James H. Gilliam, Jr. College of Liberal Arts

College of Liberal Arts COVID-19 Update

As a response to the COVID-19 (coronavirus) the Office of the Dean, College of Liberal Arts will be operating remotely from an off-campus location. Our on-campus offices will remain closed until further notice. You may still contact our offices by calling 443.885.3090 during business hours or by emailing CLA@morgan.edu. Our faculty and staff remain committed to student success.

The James H. Gilliam, Jr. College of Liberal Arts has a two-fold mission. Through its general education offerings, the College provides the foundation for all student learning at the University by assisting in the development of students' critical and analytical skills, foundational oral and written skills in both English and other world languages, and awareness of the global forces that have shaped, and continue to shape, the modern world. In its major programs, the College aspires to provide high-quality, student-focused teaching and research opportunities in communication and media studies, the humanities, the fine and performing arts and the social sciences. The College's programs should both instill in its majors an appreciation for liberal learning and prepare students for the professions and/or for advanced academic study.

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James H. Gilliam, Jr. College of Liberal Arts

Liberal Party of Canada – Marcus Powlowski | Team Trudeau

Marcus is a Physician in the Emergency Room at Thunder Bay Regional Health Science Centre. In addition to being a medical doctor, he has two law degrees- LL.B, LL.M from the universities of Toronto and Georgetown, respectively.

He also attended Harvard University and obtained a Masters of Public Health in Health Law and Policy.

Born in Fort William 59 years ago, Marcus has deep roots in Thunder Bay. His grandmother (Baba) ran Annies Confectionary on East Brock Street for over 60 years. His grandfather Michael at one time repaired shoes on Simpson St and later became a lineman on the CPR. His parents Peter and Elizabeth owned and operated Strawberry Hill Workshop in Kaministiquia.

Marcus worked as a doctor for two years in northern First Nations communities, and for seven years practicing medicine in several developing countries in Africa and Oceania.

For several years, he worked as a consultant in health legislation for the World Health Organization. More recently Marcus has worked, periodically, as a lecturer at Lakehead University (Faculties of Law, Medicine, and Arts and Science) and the University of San Francisco. He continues to do volunteer work on a medical project in Ethiopia. He is married with five children.

Marcus believes that his breadth of education and life experience allows him a unique perspective on the issues most important to the people of Thunder BayRainy River.

Marcus will pursue effectiveness in health care, climate action, efficiency in government, job creation/ poverty alleviation schemes with an added focus on Indigenous communities, and the betterment of all people.

When not practicing medicine, Marcus enjoys watching a hockey game (especially when his kids are playing!).

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Liberal Party of Canada - Marcus Powlowski | Team Trudeau

The Whole of Liberal Democracy Is in Grave Danger at This Moment – The New York Times

Or consider a 2019 paper, False Equivalence: Are Liberals and Conservatives in the United States Equally Biased? by Jonathan Baron and John Jost, professors of psychology at the University of Pennsylvania and N.Y.U., who write, Nowadays we read that liberals are every bit as authoritarian as conservatives; as rigid and simple-minded; as intolerant; as prejudiced.

The authors found it

ironic and more than a little bewildering that social psychologists are drifting into this relativistic view of morality and politics just as authoritarian conservatism (and illiberal hostility to democratic norms) seem to be reaching new heights of popularity and brazenness not only in Trumps America but also in Erdogans Turkey, Orbans Hungary, and Netanyahus Israel.

Baron and Jost also cite studies suggesting that those on the right are more susceptible to authoritarian appeals:

Conservatives score higher than liberals on measures of personal needs for order and structure, cognitive closure, intolerance of ambiguity, cognitive or perceptual rigidity, and dogmatism.

Liberals, they write, perform better than conservatives on objective tests of cognitive ability and intelligence while conservatives score higher than liberals on measures of self-deception and are more likely than liberals to spread fake news, political misinformation, and conspiracy theories throughout their online social networks.

In a 2018 paper, Baron argues for the necessity of flexible thinking in a democracy:

In order for a democracy to function well (both for its own citizens and outsiders), its citizens need to endorse three (somewhat synergistic) social norms, which I called cosmopolitanism, anti-moralism, and actively open-minded thinking.

In making his case, Baron cites John Stuart Mills essay On Liberty, specifically this famous passage:

The whole strength and value, then, of human judgment, depending on the one property, that it can be set right when it is wrong, reliance can be placed on it only when the means of setting it right are kept constantly at hand. In the case of any person whose judgment is really deserving of confidence, how has it become so? Because he has kept his mind open to criticism of his opinions and conduct. Because it has been his practice to listen to all that could be said against him; to profit by as much of it as was just, and expound to himself, and upon occasion to others, the fallacy of what was fallacious.

It may be, however, that the very complexity of thought and resolve proposed by Baron and Mill would be resisted, and indeed resented, by many on the right.

In a February 2019 paper, Liberals lecture, conservatives communicate: Analyzing complexity and ideology in 381,609 political speeches, four political scientists, Martijn Schoonvelde, Anna Brosius, Gijs Schumacher and Bert N. Bakker, argue that speakers from culturally liberal parties use more complex language than speakers from culturally conservative parties and that this variance in linguistic complexity is

rooted in personality differences among conservative and liberal politicians. The former prefer short, unambiguous statements, and the latter prefer longer compound sentences, expressing multiple points of view.

The authors cite studies suggesting that this linguistic divide is persistent: The Readability and Simplicity of Donald Trumps Language, published in The Political Studies Review and

Research on linguistic habits of American and British politicians shows that conservative politicians make less complex statements than liberal politicians.

One study showed that

the speeches of liberal US presidents score higher on integrative complexity than those of conservatives, as measured by the presence of words involved in differentiation (exclusive words, tentative words, negations) as well as integration of different perspectives (conjunctions).

Another found that

conservative political bloggers use less complex language than their liberal counterparts and conservative citizens use language that scores lower on integrative complexity than liberal citizens.

Separate studies of the language used by presidents both The Readability and Simplicity of Donald Trumps Language, and an analysis of the language used by the last 15 presidents on the blog Factbase concluded that President Trump speaks at the lowest level of all those studied, as measured on the on the Flesch-Kincaid index. As Factbase put it:

By any metric to measure vocabulary, using more than a half dozen tests with different methodologies, Donald Trump has the most basic, most simplistically constructed, least diverse vocabulary of any president in the last 90 years.

Some scholars argue that a focus on ideological conflict masks the most salient divisions in the era of Donald Trump: authoritarians versus non-authoritarians.

