaks under strain of open door policy. The Guardian, 8 October 2015.

Eddy, Melissa. Angela Merkel Calls for European Unity to Address Migrant Influx. The New York Times, 31 August 2015.

Funk, Nanette. A spectre in Germany: refugees, a welcome culture and an integration politics. Journal of Global Ethics, 14 December 2016: 289-299.

Gibney, Matthew J. Liberal democratic states and responsibilities to refugees. The American Political Science Review, Vol. 93 (1), 1999.

Hellmann, Gunther. Germanys world: power and followership in a crisis-ridden Europe. Journal of Global Affairs, 11 May 2016: 3-20.

Kornelius, Stefan. Angela Merkel: The Authorized Biography. (London: Alma Books Ltd, 2014).

Kundnani, Hans. Angela Merkel: enigmatic leader of a divided land. The Guardian, 13 March 2016.

Laegaard, Sune. Misplaced idealism and incoherent realism in the philosophy of the refugee crisis. Journal of Global Ethics, 14 December 2016: 269-278.

Lebor, Adam. Angela Merkel: Europes Conscience in the Face of a Refugee Crisis. Newsweek Magazine, 5 September 2015.

Matthews, Elizabeth G. & Callaway, Rhonda L. Liberalism in International Relations Theory: A Primer. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2017).

Morgenthau, Hans (1946). A Realist Theory of International Politics. (New York: Routledge, 2014).

McAuley, James and Noack, Rick. What you need to know about Germanys immigration crisis. The Washington Post, 3 July 2018.

Mushaben, Joyce Marie. Angela Merkels Leadership in the Refugee Crisis. Current History, Vol. 116 (788), March 2017: 95-100.

Ostrand, Nicole. The Syrian Refugee Crisis: A Comparison of Responses by Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Journal on Migration and Human Security, Vol. 3 (3), 2015: 255-279.

Sprout, Harald and Sprout, Margaret. Man-Milieu Relations Hypothesis in the Context of International Politics. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1956).

Steinmeier, Frank-Walter. Germanys New Global Role: Berlin Steps Up. Foreign Affairs, Vol. 95 (4), 2016.

The Economist Group Limited. Merkel at Her Limit. The Economist, 10 October 2015.

Waltz, Kenneth (1979). Realist Thought and Neorealist Theory. (New York: Routledge, 2014).

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Liberal and Realist Explanations of Merkel's "Open-Door Policy" During the 2015 Refugee Crisis - Inquiries Journal

Biden Inherits Family Separation Crisis From Trump – The New York Times

I can hardly wait for the day when I will wake up from this nightmare, said Xiomara, 34, who spoke on condition that she be identified only by her first name because of security concerns.

One of her last acts of motherhood was to bathe and dress her daughter, after being told by border officials that Briselda, then 8, would be taken away. She said she watched helplessly as officials escorted Briselda to join a line of children, most of them crying, who were waiting to board a van bound for the airport.

For her daughters safety, Xiomara said she had preferred that Briselda remain in the United States with family rather than return to her in El Salvador. They are in regular contact over WhatsApp, she said, but the distance has taken an emotional toll, and Xiomara has battled depression and recently started seeing a therapist.

Others continue to suffer repercussions despite being reunited.

Fifteen days passed before Oscar, an immigrant from Honduras who was locked up in McAllen, Texas, heard from his son, Daniel, then 8, from whom he had been separated.

I felt mad. I was going crazy, recalled Oscar, 35, who spoke on condition that he be identified only by his middle name.

On a tearful call, his son told him he was staying in a shelter in Houston. Father and son were reunited after 33 days, thanks to a judges order, and they moved to Charlotte, N.C.

Since then, Oscar has been grappling with how to help his son, whom he described as not the same boy since we were separated. Daniel runs away whenever he sees someone in police uniform and wakes up screaming at night, Oscar said.

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Biden Inherits Family Separation Crisis From Trump - The New York Times

Two years on: Hope in the midst of heartache – Venezuela Crisis Response Report 2019-2020 – Colombia – ReliefWeb

Leaders Message

The COVID-19 pandemic is ravaging the world physically, emotionally, and economically. And Latin America has been hit particularly hard. Migrant and refugee populations are feeling it the worst especially the children among them. Hunger and hardship reign as living conditions deteriorate for millions of families.

As of November 2020, nearly 5.5 million Venezuelans have ed the country seeking food, work, protection, and a more stable life. And about 7 million people inside Venezuela need humanitarian assistance. A recent World Vision survey of Venezuelan children in seven countries revealed that one in three of them goes to bed hungry. For those living in Brazil, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Chile and Venezuela, a lack of food and basic hygiene supplies, the fear of being evicted, and the absence of education is their everyday reality. We believe that restoring hope to the most vulnerable is the key to reversing this tragic trend of poverty and heartache brought on by societal collapse and a global pandemic.

