State Senate Candidate Booked for Sexual Assault

The Libertarian candidate running for the State Senate seat vacated by Iowa Senator-Elect Joni Ernst has been booked for 3rd Degree Sexual Assault.

Donald Brantz, 69, is also charged with 3rd Degree Assault, Disturbing the Peace, and Interfering with Public Service Commission (each charge he faces is a misdemeanor - including the Sexual Assault).

Bellevue Police say Brantz is accused of inappropriately touching a woman, threatening to choke her, and then disconnecting the line when the victim called 911.

The incident allegedly happened in Bellevue. Brantz lives in Glenwood, Iowa.

Brantz was arrested in October and shortly bonded out. He is set to appear in court for a pretrial conference tomorrow.

Brantz was nominated by the Libertarian Party of Iowa to run for Joni Ernst's old seat. The special election is set for December 30th.

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State Senate Candidate Booked for Sexual Assault

Candidate for Joni Ernst's vacant Iowa Senate seat is facing sexual abuse charges

BELLEVUE, NE (KTIV) - The Libertarian candidate running for U.S. Senate-Elect Joni Ersnt's open Iowa Senate seat is being charged with sexual assault.

Bellevue, Nebraska Police say 69-year-old Donald Brantz inappropriately touched a woman in Bellevue and threatened to choke her.

He also disconnected her phone line when she attempted to call 911.

Brantz is charged with 3rd Degree Sexual Assault, 3rd Degree Assault, Disturbing the Peace, and Interfering with Public Service Commission, all misdemeanors.

Brantz was arrested in October and shortly bonded out, and is set to appear in court Friday.

He was nominated by the Libertarian Party of Iowa to run for Joni Ernst's old seat.

The special election is set for December 30th.

Brantz lives in Glenwood, Iowa.

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Candidate for Joni Ernst's vacant Iowa Senate seat is facing sexual abuse charges

'Super Dell' Disrupts Hearing On Charges Of Chasing An Endangered Owl

Tue, Dec 16, 2014

Dell "Super Dell" Schanze was making his first appearance in court for allegedly chasing an endangered owl with his powered paraglider recently, and it did not go particularly well for the former TV pitchman and Libertarian candidate for Governor in Utah.

Schanze overheard the judge order a defendant in a previous case to give up all his private guns as a condition of his release from jail. "That's totally unconstitutional," Schanze said in the courtroom.

The judge, U.S. Magistrate Brook Wells, ordered him to be quiet, but when he continued to object, he was removed from the court and brought back in handcuffs and with a chain around his waist, according to a report in the Deseret News.

He reportedly became more cooperative after that.

It also cost Schanze all of his guns. After learning that Schanze has "strong feelings" about the second amendment from Prosecutor Jared Bennett, the judge ordered him to remove all the guns from his house or go to jail. Wells also suggested Schanze look for a job after he asserted that he was broke, and to have his mental health evaluated.

Schanze blamed the media for costing him his business. He said the case should be dismissed because "it's all based on a fake YouTube video." That video allegedly shows Scanze chasing an endangered owl in his powered paraglider two years ago. The powered paraglider community sharply criticized the actions saying it reflected poorly on them all, and asked for the investigation.

If convicted of using an aircraft to harass wildlife, Schanze faces a $100,000 fine and up to a year in jail.

(Image from YouTube Video)

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'Super Dell' Disrupts Hearing On Charges Of Chasing An Endangered Owl

Volokh Conspiracy: Review of Damon Roots Overruled: The Long War for Control of the Supreme Court

Damon Roots new book Overruled: The Long War for Control of the U.S. Supreme Court is an impressive account of the conflict over judicial review between conservatives and libertarians. Most books about the recent history of judicial review and constitutional theory focus on the opposition between conservatives and liberals, Democrats and Republicans. By contrast, Root focuses primarily on the increasingly important faultline between libertarians and conservatives.

Libertarians and conservatives have cooperated on issues related to federalism, gun rights, and property rights. But they have also sharply disagreed on the role of judicial review in protecting the rights of gays and lesbians, limiting wartime executive power, and constraining police and prosecutors. As the leading writer on legal issues for Reason, the prominent libertarian publication, Root has covered many of these issues for years.