Karen Stenner, the author of The Authoritarian Dynamic, emailed me on this point to say that

Its really critical to help people understand the difference between conservatives and authoritarians. Conservatives are by nature opposed to change and novelty, whereas authoritarians are averse to diversity and complexity. Its a subtle but absolutely critical distinction.

What were facing, she continued,

is an authoritarian revolution not a conservative revolution, the term is inherently contradictory which in the U.S. has been creeping up since the 1960s.

Authoritarianism, Stenner continued, is

clearly distinct from what I call laissez faire conservatism. In fact, in cross-national research I consistently find that these two dimensions are actually negatively related. If anything, authoritarians tend to be wary of free markets and more supportive of government intervention and redistribution, perhaps even schemes of equalization and progressive taxation.

For Stenner, the overriding objective of the authoritarian is always to enhance oneness and sameness; to minimize the diversity of people, beliefs and behaviors.

In a 2009 paper, Conservatism, Context-Dependence, and Cognitive Incapacity, Stenner wrote:

Authoritarianism is a functional disposition concerned with maximizing oneness and sameness especially in conditions where the things that make us one and the same common authority, and shared values appear to be under threat.

Threat, she continued, sets in motion an authoritarian dynamic that activates

latent predispositions to authoritarianism and increases their expression in manifest intolerance. That is to say, intolerance is a function of the interaction of authoritarian predisposition with conditions of normative threat.

In her email, Stenner argued that non-authoritarian conservatives, opposed to change, dedicated to upholding laws, and to the defense of legitimate political and social institutions that underpin societal stability and security are a crucial pillar of democratic governance.

In the real world, she continued, it is the authoritarians who are the revolutionaries.

Because of this authoritarian revolution, here and abroad, Stenner contends that

the whole of liberal democracy is in grave danger at this moment. But the fault lies with authoritarians on both the right and the left, and the solution is in the hands of non-authoritarians on both sides.

Stenner makes the case that the authoritarian revolution began in the 1960s: Once the principle of equal treatment under the law was instituted and entrenched by means of the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act, traditional conservatism fidelity to the laws of the land and defense of legitimate institutions took a back seat to authoritarianism as a factor driving expressions of racial, moral and political intolerance.

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The Whole of Liberal Democracy Is in Grave Danger at This Moment - The New York Times

Tom Ragle: The future of liberal learning and the demise of Marlboro College – Brattleboro Reformer

By Tom Ragle

So the other shoe has fallen: as expected, the Vermont Attorney General has approved the merger of Marlboro College with Emerson College in Boston, and the sale of its campus to Democracy Builders Fund Inc. The Marlboro we knew is gone forever. We are all in some form of mourning. Emerson is an honest institution, and I wish the best for the Institute there, but while our academic program may be largely reproducible in an urban setting, the rural setting close to nature plus the sense of community with the town meeting form of self-government, all of which helped define us, are not.

Perhaps the merger had to be, but I am still not convinced. After all, when the college was first accredited in 1965 (on its first attempt rare), it had 29 faculty members, 16 staff members, 140 students (all headcount, not full-time equivalent, all close to the student enrollment in recent years), and if I remember correctly, virtually no endowment (well under $1 million).

I yield that conditions have changed radically since the period after the war when there was a surplus of students because of the backlog followed by the baby boom after the war. But I am still not convinced a merger was necessary. Of course, I also yield that both fees and expenses have increased exponentially since that time, government regulations have proliferated, the college now has a plant and staffing for 250-300 students, not 150, and there are fewer students in the college-going cohort because college age demographics are changing. Most significant, liberal education is devalued and vocational education put in its place to the point that I understand how much graduates earn five years after graduating has become a factor.

It seems to many of us, nevertheless, that with between a $30 and $35 million endowment (it once approached $45 million) and with radical re-imagining, a college of approximately 150 students true to Marlboro's founding principles should be financially viable today on Potash Hill. Was there ever a real attempt to figure out what kind of a liberal arts college true to Marlboro's principles could be reconfigured with 150 students and an endowment of that size? As we look back, the procedure appears faulty and communication inadequate.

"As 'tis, 'tis," however. It is time to turn from the past, which we can no longer affect, and turn to the future, which we can. I am still in deep mourning and will be for the rest of my life, for did I not spend over half my working years at Marlboro? Marlboro is in my blood, as it is for many of you, to the extent my wife keeps pointing out to me that when I refer to the college I still, after 39 years away, unconsciously refer to it as "we." Mourning is inevitable and important.

My great concern at the moment, however, is not the past, not the painful loss of Marlboro, but the future, the future of liberal learning in our nation. It will probably survive in the leading independent universities such as the Ivies, Chicago, Stanford, and even the public Berkeley, but what about the loss of many of the best small residential liberal arts colleges which traditionally have fed the best graduate schools? What about the loss of the wide variety of liberal arts colleges? Of small colleges, will only the vocational ones remain? Will that lead to an exaggerated class distinction based on money and privilege?

The status of the nation today reveals that our educational system as a whole has failed. Look at our malfunctioning government in Washington, our response to the pandemic, our racial strife. A liberal education had its source in ancient Athens, where it was the education for the free man as opposed to the slave. What does that mean in the 21st century, where in the United States, "man" now means all people and where slavery is illegal? A liberal education teaches us to think, think for ourselves, so important in an age which is faced not only with material threats such as nuclear stockpiles, global warming, and COVID-19, but cultural ones.

Lectures and distance learning can transmit facts and some procedures, but only small classes and seminars with intense dialogue "I disagree," "Did you also consider?" "What about ..." teach us to think. At a time when the world is becoming more multi-racial, more multi-cultural; at a time when centrifugal forces are trumping centripetal forces; at a time when we are experiencing a cultural change in the West of tectonic proportions (after 1700 years a Western culture based on Christian values is being replaced by a secular culture based on materialism just as paganism was replaced by Christianity in the 4th century CE); we need to come together thoughtfully. Our leaders of all kinds need what a liberal education can give them: more than a vocational, more than even a theoretical, education. Ask institutions from business corporations to government agencies to non-profits what they are looking for in leadership positions and they will say people who are articulate, can think for themselves, and can interact with many different kinds of people. The institutions themselves can provide the practical training necessary for what they do. What prepares their leaders is liberal learning such as Marlboro provided. We must see that liberal learning survives.