Our multi-country response to the Venezuela crisis, Hope Without Borders, has brought hope to more than 455,000 Venezuelans and host-community residents since January 2019. Over the past two years, more than 115 World Vision staff and countless partners, community leaders, and volunteers expanded our response from one to six host countries and registered and grew our presence in Venezuela. The global response remains one of the least-funded crises in the world$648 million (U.S.) received of $1.4 billion required. For our part, World Vision has managed to nearly triple our budget from about $12 Million in 2019 to almost $34 million in 2020.

This report is testimony of the effectiveness of collaboration to ease the burden for and bring hope to those suffering most in this crisis. It is also proof of the overwhelming needs still at hand. The backbone of our work in Venezuela is the collaboration with Faith-Based Organizations (FBOs). In the midst of institutional failure, churches and other FBOs act as lifelines close to the needs of the most vulnerable.

Well-intentioned efforts to help struggling families endure this double crisis and break out of the cycle of poverty must be met with serious funding commitments by donors, private and public alike. As you read the following pages highlighting two years of impact by World Visions Venezuela Crisis Response, we hope you will be moved to walk with us to continue to bring hope to the most vulnerable children and families caught up in the Venezuela crisis.

Joao Diniz,Regional Leader World Vision Latin America

Fabiano Franz,Director World Visions Venezuela Migrant and Refugee Crisis Response

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Two years on: Hope in the midst of heartache - Venezuela Crisis Response Report 2019-2020 - Colombia - ReliefWeb

Tegeltija: BiH unjustifiably bears a too heavy Burden of the Migrant Crisis – Sarajevo Times

Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina Zoran Tegeltija talked yesterday with the Special Representative for Migration and Refugees of the Secretary-General of the Council of Europe Drahoslav Stefanek about the current situation in BiH in the context of overcoming the migrant crisis.

Stefanek informed Tegeltija about previously held meetings, as well as his visits to migrant camps, emphasizing that the situation on the ground is significantly better compared to his findings based on media reports.

On this occasion, Chairman Tegeltija pointed out that BiH, as one of the countries particularly affected by the migrant crisis from the last quarter of 2017, pointing to the need for greater European Union solidarity on this issue.

The interlocutors agreed that greater coordination and joint cooperation of all relevant institutions and security agencies in the region would significantly contribute to improving the solution of the issue of illegal migration.

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Tegeltija: BiH unjustifiably bears a too heavy Burden of the Migrant Crisis - Sarajevo Times

With new suite of immigration Executive Orders, Biden is restoring humanity and competence to Americas asylum system – International Rescue Committee

New York, NY, February 2, 2021 The International Rescue Committee (IRC) welcomes the news today that President Joe Biden has signed multiple Executive Orders (EO) outlining a vision for renewed humanitarian focus seeking to reverse Trump-era immigration policies which needlessly criminalized asylum-seekers, separated families and damaged the US long-standing role and bipartisan tradition of providing safe haven for the worlds most vulnerable. The IRC applauds the Biden administrations measures, including:

Hans van de Weerd, Vice President for Resettlement, Asylum and Integration of the International Rescue Committee, said: With 80 million forcibly displaced people worldwide and counting-- the largest number since the Second World War-- restoring a humane and competent asylum system is absolutely indispensable. The past four years of the Trump Administration were a lesson in how not to tackle this crisis humanely and competently, cruelly separating families and penalizing them for fleeing violence and persecution, and strong-arming countries in Central America already in the midst of humanitarian emergencies. The Biden-Harris Administrations latest suite of executive orders are a moral necessity and a return to US traditions -- and a visible example of the values-based domestic and foreign policy to which the Administration has committed itself.

We look forward to continued reform of an unsafe, unfair and broken asylum system which has caused incredible and unnecessary damage to thousands of lives and the US legacy. We equally look forward to an immediate increase in the number of refugees allowed into America this year, an increase to a minimum of 125,000 in FY22, alongside continued policies for diplomacy and development that tackle displacement crises at their source.

About the IRC

The International Rescue Committee responds to the worlds worst humanitarian crises, helping to restore health, safety, education, economic wellbeing, and power to people devastated by conflict and disaster. Founded in 1933 at the call of Albert Einstein, the IRC is at work in over 40 countries and over 20 U.S. citieshelping people to survive, reclaim control of their future, and strengthen their communities.Learn more at http://www.rescue.org and follow the IRC on Twitter & Facebook.