Root effectively traces libertarian-conservative disagreements over judicial review to their origins in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, when Progressives attacked nineteenth century natural rights-based jurisprudence for what they regarded as unjustified judicial activism in protecting both economic liberties and noneconomic ones. As he notes, many early Progressives opposed not only the Courts enforcement of economic freedoms in cases like Lochner v. New York, but also judicial efforts to protect free speech and enforce other noneconomic freedoms. For example, leading Progressive Justice Louis Brandeis praised the Courts notorious decision to uphold mandatory sterilization of the mentally ill in Buck v. Bell as an example of cases where judges should give state governments free reign to meet..modern conditions by regulations (though he gradually came to support judicial protection of some other civil liberties).

Beginning in the 1920s and 1930s, political liberals gradually shifted towards supporting strong judicial intervention to protect noneconomic rights, even as they repudiated similar protection for economic freedoms and property rights. But, ironically, the original Progressive defense of judicial nonintervention was taken up by post-New Deal conservatives, including such notable legal theorists as Judge Robert H. Bork.

Root explains how the persistence of this tradition of judicial restraint on the conservative right has led to clashes between conservatives and libertarians in recent years. Even in some cases where the two groups agree on the outcome, there are important divergences over preferred rationales. For example, libertarians and conservatives worked together to expand judicial protection for Second Amendment rights in District of Columbia v> Heller (2008) and McDonald v. City of Chicago (2010). But, in the latter case, many conservatives opposed the libertarians efforts to revive judicial enforcement of the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, fearing that this step would open the door to a new wave of judicial activism.

Roots book is probably the most thorough account of the libertarian-conservative debate over judicial review so far. The clash between the two may rise in importance, as libertarianism becomes a more important part of the political landscape. Younger Republicans are, on average, significantly more libertarian than their elders. The same is likely true of younger right of center elite lawyers and legal scholars. At the same time, it is unlikely that social conservatives will give up without a fight. Even as they fight over their differences, the two groups will also have to find some way to continue cooperating on the issues that unite them, especially since the legal left remains powerful and influential.

I do have two reservations about his otherwise excellent analysis. First, for some reason Root largely ignores the issue of same-sex marriage, which is one of the most important constitutional questions where libertarians and conservatives have differed in recent years. Though there are some exceptions in both camps, libertarian lawyers and legal scholars (including many here at the Volokh Conspiracy) have generally supported striking down laws banning same-sex marriage, while conservatives have forcefully opposed it. The issue is both important in and of itself, and an important indicator of the differences between the two camps.

Second, I think Root is too quick to characterize modern judicial conservatism as focused on judicial restraint. It is true that, since the 1960s and 70s, conservatives have devoted a great deal of time and effort to denouncing liberal judicial activism. But conservative judges such as William Rehnquist and Sandra Day OConnor have also long advocated stronger judicial enforcement of property rights and constitutional limits on federal power.

Root describes famed conservative legal theorist Robert Bork as a principled advocate of judicial minimalism. This was indeed an important element of Borks philosophy. But Bork was also a strong advocate of constitutional originalism, which sometimes requires aggressive judicial invalidation of legislation that goes against the original meaning of the Constitution. In his 1989 book The Tempting of America, Bork advocated judicial restraint, but also described New Deal-era decisions expanding congressional authority over the economy as judicial activism because they gave the federal government more power than it was entitled to under the original meaning.

Bork never seriously confronted the tension between his advocacy of originalism on the one hand, and his support for judicial deference to the democratic process on the other. For a long time, the same was true of many other judicial conservatives. Like Bork, they simultaneously advocated both originalism and judicial deference without giving much thought to possible contradictions between these commitments. The rise of libertarianism is one of several factors that have forced conservatives to devote greater thought to the issue in recent years.

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Volokh Conspiracy: Review of Damon Roots Overruled: The Long War for Control of the Supreme Court

David Koch: Im basically a libertarian

In an exclusive interview clip aired Sunday morning on ABCs "This Week," reclusive billionaire and campaign mega-donor David Koch said he cares much more about fiscal issues and the economy than about social issues on which he described himself as a social liberal.

Koch, who along with his brother Charles donates millions of dollars each year to the political campaigns of conservatives and political action committees, rarely grants interviews and spoke with ABCs Barbara Walters as part of a year-long special that will air Sunday night.

Im basically a libertarian, and Im a conservative on economic matters, and Im a social liberal, Koch said, who acknowledged that his beliefs about same-sex marriage and abortion conflict with the conservative beliefs held by many of the candidates propped up by the checks cut by him and his brother. Thats their problem. I do have those views. What I want these candidates to do is to support a balanced budget. Im very worried that if the budget is not balanced that inflation could occur and the economy of our country could suffer terribly.