Tom Ragle is president emeritus of Marlboro College, having worked there from 1958 to 1981. The opinions expressed by columnists do not necessarily reflect the views of the Brattleboro Reformer.

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Tom Ragle: The future of liberal learning and the demise of Marlboro College - Brattleboro Reformer

Scheer says Liberal MPs signalling they’re OK with ‘corruption’ if they don’t demand Trudeau’s resignation – CBC.ca

Conservative Leader Andrew Scheer said todayLiberal MPs should push for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's resignation as he faces his third ethics investigation this time for his handling of the multi-million dollar WE Charity student grants contract.

Scheer said thatif Liberal backbenchers don't call for Trudeau's departure now, they'll becomplicit in his alleged "corruption."

"If they allow him to continue, if they don't demand that he resign, then they are telling Canadians that they are comfortable with his corruption," Scheer told reporters during a press conference on Parliament Hill.

"Each and every one of them has a choice to make," he said of Liberal MPs.

Scheer said the Liberal backbench should be demanding thatTrudeau explain why he approved such a large contract (a "contribution agreement," according to the public service)with a charity that had been paying his family members.

"Either the Liberals were aware of these issues and still approved the decision, or they were incompetent," he said.

"It's either corruption or incompetence. Which is it?"

Trudeau has apologized for not recusing himself from cabinet talks about the WE Charity deal after it was revealed his mother and brother received some $300,000 in speaking fees from the group.

Finance Minister Bill Morneau alsohas saidhe made a mistake by participating in those talks when his daughter works for the charity in its travel department.

Parliament returned today to debate new pandemicrelief legislation. Trudeau was not in attendance.

According to his official itinerary, Trudeau took a"personal" day.

"He chose the date in which the House of Commons would reconvene and he's not showing up for work today," Scheer said.

The opposition leader called for aspecialemergency debate on the WE scandal but Speaker Anthony Rota said the topic didn't meet the bar for such a request.

Under the Commons rules, an emergency debate is only allowable if the Speaker finds the matter relates to a "genuine emergency."

Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freelandfielded questions from the oppositionon Trudeau's behalf in question period.

"Asdeputy prime minister,part of my job is to be accountable to this chamber when the prime minister is not here," she said.

Pressed on the WE contract, Freeland said it was the non-partisan public service that recommended WE as program administratorbecause the charity has the nationwide reach to pair students with volunteeropportunities. Sheconceded the program'srollouthas been problematic.

Watch:Scheer questions Freeland about WE Charity and failed student grants program:

Rachel Wernick, a senior bureaucratwith Employment and Social Development Canada, said last week she recommended WE for the job after one of its co-founders, Craig Kielburger, presented her with a grants plan the day the PM announced a substantial aid package for out-of-work students.

"Obviously, the way this unfolded was regrettable, and that is why the charity is no longer administering the project," Freeland said.

Asked if Trudeau would appear before the finance committee to testify about his role in this affair, Freeland said "we are cooperating as we ought to."

NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh said the $912-million summer grants initiative wasn't really a program to help students but rather a lifelinefor a charity facing a dip in donations because of the pandemic.

"There were lots of ways to help students. This was not it,"Singh said.

"What was it? Itwas a billion-dollar bailout of close friends of the Liberal Party and of the prime minister."

Conservative MP Michael Barrett saidthe program which could have been worth as much as $43.5 million in administrative fees for the WE Charity was about Trudeau "rewarding his friends, punishing his enemies and always letting Canadians down."

Kevin Lamoureux, the Liberal deputy House leader, said the opposition was engaging in "character assassination." Freeland said the program was always about protectingthe current cohort of college and university students from becoming a "lost generation."

Watch: Singh says summer student grants program was a 'billion-dollar bailout'

Scheer's comments about "corruption" came after Liberal MPs filibustered the House of Commons ethics committee meeting last Friday with 30-minute long monologues on various topics their personal resumes, democracy, ancient Greece, French political theory and the virtues of the University of Sherbrooke, among others that pushed the committee meeting's duration well past its scheduled end time.

Liberal MP Greg Fergus then moved to adjourn the committee before there could be a vote on an ethics probe.

Scheer said he hopestheMPs behind the filibuster are punished by their constituents at the ballot box during the next federal election. He said their behaviour was "shameful."

"We're going to appeal to Canadians to put pressure on Liberal MPs to do the right thing," Scheer said.

During a members' statement in the Commons, Conservative MP Cheryl Gallant called Trudeau the "most corrupt prime minister in the history of Canada."

"Three strikes and you're out. That's what my constituents are saying," Gallant said, referring topast reports from the ethics commissioner that found Trudeau had contravened the ethics code onceby vacationing on the Aga Khan's private island and onceagain during the SNC-Lavalin scandal.

The Commonsis todaydebatinga new piece of government legislation, C-20. If adopted, the billwill make changes to the federal wage subsidy program and send one-time payments to disabled Canadians.

The legislation has the support of the Bloc Qubcois but Scheer said he's concerned that the Liberals'tweaks to the wage subsidy have made the program too "complex."

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Scheer says Liberal MPs signalling they're OK with 'corruption' if they don't demand Trudeau's resignation - CBC.ca

I disagree with Liberals, so I guess I must be a racist – Wyoming Tribune

I can't understand why everyone is so afraid of being called a racist. That's all we hear in the news: He's a racist, she's a racist, everyone is a racist.

The Liberal definition of a racist is anyone who disagrees with them. Well, I certainly disagree with them, so I guess that makes me a racist.

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I disagree with Liberals, so I guess I must be a racist - Wyoming Tribune

Junior Fellowship in the SUSTech Society of Fellows in the Liberal Arts job with Southern University of Science and Technology (SUSTech) | 278050 -…

The Society of Fellows in the Liberal Arts at SouthernUniversity of Science and Technology (SUSTech) invites applicationsfor Junior Fellowships in the social sciences and humanities. Thesepostdoctoral fellowships aim at fostering the academic careers ofscholars who have recently received their Ph.D. degrees byproviding a competitive package and membership in aninterdisciplinary scholarly community.

About the Society and Junior Fellowships

The Society of Fellows in the Liberal Arts at SUSTech isdedicated to stimulating innovative interdisciplinary research inthe humanities and social sciences, offering opportunities forscholars of the highest caliber to develop their professionalcareers.

The Society will select a cohort of up to nine Junior Fellowsfor the class of 2020. Those selected will be offered a two-yearpostdoctoral appointment beginning in September 2020. Fellowshipsare awarded to recent Ph.D. recipients in the humanities and socialsciences who have demonstrated intellectual excellence and thepotential for outstanding academic achievement.