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With new suite of immigration Executive Orders, Biden is restoring humanity and competence to Americas asylum system - International Rescue Committee

Britain should welcome Hongkongers, but not the ‘good migrant’ narrative – The Guardian

Ministers swell with pride as they speak of profound ties of history and friendship, while polling shows that a substantial majority of Britons are in favour and newspaper headlines are overwhelmingly positive.

Immigration has always been a contentious issue in Britain. So why, as the UK opens a path to citizenship for millions of Hong Kong residents, is it different this time?

Hong Kong Chinese are seen as a model minority, successors to the status of Ugandan Asians: a thrifty, entrepreneurial and family-oriented community who will skimp to send their children to private schools and boost Britains economic fortunes, while quietly demonstrating that other ethnic minorities could be equally successful if they worked a little harder.

Journalists have been briefed that Priti Patel, daughter of Ugandan Asians, sees this as personal, and a headline in the Times made the link explicit: Hong Kong crisis: Ugandan Asians offer golden example.

Britain is doing the right thing. But the good migrant narrative coalescing around the Hong Kong Chinese is risky for them as well as for other British people of colour.

The impulses behind this narrative combine the imperial nostalgia that helped power Brexit, an importing of US conservative politics, and a racialised caricature of why the Asian tiger economies Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore and South Korea have been so successful.

First, the imperial element. Hong Kongs achievement is seen as an extension of empire, based on the attractions of the English language and rule of law. As the Adam Smith Institute fellow Sam Bowman put it: under British rule, it enjoyed property rights and the rule of law, which made it a magnet for Chinese refugees fleeing the communist regime.

There is a grain of truth in this account, though it ignores the crucial geographic and economic facts that underpin Hong Kongs position today. The territory is the conduit between global capital and Chinas largely closed financial system. This role will continue to fuel Hong Kongs economy even if many of its people leave for Britain, and it is not a business they can export with them.

Both Hong Kong and Singapore adapted elements of their colonial heritage and made them work for their economic benefit. Both places have also deployed colonial laws to repress their people. Last September, the Hong Kong democracy activist Tam Tak-chi, a former radio presenter known as Fast Beat, was charged under a sedition law, the Crimes Ordinance, brought in by the British to curb dissent. If were going to remember imperial history, lets do so in full.

Second, being generous to Hongkongers neatly complements the Conservative partys new obsession, a hawkish attitude to China. The China Research Group, launched last year by a group of Conservative MPs, makes valid criticisms of Chinas human rights abuses and Beijings cavalier attitude to international law. But the launch of this group is also a signal of a pricklier and more combative turn in British conservative attitudes to Beijing, echoing the hostility to China in US Republican circles.

Third, there is a simplified version of the tigers story that emphasises the natural abilities of hardworking people allied to Confucian culture. This is a modern-day version of old-fashioned stereotypes about colonial races.

In 1915, an Australian management consultant who had just toured factories in an Asian country fretted about the quality of its workforce. The workers, he concluded, were a very satisfied easy-going race who reckon time is no object. The country in question was Japan, and the story, told in Ha Joon Changs Bad Samaritans, is a reminder of the fluidity of the cultural narratives we use to explain the world.

The success of places like Hong Kong and Singapore has to do with effective governance and astute economic policy decisions, such as containerising their ports earlier than competitor nations and focusing on export-oriented industrialisation. Harnessing the talent and efforts of their labour force is a part of this story. But this, too, is a consequence of policy rather than innate genius. An exceptional education is part of the answer here: Hong Kong, Singapore and South Korea all rank among the highest-performing school systems in the world, according to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.

Hongkongers will reshape our societies in ways that we cant predict. Postwar Commonwealth migration, including the arrival of Ugandan Asians, helped bring about a reckoning with race relations that sought to tackle Britains deep-seated racism. More recently, eastern European migration was exploited to drum up anti-EU sentiment.

One of my closest friends is the son of migrants from Hong Kong and Singapore. His Hong Kong Chinese mother fulfilled one part of the immigrant dream by working as a nurse to put her son through the best (private) education she could afford. She was baffled, to put it mildly, when my friend pursued an erratic career as a film-maker and visual artist rather than choose a more secure and lucrative profession.

The point of this anecdote is that people are people, with all of the complex desires and varied talents that this implies. It is risky to assume that an infusion of Hong Kong migration will give Britain an entrepreneurial rocket boost. Worse, a handful of cherrypicked success stories could easily become a stick to beat others with.