Wesley Lowery covers Capitol Hill for The Fix and Post Politics.

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David Koch: Im basically a libertarian

Billionaire David Koch Says He's a Social Liberal

Dec 14, 2014 11:07am

Reclusive billionaire David Koch, a powerful donor in American conservative politics, says hes a social liberal.

Im basically a libertarian, and Im a conservative on economic matters, and Im a social liberal, Koch told ABC News Barbara Walters during an interview for her special The 10 Most Fascinating People of 2014 that airs at 9 p.m. ET Sunday on ABC.

READ: How Barbara Walters Chose Her Most Fascinating Subjects

WATCH: Scarlett Johansson on Being a New Mom: Its Wonderful and Exhausting

Koch, who supports abortion rights and gay marriage, said he isnt concerned with candidates he supports who dont share some of his views. He said his primary concern when choosing a candidate to support is their fiscal policies.

What I want these candidates to do is to support a balanced budget, he said. Im very worried that if the budget is not balanced that inflation could occur and the economy of our country could suffer terribly.

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Billionaire David Koch Says He's a Social Liberal

Political Talker Larry Elder Gets Rare Star on Hollywood Walk of Fame

The Class of 2015 Star Honorees the 30 people selected to receive a star on Hollywoods Walk of Fame includes TV, movie and music personalities as well as one unique selection: Larry Elder, one of just a handful of celebrities in political talk-radio to get his own star.

Of the more than 2,500 people honored with a star, hundreds are from the radio industry, though few who focus on political talk. Rush Limbaugh, who pioneered conservative talk radio in the 1980s doesnt have a star, nor do Sean Hannity, Glenn Beck or Michael Savage, all of whom have bigger audiences than Elder.

"My first thought was, 'I am happy and grateful for the appreciation. My second thought was, 'I hope they didn't confuse me with Samuel L. Jackson,'" Elder joked in an email to The Hollywood Reporter. "Maybe my induction might induce the committee to recognize the contributions of others in the field."

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So far, the only other political talkers to have a star are Bill Cunningham, the late Dan Avey and the late Ray Briem, three conservatives, along with Bill Handel, a centrist, and no liberal talk-show hosts --Ed Schultz, Rachel Maddow or Stephanie Miller, for example -- have a star. This despite the fact that Arbitron reported a year ago that news/talk/info was the nations second most popular radio format among 29 different categories, behind country music and ahead of pop-contemporary music.

The Walk of Fame breaks its inductees into five categories. In the 2015 Class representing movies are: Raymond Chandler (posthumous), Eugenio Derbez, Will Ferrell, Jennifer Garner, Peter Jackson, Bob Kane (posthumous), Daniel Radcliffe, Paul Rudd, Snoopy (the animated character), Melissa McCarthy and Christoph Waltz.

Television is represented by: James L. Brooks, Ken Ehrlich, Bobby Flay, Seth MacFarlane, Julianna Margulies, Chris ODonnell, Jim Parsons, Amy Poehler, Kelly Ripa and Sofia Vergara.

Recording is represented by: Kukasz Dr. Like Gottwald, Kool & The Gang, Pitbull, Al Schmitt and Pharrell Williams.

Live Theatre/Live Performance is represented by: Kristin Chenoweth, Dick Gregory and Ennio Morricone.

And then theres Elder, the lone selection from the 2015 Class representing radio. Elder is on AM 790 KABC in Los Angeles, though he used to be syndicated nationally. He has also dabbled in television as the host of Moral Court and has made a documentary film called Michael & Me, a response to Michael Moores Bowling for Columbine.

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Political Talker Larry Elder Gets Rare Star on Hollywood Walk of Fame

Libertarian joins race for Ernst's senate seat

A Libertarian candidate is among the crowd seeking the Iowa Senate seat vacated by U.S. Sen.-elect Joni Ernst.

Don Brantz, a longtime Mills County supervisor and southwest Iowa social worker, has filed as a candidate for the Dec. 30 special election in Iowa Senate District 12 the states largest which represents Taylor, Ringgold, Page, Montgomery, Mills and Fremont counties.

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Libertarian joins race for Ernst's senate seat

[252] A Libertarian and a Marxist response to the power of corporatism – Video


[252] A Libertarian and a Marxist response to the power of corporatism
Our lead story: On Tuesday, Greece #39;s stock market fell a massive 13% the worst single day fall since 1987. And the yield on Greek sovereign bonds vaulted up 70 basis points or 7/10ths...