Junior Fellows are expected to devote their time to productivescholarship, focusing on publishing their dissertation research,undertaking new research in accordance with their proposed project,and engaging in other original work that will further theiracademic careers. The Society aims to foster teaching excellence inthe humanities and social sciences, and the fellowships carry withthem a teaching responsibility of four 2-credit courses over thetwo-year period, one course per term.

Junior Fellows are required to be in residence during the falland spring academic terms, and to attend all of the Societysactivities. They are also encouraged to regularly participate inevents (such as seminars, workshops, and lectures) organized by theSchool of Humanities and Social Sciences, and other departments andprograms at the University. Junior Fellows are appointed for twoyears, and no extensions are granted.

Eligibility

The Junior Fellowship competition is open to recent Ph.D.recipients from all areas of specialization in the humanities andsocial sciences; candidates must have received their doctoraldegree no later than June 30, 2020 but no earlier than December 1,2016. They should demonstrate outstanding original scholarship anda strong capacity for independent work, and preferably haveacquired solid teaching experience.

Both English and Chinese are commonly used by all of theacademic programs and in most events at SUSTech. Courses at bothundergraduate and graduate levels are taught in either English orChinese. The Society encourages applications from non-Chinesecitizens and scholars who conduct their teaching and research inEnglish. Satisfactory knowledge of Chinese is preferable but notrequired.

All qualified applicants will receive equal considerationwithout regard to race, color, religion, sex, age, gender identity,nationality, or any other characteristic protected by law.

Benefits and Resources

Junior Fellows receive an annual stipend totaling 300,000(approximately US $42,630) plus additional research and housingallowances (up to 100,000). The Society will also provide Fellowswith office space, as well as access to library resources andlaboratory facilities at SUSTech, health insurance and otherbenefits.

Application Procedure

Applicants should provide the following materials:

a curriculum vitae

a personal statement (of 1000 2000 words) outlining yourdissertation or other major research projects, professional goals,and any other information relevant to your candidacy

a dissertation abstract

a writing sample (one chapter of the dissertation, or onepublished article related to your dissertation or most recentresearch project)

a research plan (no longer than 1000 words) for the two-yearfellowship period at SUSTech

three letters of recommendation, to be sent directly by thereferees to SUSTech via email (fellows@sustech.edu.cn)

All materials above should be sent by email tofellows@sustech.edu.cn.

For more information about Society of Fellows in the LiberalArts at SUSTech, please visit:https://ias.sustc.edu.cn/institution/english-nkdryxh/?lang=zh

About SUSTech

Southern University of Science and Technology is a publicuniversity located in Shenzhen, China, a vibrant mega-city andhigh-tech center adjacent to Hong Kong, with a population of over10 million people. The university is rapidly developing into atop-tier international university that excels in conductinginterdisciplinary research, nurturing innovative talents, anddelivering new knowledge to the world. For more information pleasevisithttps://www.sustech.edu.cn/en/.

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Junior Fellowship in the SUSTech Society of Fellows in the Liberal Arts job with Southern University of Science and Technology (SUSTech) | 278050 -...

Adam Van Koeverden | Team Trudeau

Adam van Koeverden is a dedicated community leader, one of Canadas most accomplished athletes, and our federal Liberal candidate in Milton. He has represented Canada at four Summer Olympic Games, winning a Gold medal, two Silvers, and a Bronze. He served as Canadas flag bearer in Athens and Beijing, and won the Lou Marsh Award as Canadas top athlete in 2004.

A first generation Canadian, Adam grew up at Chautauqua Co-op in North Oakville with his younger brother and single mom. Growing up in community housing taught Adam the values of teamwork, compassion, and the importance of making sure your neighbours have everything they need.

Adam joined the Burloak Canoe Club as a teenager and rapidly became one of Canada's premier athletes. In addition to being a World, Olympic and Canadian Champion, Adam is a champion for his community, for a strong middle class, and for those in need. He has volunteered extensively for organizations like Right To Play, WaterAID, Special Olympics, Parkinsons Canada, and the David Suzuki Foundation.

He has also served as Chair of the Canadian Olympic Athletes Commission, and was a member of the Federal Governments working group for Gender Inclusion and Gender Based Violence in Sport. He is a leading public speaker and has spoken to tens of thousands of students at schools in Halton region and across Canada.

Prior to entering politics, Adam has also worked as a managing consultant with Deloitte, and as a broadcaster, writer and producer with CBC Sports. He graduated as valedictorian from McMaster University in 2007, and lives in Milton with his Egyptian street dog, Cairo.

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Adam Van Koeverden | Team Trudeau

CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA: The Seven Liberal Arts

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The expression artes liberales, chiefly used during the Middle Ages, does not mean arts as we understand the word at this present day, but those branches of knowledge which were taught in the schools of that time. They are called liberal (Latin liber, free), because they serve the purpose of training the free man, in contrast with the artes illiberales, which are pursued for economic purposes; their aim is to prepare the student not for gaining a livelihood, but for the pursuit of science in the strict sense of the term, i.e. the combination of philosophy and theology known as scholasticism. They are seven in number and may be arranged in two groups, the first embracing grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic, in other words, the sciences of language, of oratory, and of logic, better known as the artes sermocinales, or language studies; the second group comprises arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music, i.e. the mathematico-physical disciplines, known as the artes reales, or physicae. The first group is considered to be the elementary group, whence these branches are also called artes triviales, or trivium, i.e. a well-beaten ground like the junction of three roads, or a cross-roads open to all. Contrasted with them we find the mathematical disciplines as artes quadriviales, or quadrivium, or a road with four branches. The seven liberal arts are thus the members of a system of studies which embraces language branches as the lower, the mathematical branches as the intermediate, and science properly so called as the uppermost and terminal grade. Though this system did not receive the distinct development connoted by its name until the Middle Ages, still it extends in the history of pedagogy both backwards and forwards; for while, on the one hand, we meet with it among the classical nations, the Greeks and Romans, and even discover analogous forms as forerunners in the educational system of the ancient Orientals, its influence, on the other hand, has lasted far beyond the Middle Ages, up to the present time.