Hongkongers seeking a new life in Britain are not economic assets. The reason to welcome them is, simply, because it is just. And their freedom should include the freedom to be a slacker.

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Britain should welcome Hongkongers, but not the 'good migrant' narrative - The Guardian

Police searched my baby’s nappy’: migrant families on the perilous Balkan route – The Guardian

An Afghan girl pulls her baby sister along in a pram through the mud and snow. Saman is six and baby Darya is 10 months old. They and their family have been pushed back into Bosnia 11 times by the Croatian police, who stripped Darya bare to check if the parents had hidden mobile phones or money in her nappy.

They searched her as though she were an adult. I could not believe my eyes, says Daryas mother, Maryam, 40, limping through the mud and clinging to a stick.

The Guardian followed the journey of Darya and that of dozens of other migrant children who, every day, walk, or are carried on their parents backs through the snowy paths that cross the woods around Bosanska Bojna, the last Bosnian village before the Croatian border, in an attempt to reach an increasingly inhospitable central Europe. Few families are successful. Most of them are stopped by Croatian police, searched, allegedly often robbed and, sometimes violently, pushed back into Bosnia, where, for months, thousands of asylum seekers have been stranded in freezing temperatures, without running water or electricity.

In December, fire destroyed a migrant camp in Bosnia, making the situation worse.

Out of a total of about 8,000 migrants in Bosnia, about 2,000 people are basically left to fend for themselves in abandoned buildings, squats, makeshift settlements and in forests, Nicola Bay, the Danish Refugee Councils Bosnia director, says. These people include families, children and unaccompanied minors that have practically no shelter, no access to basic services and no access to proper healthcare.

According to the council, in 2020 more than 800 children were pushed back by the Croatian authorities, including many under the age of six. The number of families living on the border between Croatia and Bosnia has increased considerably in recent months, and thus the number of children.

Most of those in transit have come from Greece, where a new law approved by Athens last year has stymied the administrative procedures for the recognition of refugee status. Tired of waiting, just when they thought their odyssey had ended, it has pushed many to get back on the road and try to reach the heart of the European Union through the Balkans.

Its very difficult to have a complete overview on the motivations pushing people to leave Greece and move north to the Balkan road to reach other destinations in Europe, says Stephan Oberreit, head of mission at Mdecins Sans Frontires (MSF) in Greece, but its clear that increasing delays in the asylum processes and in family reunification claims, the appalling living conditions, and lack of protection and integration lead people to continue their perilous journeys until they find safety and dignity.

It is a strenuous journey, crossing mountains and snow-covered forests, with virtually no welcoming facilities for migrants. Many of the children of the migrant crisis living in abandoned or destroyed houses in Bosanska Bojna today were born along the route, like Darya, whose name means sea, and who was born in Lesbos before a blaze in September destroyed the Moria camp.

We were tired of waiting for the Greek authorities to consider our asylum application, says Hasan, 52, the father of Darya and her six siblings, who left Kunduz, in northern Afghanistan, a year and a half before. Hasan says that if there had been no war in his country, he would never have found himself in these forests, watching Croatian policemen search Daryas nappy the searching of babies being a common practice, according to the watchdog organisation Border Violence Monitoring Network (BVMN).

Although, in most cases, women and children are not directly subjected to physical violence by the Croatian authorities, they are still subjected to what can be described as psychological violence, abuse and humiliation, a field coordinator for BVMN, says. Women and young girls have reported being searched everywhere by male Croatian police officers. Moreover, there are incidents in which the police have searched childrens clothes or babies nappies, thinking their parents have hidden phones or money.

On 16 October 2019, two Palestinian and Syrian families were stopped near the village of Glina, Croatia, and forced to undress. The children were also searched and the babies diapers had to be removed. They were naked, in the forest, in the middle of the night, one told BVMN. In October, BVMN reported the case of an Afghan mother who described feeling uncomfortable when the male officers touched her body to look for phones and money, and then when an officer stuck his hand into the nappy of her 11-month-old baby boy.

We also have had a significant number of cases of women, some of them underage girls, being forced to strip by the Croatian police, Bay says. Their father is asked to cover them with a blanket. When you listen to their testimonies, they say, Im covering my teenage daughter with a blanket, but theres obviously one part of the blanket where you can see through, because you cant pull it all the way around and theres a policeman standing right there.

Numerous women say they were beaten in front of their children, who were also pushed around.

During the last pushback, my four-year-old son, Milad, asked the police for water, Maryam tells the Guardian. But the Croatians denied him, took him by the shoulder and pushed him away. I tried to react and explain to them that they couldnt do it. Then they kicked me on the back and I rolled to the ground. Today, we will try to cross the border again and inshallah, we hope to make it.