By: Boom Bust

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[252] A Libertarian and a Marxist response to the power of corporatism - Video

Peter Thiel's Presentation At UC Berkeley Was Cut Short By Ferguson Protestors Last Night

Billionaire libertarian iconoclast Peter Thiel was reportedly chased off stage Wednesday evening at UC Berkeley. He was giving a presentation organized by The Berkeley Forum, a student-run organization that brings experts form a diversity of fields to speak at the college, when protesters began banging on the auditorium doors about 20 minutes into his Q&A.

At one moment when the auditorium was rather quiet, a man shouted "F--k you!" at Thiel, rose from his seat and left. Thiel was his usual cool self, saying, "This is really a classic Berkeley event today this is so cool!" Shortly thereafter, protesters overtook the stage, and Thiel was forced out. The protesters held signs from stage touting Ferguson-related slogans and "Black Lives Matter," even chanting "NSA's got to go!"

Thiel doesn't have anything to do with the racially tense killings of black people at the hands of police, but area protesters have been going strong in Oakland since Nov. 24, when Darren Wilson went unindicted for shooting Michael Brown to death. When the officer who killed Eric Garner similarly went unindicted a few days ago, it stoked protester ire again, and they likely saw Thiel's event as a high-profile happening where they could draw attention to the issue.

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Peter Thiel's Presentation At UC Berkeley Was Cut Short By Ferguson Protestors Last Night

Peter Thiel's Presentation At UC Berkeley Was Cut Short By Ferguson Protesters Last Night

Billionaire libertarian iconoclast Peter Thiel was reportedly chased off stage Wednesday evening at UC Berkeley. He was giving a presentation organized by The Berkeley Forum, a student-run organization that brings experts form a diversity of fields to speak at the college, when protesters began banging on the auditorium doors about 20 minutes into his Q&A.

At one moment when the auditorium was rather quiet, a man shouted "F--k you!" at Thiel, rose from his seat and left. Thiel was his usual cool self, saying, "This is really a classic Berkeley event today this is so cool!" Shortly thereafter, protesters overtook the stage, and Thiel was forced out. The protesters held signs from stage touting Ferguson-related slogans and "Black Lives Matter," even chanting "NSA's got to go!"

Thiel doesn't have anything to do with the racially tense killings of black people at the hands of police, but area protesters have been going strong in Oakland since Nov. 24, when Darren Wilson went unindicted for shooting Michael Brown to death. When the officer who killed Eric Garner similarly went unindicted a few days ago, it stoked protester ire again, and they likely saw Thiel's event as a high-profile happening where they could draw attention to the issue.

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Peter Thiel's Presentation At UC Berkeley Was Cut Short By Ferguson Protesters Last Night

Nathaniel Branden, lover and disciple of novelist Ayn Rand, dies at 84

By Matt Schudel December 9 at 7:59 PM

Nathaniel Branden, who became a chief disciple and lover of the writer and libertarian lodestar Ayn Rand until a turbulent falling out led to his new career as a best-selling writer of books on self-esteem, died Dec. 3 at his home in Los Angeles. He was 84.

He had complications from Parkinsons disease, said his assistant, Vivian Buentiempo-Johnson.

Mr. Branden was a 19-year-old college student in California in 1950 when he sent a note to Rand, the author of his favorite novel, The Fountainhead. She invited him for coffee.

I reached for the doorbell, Mr. Branden later wrote in a 1989 memoir, knowing without words and with irresistible certainty that nothing was ever going to be the same again.

He talked with Rand and her husband, Frank OConnor, through the night and didnt leave their house until 5:30 the next morning. He soon became part of Rands inner circle and one of her fiercest advocates. He changed his name from Nathan Blumenthal to Nathaniel Branden, deliberately incorporating Rand into his new surname.

After moving to New York, Mr. Branden and his young wife, Barbara, became devoted acolytes of the Russian-born Rand. The Fountainhead (1943) and another of her novels, Atlas Shrugged (1957), became seminal texts of an emerging school of thought that emphasized muscular notions of laissez-faire capitalism, self-interest and rational egoism, which might be described best by the title of another of Rands books: The Virtue of Selfishness (1964).

Rand scorned anything reeking of the communism she had seen during her youth in Russia. She was an outspoken opponent of taxes and welfare, which later followers made articles of faith in certain conservative and libertarian circles.