It is desirable, for several reasons, to treat the system of the seven liberal arts from this point of view, and this we propose to do in the present article. The subject possesses a special interest for the historian, because an evolution, extending through more than two thousand years and still in active operation, here challenges our attention as surpassing both in its duration and its local ramifications all other phases of pedagogy. But it is equally instructive for the philosopher because thinkers like Pythagoras, Plato, and St. Augustine collaborated in the framing of the system, and because in general much thought and, we may say, much pedagogical wisdom have been embodied in it. Hence, also, it is of importance to the practical teacher, because among the comments of so many schoolmen on this subject may be found many suggestions which are of the greatest utility.

The Oriental system of study, which exhibits an instructive analogy with the one here treated, is that of the ancient Hindus still in vogue among the Brahmins. In this, the highest object is the study of the Veda, i.e. the science or doctrine of divine things, the summary of their speculative and religious writings for the understanding of which ten auxiliary sciences were pressed into service, four of which, viz. phonology, grammar, exegesis, and logic, are of a linguistico-logical nature, and can thus be compared with the Trivium; while two, viz. astronomy and metrics, belong to the domain of mathematics, and therefore to the Quadrivium. The remainder, viz. law, ceremonial lore, legendary lore, and dogma, belong to theology. Among the Greeks the place of the Veda is taken by philosophy, i.e. the study of wisdom, the science of ultimate causes which in one point of view is identical with theology. "Natural Theology", i.e. the doctrine of the nature of the Godhead and of Divine things, was considered as the domain of the philosopher, just as "political theology" was that of the priest, and "mystical theology" of the poet. [See O. Willmann, Geschichte des Idealismus (Brunswick, 1894), I, sect. 10.] Pythagoras (who flourished between 540 B.C. and 510 B.C.) first called himself a philosopher, but was also esteemed as the greatest Greek theologian. The curriculum which he arranged for his pupils led up to the hieros logos, i.e. the sacred teaching, the preparation for which the students received as mathematikoi, i.e. learners, or persons occupied with the mathemata, the "science of learning" that, in fact, now known as mathematics. The preparation for this was that which the disciples underwent as akousmatikoi, "hearers", after which preparation they were introduced to what was then current among the Greeks as mousike paideia, "musical education", consisting of reading, writing, lessons from the poets, exercises in memorizing, and the technique of music. The intermediate position of mathematics is attested by the ancient expression of the Pythagoreans metaichmon, i.e. "spear-distance"; properly, the space between the combatants; in this case, between the elementary and the strictly scientific education. Pythagoras is moreover renowned for having converted geometrical, i.e. mathematical, investigation into a form of education for freemen. (Proclus, Commentary on Euclid, I, p. 19, ten peri ten geometrian philosophian eis schema paideias eleutherou metestesen.) "He discovered a mean or intermediate stage between the mathematics of the temple and the mathematics of practical life, such as that used by surveyors and business people; he preserves the high aims of the former, at the same time making it the palaestra of intellect; he presses a religious discipline into the service of secular life without, however, robbing it of its sacred character, just as he previously transformed physical theology into natural philosophy without alienating it from its hallowed origin" (Geschichte des Idealismus, I, 19 at the end). An extension of the elementary studies was brought about by the active, though somewhat unsettled, mental life which developed after the Persian wars in the fifth century B.C. From the plain study of reading and writing they advanced to the art of speaking and its theory (rhetoric), with which was combined dialectic, properly the art of alternate discourse, or the discussion of the pro and con. This change was brought about by the sophists, particularly by Gorgias of Leontium. They also attached much importance to manysidedness in their theoretical and practical knowledge. Of Hippias of Elis it is related that he boasted of having made his mantle, his tunic, and his foot-gear (Cicero, De Oratore, iii, 32, 127). In this way, current language gradually began to designate the whole body of educational knowledge as encyclical, i.e. as universal, or all-embracing (egkyklia paideumata, or methemata; egkyklios paideia). The expression indicated originally the current knowledge common to all, but later assumed the above-mentioned meaning, which has also passed into our word encyclopedia.

Socrates having already strongly emphasized the moral aims of education, Plato (429-347 B.C.) protested against its degeneration from an effort to acquire culture into a heaping-up of multifarious information (polypragmosyne). In the "Republic" he proposes a course of education which appears to be the Pythagorean course perfected. It begins with musico-gymnastic culture, by means of which he aims to impress upon the senses the fundamental forms of the beautiful and the good, i.e. rhythm and form (aisthesis). The intermediate course embraces the mathematical branches, viz. arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music, which are calculated to put into action the powers of reflection (dianoia), and to enable the student to progress by degrees from sensuous to intellectual perception, as he successively masters the theory of numbers, of forms, of the kinetic laws of bodies, and of the laws of (musical) sounds. This leads to the highest grade of the educational system, its pinnacle (thrigkos) so to speak, i.e. philosophy, which Plato calls dialectic, thereby elevating the word from its current meaning to signify the science of the Eternal as ground and prototype of the world of sense. This progress to dialectic (dialektike poreia) is the work of our highest cognitive faculty, the intuitive intellect (nous). In this manner Plato secures a psychological, or noetic, basis for the sequence of his studies, namely: sense-perception, reflection, and intellectual insight. During the Alexandrine period, which begins with the closing years of the fourth century before Christ, the encyclical studies assume scholastic forms. Grammar, as the science of language (technical grammar) and explanation of the classics (exegetical grammar), takes the lead; rhetoric becomes an elementary course in speaking and writing. By dialectic they understood, in accordance with the teaching of Aristotle, directions enabling the student to present acceptable and valid views on a given subject; thus dialectic became elementary practical logic. The mathematical studies retained their Platonic order; by means of astronomical poems, the science of the stars, and by means of works on geography, the science of the globe became parts of popular education (Strabo, Geographica, I, 1, 21-23). Philosophy remained the culmination of the encyclical studies, which bore to it the relation of maids to a mistress, or of a temporary shelter to the fixed home (Diog. Laert., II, 79; cf. the author's Didaktik als Bildungslehre, I, 9).