On the road that leads from the Bosanska Bojna valley to the Croatian forest trails, other families leave their shelters and set off again with their entourage of children and strollers. Today, we go for game! yells a smiling six-year-old.

Although there is little fun, the game is what migrants call the crossing from Bosnia into Croatia so that their children see it as a sort of adventure, with the aim of not being caught by the men in black uniforms who hide in the woods. The goal is to reach an elusive place called France, Italy or the UK. In the frost and the mountains, they are encouraged by their parents to play, chasing each other and climbing trees.

But in the late evening, when the children return to their wet and crumbling shelters in Bosanska Bojna, after being pushed back once again by Croatian police, it is easy to see that they did not have fun.

Families including children, the elderly, women and young men who experience this brutality will carry the psychological trauma with them for years, says Maham Hashmi, an MSF humanitarian officer. They will always have in mind that Europe brutalised them instead of protecting them and their right to seek asylum.

The most common mental health issues that we observe among children on the move are related to symptoms of anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress as a result of the violence they have witnessed and that can potentially leave long-term consequences on their mental health, says Tatiana Olivero, a coordinator in Bosnia and Herzegovina for Mdecins du Monde (Doctors of the World). These children have been through highly stressful experiences, such as war and persecution in their country of origin, and have witnessed violence during their path towards Europe, including the abusive treatments imposed on their parents during multiple pushbacks. Some are losing hope for the future and see their childhood denied.

Zohra, 33, a Kabul lawyer and mother of four, says her children are struggling: When we get our things ready for the crossing, my children dont want to go. They cry because they are afraid of being pushed back, or being kicked, like last time.

In 2016, a bomb attack during Ramadan killed her seven-year-old son. His twin, Nourin, now 11, was paralysed on one side of her body. Last November alone in Kabul, a series of bomb attacks launched by insurgents left at least 88 people dead and more than 193 injured. But many European countries continue to repatriate asylum seekers to Afghanistan.

During the lastest attempt at crossing, captured on Guardian cameras, Nourin and her siblings remained hidden for almost an hour in a dried-out ditch at the side of a trail, as two Croatian policemen guarded the area from a hill less than 200 metres away. Zohra and her husband, Ibrahim, later decided this was too much of a risk and not a good time to move on. They will try again tomorrow. During their five-month stay in Bosnia, they have been pushed back 37 times, despite informing the border authorities of their request for asylum.

The pushback record in Bosanska Bojna is held by Fariba Azizi and his three children who, at around 7pm on 22 January returned from the Bosanska Bojna woods after their 54th pushback. When they got back, they found their shelter reduced to rubble: Bosnian special forces that week burned all the informal migrant camps in Bosanska Bojna. According to charities, citizens in the area had protested over the presence of migrants in those places. But mostly the inhabitants of the villages around Bosanska Bojna offer food, blankets and clothing to the migrants. Memories of the war are still fresh in many Bosnians minds. They know all too well what it means to be forced out of their homes.

Of at least eight families the Guardian followed over five days last week, only two managed to cross the border into Croatia. On 28 January, Daryas family informed the Guardian they had made it to Zagreb. It is an important step, but not the last. There are many cases of migrants who reach Croatia and are sent back to Bosnia by the authorities there. The same happens in Slovenia and Italy, where, last week, the court of Rome declared more than 700 pushbacks perpetrated by Italian police in Slovenia illegal.

Pushbacks are illegal, whether they are violent or not, it doesnt matter, says Bay. They fundamentally undermine the right to international protection. Croatian pushbacks are a consequence of EU policy aimed at transferring the responsibility for protecting people outside of the EU. It has become a situation in which member states regularly ignore, circumvent or directly violate EU law, and this has [become] a standard way of managing borders.

The perpetrators need to be held accountable. For member states that dont comply with these measures, there have to be real consequences. There have to be sanctions of some form. Up until now, for years, essentially, there has been impunity for violations of European [Union] laws.

The Croatian ministry of the interior told the Guardian said they will thoroughly investigate the incidents, including alleged violence against children. However, a spokesperson said in order to achieve their goal, migrants are willing to use all means necessary, including bringing their own lives and the lives of their family into danger, knowing that if they find themselves in such a dangerous situation that the Croatian police will save their lives. Likewise, if the Croatian police prevents them in their attempt of illegal entry, they are ready to falsely accuse the same Croatian police of violence and obstruction of access to the system of international protection.

We would like to point out that the Croatian police are authorised to check persons and their luggage in order to find items which may be used to escape, attack or inflict self-harm. This is a legal power, which police officers regularly exercise during their work in order to protect themselves and to establish general security, they added.