Mr. Branden helped develop Rands ideas into a philosophical construct that became known as objectivism. He organized meetings of Rands supporters in the 1950s, including Alan Greenspan, who later became chairman of the Federal Reserve Board. In 1958, Mr. Branden launched the Nathaniel Branden Institute, which presented seminars on Rands ideas around the world.

Mr. Branden was 24 when he and the 49-year-old Rand began an affair in 1954. Rand insisted that each of their spouses know of the relationship, but otherwise it was kept secret.

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Nathaniel Branden, lover and disciple of novelist Ayn Rand, dies at 84

Rand Paul’s Demented Libertarian Perspective on the Murder of Eric Garner – Video


Rand Paul #39;s Demented Libertarian Perspective on the Murder of Eric Garner
Rand Paul #39;s stupid response to the killing of Eric Garner (it #39;s not about police brutality against black men, it #39;s about cigarette taxes!) Cliff Schecter joins us to discuss. This clip...

By: Sam Seder

Originally posted here:

Rand Paul's Demented Libertarian Perspective on the Murder of Eric Garner - Video

Antipathy for the State Is Not Enough

This interview with Mises Institute President Jeff Deist is reprinted from the October 2014 issue of the Lara-Murphy Report.

Lara-Murphy Report: How did you become interested in Austrian economics?

Jeff Deist: I definitely discovered libertarianism first, which then led me to Austrian economics. I was a hardcore libertarian fairly early in life, going to see Ron Paul at a 1988 Libertarian Party campaign event when I was in college. A few years later my close friend Joe Becker enrolled at UNLV for the express purpose of studying under Professor Murray Rothbard in the graduate economics department, and I was able to sit in on a few of Murrays classes. I knew nothing about the Austrian School at the time, but it became clear I needed a more comprehensive intellectual foundation antipathy for the state and a belief that free markets worked better was not enough. Reading Rothbard was my start. This is how most young people today first hear about Mises, Rothbard, or Hayek they already have an interest in libertarian political theory.

They hear references to these great names from their friends, from libertarian think tanks or organizations, from a huge variety of libertarian websites, and from social media, and they begin the process of educating themselves.

The Ron Paul 2012 campaign was a great example of this: people instinctively knew they favored property rights, markets, and peace. They knew they opposed cronyism and the banking cartel. But when Ron mentioned Murray or Mises or Austrian economics or the Fed in a speech, people wanted to go out and find the original sources for themselves. Of course those of us from Generation X remember when vast amounts of free Austrian literature were not just a click away, to put it mildly. If you were lucky your local mall bookstore might have Milton Friedmans Free to Choose and maybe Hayeks Road to Serfdom right next to John Kenneth Galbraiths The Affluent Society. Mises and Rothbard certainly werent available at local libraries or university libraries. All that has changed today.

But obviously the Austrian School predates the modern libertarian movement. Thats why for much of the twentieth century many people read Austrian economics before arriving at philosophical or political libertarianism. The direction was reversed. Smart individuals were absorbing giants like Leonard Read, Henry Hazlitt, and Mises, but they saw themselves as liberals in the classical European tradition of the word. Murray Rothbard deserves much of the credit for building a modern libertarian framework using Austrian economics as the foundation, and creating a bridge for true liberals after the term was hijacked.

LMR: You worked for Ron Paul in his congressional office for several years. I suppose unlike most people in that type of a job, you didnt have to lie every day at work! Is there any story you can share to illustrate the culture of DC and how you were the oddballs?

JD: My favorite anecdote involves other members of Congress asking us to have Ron sign books, photos, etc., for their constituents. This no doubt galled them, because Ron was a celebrity of sorts while they were unknown. But trust me, the average member of Congress deserves to be forgotten. They are a venal, mean, petty, and self-important bunch, despite the fact that maybe 1 in 20 of their constituents knows their names.

Working for Dr. Paul was a great experience. We (as a staff) never had to worry about Ron being tempted to sell out or cast a safe vote due to political pressure. Rons office was far and away the most intellectual and philosophical office on Capitol Hill; the other members of Congress were purely political animals focused either on consolidation of power or self-preservation, depending.

By contrast, we were busy quoting Mises, Rothbard, Bastiat, Tom Woods, Lew Rockwell, Lysander Spooner, you name it, in Rons speeches, statements, press releases, and weekly columns. Virtually everyone on staff was at least familiar with Austrian thought, and we used mises.org as a frequent resource.

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Antipathy for the State Is Not Enough