Among the Romans grammar and rhetoric were the first to obtain a firm foothold; culture was by them identified with eloquence, as the art of speaking and the mastery of the spoken word based upon a manifold knowledge of things. In his "Institutiones Oratoriae" Quintilian, the first professor eloquentiae at Rome in Vespasian's time, begins his instruction with grammar, or, to speak precisely, with Latin and Greek Grammar, proceeds to mathematics and music, and concludes with rhetoric, which comprises not only elocution and a knowledge of literature, but also logical in other words dialectical instruction. However, the encyclical system as the system of the liberal arts, or Artes Bonae, i.e. the learning of the vir bonus, or patriot, was also represented in special handbooks. The "Libri IX Disciplinarum" of the learned M. Terentius Varro of Reate, an earlier contemporary of Cicero, treats of the seven liberal arts adding to them medicine and architectonics. How the latter science came to be connected with the general studies is shown in the book "De Architectur", by M. Vitruvius Pollio, a writer of the time of Augustus, in which excellent remarks are made on the organic connection existing between all studies. "The inexperienced", he says, "may wonder at the fact that so many various things can be retained in the memory; but as soon as they observe that all branches of learning have a real connection with, and a reciprocal action upon, each other, the matter will seem very simple; for universal science (egkyklios, disciplina) is composed of the special sciences as a body is composed of members, and those who from their earliest youth have been instructed in the different branches of knowledge (variis eruditionibus) recognize in all the same fundamental features (notas) and the mutual relations of all branches, and therefore grasp everything more easily" (Vitr., De Architectur, I, 1, 12). In these views the Platonic conception is still operative, and the Romans always retained the conviction that in philosophy alone was to be found the perfection of education. Cicero enumerates the following as the elements of a liberal education: geometry, literature, poetry, natural science, ethics, and politics. (Artes quibus liberales doctrinae atque ingenuae continentur; geometria, litterarum cognito et poetarum, atque illa quae de naturis rerum, quae de hominum moribus, quae de rebus publicis dicuntur.)

Christianity taught men to regard education and culture as a work for eternity, to which all temporary objects are secondary. It softened, therefore, the antithesis between the liberal and illiberal arts; the education of youth attains its purpose when it acts so "that the man of God may be perfect, furnished to every good work" (2 Timothy 3:17). In consequence, labour, which among the classic nations had been regarded as unworthy of the freeman, who should live only for leisure, was now ennobled; but learning, the offspring of leisure, lost nothing of its dignity. The Christians retained the expression, mathemata eleuthera, studia liberalia, as well as the gradation of these studies, but now Christian truth was the crown of the system in the form of religious instruction for the people, and of theology for the learned. The appreciation of the several branches of knowledge was largely influenced by the view expressed by St. Augustine in his little book, "De Doctrin Christian". As a former teacher of rhetoric and as master of eloquence he was thoroughly familiar with the Artes and had written upon some of them. Grammar retains the first place in the order of studies, but the study of words should not interfere with the search for the truth which they contain. The choicest gift of bright minds is the love of truth, not of the words expressing it. "For what avails a golden key if it cannot give access to the object which we wish to reach, and why find fault with a wooden key if it serves our purpose?" (De Doctr. Christ., IV, 11, 26). In estimating the importance of linguistic studies as a means of interpreting Scripture, stress should be laid upon exegetical, rather than technical grammar. Dialectic must also prove its worth in the interpretation of Scripture; "it traverses the entire text like a tissue of nerves" (Per totum textum scripturarum colligata est nervorum vice, ibid., II, 40, 56). Rhetoric contains the rules of fuller discussion (praecepta uberioris disputationis); it is to be used rather to set forth what we have understood than to aid us in understanding (ibid., II, 18). St. Augustine compared a masterpiece of rhetoric with the wisdom and beauty of the cosmos, and of history "Ita qudam non verborum, sed rerum, eloquenti contrariorum oppositione seculi pulchritudo componitur" (City of God XI.18). Mathematics was not invented by man, but its truths were discovered; they make known to us the mysteries concealed in the numbers found in Scripture, and lead the mind upwards from the mutable to the immutable; and interpreted in the spirit of Divine Love, they become for the mind a source of that wisdom which has ordered all things by measure, weight, and number (De Doctr. Christ., II, 39, also Wisdom, xi, 21). The truths elaborated by the philosophers of old, like precious ore drawn from the depths of an all-ruling Providence, should be applied by the Christian in the spirit of the Gospel, just as the Israelites used the sacred vessels of the Egyptians for the service of the true God (De Doctr. Christ., II, 41).

The series of text-books on this subject in vogue during the Middle Ages begins with the work of an African, Marcianus Capella, written at Carthage about A.D. 420. It bears the title "Satyricon Libri IX" from satura, sc. lanx, "a full dish". In the first two books, "Nuptiae Philologiae et Mercurii", carrying out the allegory that Phoebus presents the Seven Liberal Arts as maids to the bride Philology, mythological and other topics are treated. In the seven books that follow, each of the Liberal Arts presents the sum of her teaching. A simpler presentation of the same subject is found in the little book, intended for clerics, entitled, "De artibus ac disciplinis liberalium artium", which was written by Magnus Aurelius Cassiodorus in the reign of Theodoric. Here it may be noted that Ars means "text-book", as does the Greek word techen; disciplina is the translation of the Greek mathesis or mathemata, and stood in a narrower sense for the mathematical sciences. Cassiodorus derives the word liberalis not from liber, "free", but from liber, "book", thus indicating the change of these studies to book learning, as well as the disappearance of the view that other occupations are servile and unbecoming a free man. Again we meet with the Artes at the beginning of an encyclopedic work entitled "Origines, sive Etymologiae", in twenty books, compiled by St. Isidore, Bishop of Seville, about 600. The first book of this work treats of grammar; the second, of rhetoric and dialectic, both comprised under the name of logic; the third, of the four mathematical branches. In books IV-VIII follow medicine, jurisprudence, theology; but books IX and X give us linguistic material, etymologies, etc., and the remaining books present a miscellany of useful information. Albinus (or Alcuin), the well-known statesman and counsellor of Charles the Great, dealt with the Artes in separate treatises, of which only the treatises intended as guides to the Trivium have come down to us. In the introduction, he finds in Prov. ix, 1 (Wisdom hath built herself a house, she hath hewn her out seven pillars) an allusion to the seven liberal arts which he thinks are meant by the seven pillars. The book is written in dialogue form, the scholar asking questions, and the master answering them. One of Alcuin's pupils, Rabanus Maurus, who died in 850 as the Archbishop of Mainz, in his book entitled "De institutione clericorum", gave short instructions concerning the Artes, and published under the title, "De Universo", what might be called an encyclopedia. The extraordinary activity displayed by the Irish monks as teachers in Germany led to the designation of the Artes as Methodus Hybernica. To impress the sequence of the arts on the memory of the student, mnemonic verses were employed such as the hexameter;