In the email, the minister announced that a group of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) intended to visit Croatia to observe the Croatian polices anti-immigration practices.

The delegation of Italian MEPs, belonging to the parliamentary group of Socialists and Democrats (S&D), arrived in Zagabria last Saturday. They decided to visit the Bosnian border area that same day to witness migrants as they make their way into Europe. But their plans were immediately thwarted as Croatian police chased and stopped them just as they reached the check-point at the Bosnian border, sparking a row in Italy.

This is a grave act, without precedent, the MEPs told the guards as the Italian newspaper Avvenire filmed the exchange. Whats beyond that border? What do you want to hide from us?.

Bosanska Bojna, with hundreds of children stranded in the snow, lies just on the other side.

Some names have been changed to protect the privacy of individuals.

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Police searched my baby's nappy': migrant families on the perilous Balkan route - The Guardian

COVID-19 was a big test for UN migration initiatives. Did they succeed? – Open Democracy

During the springtime lockdowns in Europe, a poem-turned-video you clap for me now, went viral. Its message was to protect the migrants in the EU, who work to keep home-office populations safe, but who often face discrimination and stigmatization.

Between 13% and a third of essential workers are migrants.

Many are left behind in terms of access to unemployment benefits and spiral into hunger, poverty, isolation, and illness. Out of 250,000 undocumented migrants in Switzerland, 90,000 have not accessed healthcare during the pandemic, for fear of being detected, denounced and deported.

Migrants are at a triple loss by the pandemicnot only are their jobs more precarious, their journeys more perilous, but they also face twice the risk of contracting the virus than non-migrant populations.

At the peak of the refugee crisis in 2015/16, some EU Member States raised the resettlement conflict to the UN in the hopes that sharing responsibility for large population movements would be resolved more evenly at the global level. This led to the formation of the Global Compact for Migration (GCM). The GCM figures as the first UN-led global instrument entirely devoted to international migration, which, even if not legally binding, restates the existing international legal obligations on migration and provides a benchmark of where the protection of migrants human rights currently stands at.

The UN Agenda 2030, is a non-binding UN instrument, adopted in 2015, which commits states to achieving 17 Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. Though the Agenda does not have a particular focus on migration, it does address issues that are vital to migrant rights such inequality, labor and education, calling for well-managed migration policies that facilitate orderly, safe, regular and responsible migration and mobility. Other goals include eradicating poverty and hunger, achieving gender equality as well as health, and well being.

In 2020, COVID-19 was a big test for these UN initiatives. But have they proven useful in the response to the global pandemic especially in protecting migrants?

Surprisingly little can be found in the GCMs 23 objectives about mitigating the effects of a public health emergency, including COVID-19 on migrants. Data about how COVID-19 affects the migration lifecycle is still scant. The GCMs objectives are still far from being achieved, especially when it comes to access to basic services, empowering migrants or eliminating discrimination. In its current form, the GCM is more set to strengthen the global governance of migration under the auspices of the International Organisation for Migration rather than allow a deviation from it.

States like Italy, Portugal and Spain, have been experimenting with regularising undocumented migrant populations during the COVID-19 pandemic. However, there is no international framework to monitor and review these one-off programs.

They remain subject to potential arbitrariness, fraud by employers or selectiveness.

For instance, in Italy protection only included undocumented migrants who work in the frontlines, leaving out those working in construction or logistics. More global oversight can help avoid such arbitrary or short sighted decisions and to make sure the rights of migrants are protected and health prevention during the pandemic is insured.

In addition to Italy, Portugal also regularised the status of undocumented migrants who were carrying out frontline functions, including harvesting, healthcare and domestic work. Likewise, Spain considers normalising its roughly 430,000 undocumented migrants. It is no coincidence that the pandemic prompted the city councils of Geneva and Zurich to finally implement a city card for the undocumented, allowing them to seek emergency health care and allowing their children to access schools.

Clearly, to regularise status, means improving access of migrants to health, education, food, and shelter. Yet, the EU return directive only justifies case-by-case authorisations of stay for compassionate, humanitarian or other reasons.

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COVID-19 was a big test for UN migration initiatives. Did they succeed? - Open Democracy

Decoding the budget and the economics of welfare – Hindustan Times

Covid-19 is a crisis like no other. And, expectedly, it has wreaked havoc on the Government of India (GoI)s financial arithmetic as it struggled to deal with collapsing tax revenues and increased expenditure pressures. Therefore, there are two questions that need to be asked of the FY 2021 budget.