By the number seven the system was made popular; the Seven Arts recalled the Seven Petitions of the Lord's Prayer, the Seven Gifts of the Holy Ghost, the Seven Sacraments, the Seven Virtues, etc. The Seven Words on the Cross, the Seven Pillars of Wisdom, the Seven Heavens might also suggest particular branches of learning. The seven liberal arts found counterparts in the seven mechanical arts; the latter included weaving, blacksmithing, war, navigation, agriculture, hunting, medicine, and the ars theatrica. To these were added dancing, wrestling, and driving. Even the accomplishments to be mastered by candidates for knighthood were fixed at seven: riding, tilting, fencing, wrestling, running, leaping, and spear-throwing. Pictorial illustrations of the Artes are often found, usually female figures with suitable attributes; thus Grammar appears with book and rod, Rhetoric with tablet and stilus, Dialectic with a dog's head in her hand, probably in contrast to the wolf of heresy cf. the play on words Domini canes, Dominicani Arithmetic with a knotted rope, Geometry with a pair of compasses and a rule, Astronomy with bushel and stars, and Music with cithern and organistrum. Portraits of the chief representatives of the different sciences were added. Thus in the large group by Taddeo Gaddi in the Dominican convent of Santa Maria Novella in Florence, painted in 1322, the central figure of which is St. Thomas Aquinas, Grammar appears with either Donatus (who lived about A.D. 250) or Priscian (about A.D. 530), the two most prominent teachers of grammar, in the act of instructing a boy; Rhetoric accompanied by Cicero; Dialectic by Zeno of Elea, whom the ancients considered as founder of the art; Arithmetic by Abraham, as the representative of the philosophy of numbers, and versed in the knowledge of the stars; Geometry by Euclid (about 300 B.C.), whose "Elements" was the text-book par excellence; Astronomy by Ptolemy, whose "Almagest" was considered to be the canon of star-lore; Music by Tubal Cain using the hammer, probably in allusion to the harmoniously tuned hammers which are said to have suggested to Pythagoras his theory of intervals. As counterparts of the liberal arts are found seven higher sciences: civil law, canon law, and the five branches of theology entitled speculative, scriptural, scholastic, contemplative, and apologetic. (Cf. Geschichte des Idealismus, II, Par. 74, where the position of St. Thomas Aquinas towards the sciences is discussed.)

An instructive picture of the seven liberal arts in the twelfth century may be found in the work entitled "Didascalicum", or "Eruditio Didascalici", written by the Augustinian canon, Hugo of St. Victor, who died at Paris, in 1141. He was descended from the family of the Counts Blankenburg in the Harz Mountains and received his education at the Augustinian convent of Hammersleben in the Diocese of Halberstadt, where he devoted himself to the liberal arts from 1109 to 1114. In his "Didascalicum", VI, 3, he writes "I make bold to say that I never have despised anything belonging to erudition, but have learned much which to others seemed to be trifling and foolish. I remember how, as a schoolboy, I endeavoured to ascertain the names of all objects which I saw, or which came under my hands, and how I formulated my own thoughts concerning them [perpendens libere], namely: that one cannot know the nature of things before having learned their names. How often have I set myself as a voluntary daily task the study of problems [sophismata] which I had jotted down for the sake of brevity, by means of a catchword or two [dictionibus] on the page, in order to commit to memory the solution and the number of nearly all the opinions, questions, and objections which I had learned. I invented legal cases and analyses with pertinent objections [dispositiones ad invicem controversiis], and in doing so carefully distinguished between the methods of the rhetorician, the orator, and the sophist. I represented numbers by pebbles, and covered the floor with black lines, and proved clearly by the diagram before me the differences between acute-angled, right-angled, and obtuse-angled triangles; in like manner I ascertained whether a square has the same area as a rectangle two of whose sides are multiplied, by stepping off the length in both cases [utrobique procurrente podismo]. I have often watched through the winter night, gazing at the stars [horoscopus not astrological forecasting, which was forbidden, but pure star-study]. Often have I strung the magada [Gr. magadis, an instrument of 20 strings, giving ten tones] measuring the strings according to numerical values, and stretching them over the wood in order to catch with my ear the difference between the tones, and at the same time to gladden my heart with the sweet melody. This was all done in a boyish way, but it was far from useless, for this knowledge was not burdensome to me. I do not recall these things in order to boast of my attainments, which are of little or no value, but to show you that the most orderly worker is the most skillful one [illum incedere aptissime qui incedit ordinate], unlike many who, wishing to take a great jump, fall into an abyss; for as with the virtues, so in the sciences there are fixed steps. But, you will say, I find in histories much useless and forbidden matter; why should I busy myself therewith? Very true, there are in the Scriptures many things which, considered in themselves, are apparently not worth acquiring, but which, if you compare them with others connected with them, and if you weigh them, bearing in mind this connection [in toto suo trutinare caeperis], will prove to be necessary and useful. Some things are worth knowing on their own account; but others, although apparently offering no return for our trouble, should not be neglected, because without them the former cannot be thoroughly mastered [enucleate sciri non possunt]. Learn everything; you will afterwards discover that nothing is superfluous; limited knowledge affords no enjoyment [coarctata scientia jucunda non est]."

The connection of the Artes with philosophy and wisdom was faithfully kept in mind during the Middle Ages. Hugo says of it: "Among all the departments of knowledge the ancients assigned seven to be studied by beginners, because they found in them a higher value than in the others, so that whoever has thoroughly mastered them can afterwards master the rest rather by research and practice than by the teacher's oral instruction. They are, as it were, the best tools, the fittest entrance through which the way to philosophic truth is opened to our intellect. Hence the names trivium and quadrivium, because here the robust mind progresses as if upon roads or paths to the secrets of wisdom. It is for this reason that there were among the ancients, who followed this path, so many wise men. Our schoolmen [scholastici] are disinclined, or do not know while studying, how to adhere to the appropriate method, whence it is that there are many who labour earnestly [studentes], but few wise men" (Didascalicum, III, 3).

St. Bonaventure (1221-74) in his treatise "De Reductione artium ad theologiam" proposes a profound explanation of the origin of the Artes, including philosophy; basing it upon the method of Holy Writ as the method of all teaching. Holy Scripture speaks to us in three ways: by speech (sermo), by instruction (doctrina), and by directions for living (vita). It is the source of truth in speech, of truth in things, and of truth in morals, and therefore equally of rational, natural, and moral philosophy. Rational philosophy, having for object the spoken truth, treats it from the triple point of view of expression, of communication, and of impulsion to action; in other words it aims to express, to teach, to persuade (exprimere, docere, movere). These activities are represented by sermo congruus, versus, ornatus, and the arts of grammar, dialectic, and rhetoric. Natural philosophy seeks the truth in things themselves as rationes ideales, and accordingly it is divided into physics, mathematics, and metaphysics. Moral philosophy determines the veritas vit for the life of the individual as monastica (monos alone), for the domestic life as oeconomica, and for society as politica.