How did the Union government reorient its macro-fiscal position to counteract the economic fallout of the pandemic and what does this reveal about the nature of the policy choices made by the government to respond to the Covid-19-induced economic crisis? Second, what does the budget offer as a policy pathway to nurture the economy back to health in FY 2021-22?

In FY 21, the lockdown-induced freeze on the economy expectedly resulted in a collapse in revenues while expenditure pressures increased. Revenue receipts collapsed from 20.2 lakh crore to 15.5 lakh crore, expenditure increased from 30.4 lakh crore to 34.5 lakh crore, as did the one number that the government has thus far worried about the most the fiscal deficit.

Finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman must be congratulated for breaking with tradition and being transparent about the fiscal deficit numbers while offering a path to fiscal consolidation by FY 2025-26. Importantly, she has discontinued the practice of off-budget borrowing for food subsidy. However, a closer look at the numbers reveals a more complex picture.

First, while tax revenues fell, the real hit to the Centres finances came from a fall in disinvestment receipts and bringing off budget expenditure back on to the budget. The fall in net tax revenue to the Centre is responsible for a mere 1% of the rise in fiscal deficit numbers. Second, most of the increase in expenditure outlays is driven by the food and fertiliser subsidy (around 80%). Increases in health accounted for 3.88%. Third, the share of states in the divisible pool of taxes fell from 32% in the budgeted estimates to 28.9% (Revised Estimates 2020-21).

Three facts emerge about the macro fiscal picture. First, the government has increasingly relied on the assumption that proceeds from disinvestment will fund its expenditure commitments. In good times, this is bad fiscal management. But in times of pandemic, this can be seriously damaging. The governments reluctance to adopt an expansionary fiscal stance in response to the pandemic is a consequence of historical fiscal mismanagement rather than the Covid-19-induced economic shock. The emphasis on disinvestment in this budget, while welcome, risks a similar fate. The government will have to urgently double down in FY 22 to meet these targets.

Second, expenditure increases in FY 21 were limited to subsidies and essential relief through the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS). Overall, in FY 21, expenditure increased from a 13.53% of GDP Budget Estimates (BE) to 17.74% in RE. However, because GDP contracted significantly in FY 21, these numbers overstate the magnitude of increase in expenditure. It is important to note that transfers from centrally-sponsored schemes (including MGNREGS whose allocations increased by 81% over budget estimates) increased by 14%, suggesting significant contraction in expenditure for other schemes in FY 21. Finally, state governments, at the frontlines of the Covid-19 battle, have been forced to rely on market borrowing as their share in the central government taxes fell significantly. The consequences of this on state budgets, that have displayed far greater fiscal discipline than the Centre will be significant, in the long-term.

As this column noted in a pre-budget piece, the post-lockdown economic recovery is showing signs of deepening structural inequality. Economic activity has reached near pre-pandemic levels, but this is largely profit-led. Large listed firms have profited at the cost of small firms and the informal sector. And the scars in the labour market, particularly informal labour, run deep. Reversing this trend is both a moral imperative and good economic sense after all, if purchasing power remains low for the bulk of the economy, demand will collapse.

In this context, the FY 22 budget ought to have increased expenditure for welfare, provided for an inclusive social protection architecture that protects vulnerable groups especially migrant workers, and increased capital expenditure. At first glance, the government has only done the last.

Several important announcements have aimed at reforming what economist Arvind Subramanian has called the software a bad bank, the proposal for a DFI, and bank recapitalisation. All of these are steps in the right direction. However, these increases will not immediately translate into employment and increased wages for the poor.

There are continuing governance challenges, which will not be addressed overnight. In this context, it is a mistake to assume that FY 22 will present space to the government to curtail its welfare expenditures. But the FY 22 budget cuts allocations to food subsidy and MGNREGS. It offers no comfort that the government, in response to the migrant crisis, will address the extreme vulnerabilities faced by Indias informal sector and urban workers. Expenditure in FY 22 will see little planned growth over FY 21.

The pandemic has disproportionately impacted Indias poor and vulnerable. The hope was that this budget would, by adopting an expansionist fiscal stance, respond to their needs while putting the economy back on track. It has not.

Yamini Aiyar is president and chief executive of the Centre for Policy Research

The views expressed are personal

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Decoding the budget and the economics of welfare - Hindustan Times

Toughing out Covid: how Australias social fabric held together during a once-in-a-century crisis – The Guardian

Politics, and media coverage of politics, is powered by conflict and spectacle. But the social scientist Andrew Markus wants to focus on something quieter: the resilience and optimism of Australians during a crisis; a country under duress that chose not to fracture.

Markus is the principal researcher on the Scanlon Foundations annual Social Cohesion report a project that has mapped a migrant nation since 2007. The report published on Thursday is a snapshot of a country managing a once-in-a-century crisis.

The research (sample size 3,090 respondents) is normally conducted in July. Given Australia was at that time about to tip into a second wave of coronavirus infections in Victoria, and had slipped into the first recession for 30 years, the Monash University emeritus professor was puzzled when many of the snapshots of community sentiment were positive.

That seemed counterintuitive.

To be certain of the findings, a second survey of 2,793 respondents was conducted in November. In November, we again got very positive data, he says. By positive data, this is what Markus means. Stepping through his findings, a supermajority was on board with Scott Morrisons response to the crisis, and the level of trust in government in Australia hit the highest point in the history of the survey.

People had confidence in the public health response. More than 90% of respondents in the five mainland states said lockdowns to suppress transmission were definitely or probably required. While the Victorian premier, Daniel Andrews, endured a period of being flogged by the Murdoch media for locking down the state, 78% of respondents backed Andrews, and when they were asked whether the lockdown was required, 87% said yes.

While America and Britain battled resurgent nativism, the inward turn triggered by the global financial crisis of a decade ago, Australians, walled in behind a preemptive international border closure, and marooned periodically behind hard state borders, continued to look to the world.

The survey asked respondents whether globalisation was good or bad. More than 70% of respondents in the two surveys said good. While protectionism was back in vogue, and the global economy convulsed because of a trade war between a real autocrat in Beijing and an aspirational one in Washington, in 2020, Australians looked through the static and continued to believe trade with the world was good for the country.

As governments put businesses into hibernation around the country during the first wave, the economy tanked and consumption stalled, one in four respondents had their jobs impacted jobs lost, hours wound back.

This cohort was more inclined to pessimism about the future than other respondents, and less sanguine about the health of their household balance sheet. But 73% of respondents remained satisfied or very satisfied with their financial outlook a result up almost 10 points on that recorded in mid-2019. Canberra rolled out income support and the household savings ratio notched up a record rise.

Young people bore the brunt of the crisis. Reflecting that reality, Australians under 24 in the survey were less optimistic about the future than people over 24. A couple of indicators bear this out: 58% of respondents aged between 18 and 24 say they are optimistic compared with more than 70% of respondents aged from 25 to 74, and less young respondents agree with the proposition that Australia is a land of economic opportunity where hard work yields a better life (61% compared with 72% of the 25-34-year-old cohort).

But rather than blame outsiders which is a common default during times of high unemployment young Australians remain more positive about immigration, multiculturalism and ethnic diversity than older Australians. Only 18% of people aged between 18 and 24 agree with the idea that immigrants take away jobs from Australians, while 30% of people in older cohorts agree.

Australians continue to support multiculturalism. The idea that multiculturalism has been good for Australia is strongly supported, with 84% of the sample agreeing in 2020, up four points in a year. But while Australians strongly support a diverse society at a time when multiculturalism is regarded as a failed project in some parts of the world, there is a flipside. We profess to support multiculturalism but Australians can also harbour negative sentiment about Africans, Asians and people from the Middle East. The survey terms this a hierarchy of ethnic preference.

With Donald Trump adding the Chinese virus to the lexicon, 59% of Chinese Australians surveyed observed that racism in Australia during the Covid crisis was either a very big problem or a fairly big problem. The Scanlon Foundation also undertook a separate survey between May and June, tapping sentiment from 500 Chinese Australians on WeChat. Asked whether they had experienced discrimination during the crisis, 27% said yes and a further 20% declined to answer the question.

Markus says he has reflected on why many Australians have experienced one of the toughest years of their lives, but have remained largely positive. Australia was not in such a bad position prior to the pandemic when you compare Australia with England and the United States.

Both of those societies were seriously fractured prior to the pandemic. Brexit sharply divided England, as did Donald Trump in the United States, he says.

There have been times when Australia has been much more fractious under the leadership of Tony Abbott as opposed to the leadership of Scott Morrison, and I think Anthony Albanese can struggle to position himself but he is basically a consensus figure.

This made it possible for Australia to respond to the pandemic quickly and in a cohesive way. To me this is the key point: we possibly undervalue the good things about Australia and how Australians will respond in a crisis, Markus says.

This, for me, is a really big takeaway and its important because it is probably not acknowledged. What we get in the media is the cut and thrust of politics rather than the long-term fundamental understanding of what works in Australia and what doesnt work.

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Toughing out Covid: how Australias social fabric held together during a once-in-a-century crisis - The Guardian