To general erudition and encyclopedic learning medieval education has less close relations than that of Alexandria, principally because the Trivium had a formal character, i.e. it aimed at training the mind rather than imparting knowledge. The reading of classic authors was considered as an appendix to the Trivium. Hugo, who, as we have seen, does not undervalue it, includes in his reading poems, fables, histories, and certain other elements of instruction (poemata, fabulae, historiae, didascaliae quaedam). The science of language, to use the expression of Augustine, is still designated as the key to all positive knowledge; for this reason its position at the head of the Arts (Artes) is maintained. So John of Salisbury (b. between 1110 and 1120; d. 1180, Bishop of Chartres) says: "If grammar is the key of all literature, and the mother and mistress of language, who will be bold enough to turn her away from the threshold of philosophy? Only he who thinks that what is written and spoken is unnecessary for the student of philosophy" (Metalogicus, I, 21). Richard of St. Victor (d. 1173) makes grammar the servant of history, for he writes, "All arts serve the Divine Wisdom, and each lower art, if rightly ordered, leads to a higher one. Thus the relation existing between the word and the thing required that grammar, dialectic, and rhetoric should minister to history" (Rich., ap. Vincentium Bell., Spec. Doctrinale, XVII, 31). The Quadrivium had, naturally, certain relations to to the sciences and to life; this was recognized by treating geography as a part of geometry, and the study of the calendar as part of astronomy. We meet with the development of the Artes into encyclopedic knowledge as early as Isadore of Seville and Rabanus Maurus, especially in the latter's work, "De Universo". It was completed in the thirteenth century, to which belong the works of Vincent of Beauvais (d. 1264), instructor of the children of St. Louis (IX). In his "Speculum Naturale" he treats of God and nature; in the "Speculum Doctrinale", starting from the Trivium, he deals with the sciences; in the "Speculum Morale" he discusses the moral world. To these a continuator added a "Speculum Historiale" which was simply a universal history.

For the academic development of the Artes it was of importance that the universities accepted them as a part of their curricula. Among their ordines, or faculties, the ordo artistarum, afterwards called the faculty of philosophy, was fundamental: Universitas fundatur in artibus. It furnished the preparation not only for the Ordo Theologorum, but also for the Ordo Legistarum, or law faculty, and the Ordo Physicorum, or medical faculty. Of the methods of teaching and the continued study of the arts at the universities in the fifteenth century, the text-book of the contemporary Carthusian, Gregory Reisch, Confessor of the Emperor Maximilian I, gives us a clear picture. He treats in twelve books: (I) of the Rudiments of Grammar; (II) of the Principles of Logic; (III) of the Parts of an Oration; (IV) of Memory, of Letter-writing, and of Arithmetic; (V) of the Principles of Music; (VI) of the Elements of Geometry; (VII) of the Principles of Astronomy; (VIII) of the Principles of Natural Things; (IX) of the Origin of Natural Things; (X) of the Soul; (XI) of the Powers; (XII) of the Principles of Moral Philosophy.-- The illustrated edition printed in 1512 at Strasburg has for appendix: the elements of Greek literature, Hebrew, figured music and architecture, and some technical instruction (Graecarum Litterarum Institutiones, Hebraicarum Litterarum Rudimenta, Musicae Figuratae Institutiones, Architecturae Rudimenta).

At the universities the Artes, at least in a formal way, held their place up to modern times. At Oxford, Queen Mary (1553-58) erected for them colleges whose inscriptions are significant, thus: "Grammatica, Litteras disce"; "Rhetorica persuadet mores"; "Dialectica, Imposturas fuge"; "Arithmetica, Omnia numeris constant"; "Musica, Ne tibi dissideas"; "Geometria, Cura, quae domi sunt"; "Astronomia, Altiora ne quaesieris". The title "Master of the Liberal Arts" is still granted at some of the universities in connection with the Doctorate of Philosophy; in England that of "Doctor of Music" is still in regular use. In practical teaching, however, the system of the Artes has declined since the sixteenth century. The Renaissance saw in the technique of style (eloquentia) and in its mainstay, erudition, the ultimate object of collegiate education, thus following the Roman rather than the Greek system. Grammar and rhetoric came to be the chief elements of the preparatory studies, while the sciences of the Quadrivium were embodied in the miscellaneous learning (eruditio) associated with rhetoric. In Catholic higher schools philosophy remained as the intermediate stage between philological studies and professional studies; while according to the Protestant scheme philosophy was taken over (to the university) as a Faculty subject. The Jesuit schools present the following gradation of studies: grammar, rhetoric, philosophy, and, since philosophy begins with logic, this system retains also the ancient dialectic.

In the erudite studies spoken of above, must be sought the germ of the encyclopedic learning which grew unceasingly during the seventeenth century. Amos Comenius (d. 1671), the best known representative of this tendency, who sought in his "Orbis Pictus" to make this diminutive encyclopedia (encyclopdiola) the basis of the earliest grammatical instruction, speaks contemptuously of "those liberal arts so much talked of, the knowledge of which the common people believe a master of philosophy to acquire thoroughly", and proudly declares, "Our men rise to greater height". (Magna Didactica, xxx, 2.) His school classes are the following: grammar, physics, mathematics, ethics, dialectic, and rhetoric. In the eighteenth century undergraduate studies take on more and more the encyclopedic character, and in the nineteenth century the class system is replaced by the department system, in which the various subjects are treated simultaneously with little or no reference to their gradation; in this way the principle of the Artes is finally surrendered. Where, moreover, as in the Gymnasia of Germany, philosophy has been dropped from the course of studies, miscellaneous erudition becomes in principle an end unto itself. Nevertheless, present educational systems preserve traces of the older systematic arrangement (language, mathematics, philosophy). In the early years of his Gymnasium course the youth must devoted his time and energy to the study of languages, in the middle years, principally to mathematics, and in his last years, when he is called upon to express his own thoughts, he begins to deal with logic and dialectic, even if it be only in the form of composition. He is therefore touching upon philosophy. This gradation which works its own way, so to speak, out of the present chaotic condition of learned studies, should be made systematic; the fundamental idea of the Artes Liberales would thus be revived.

The Platonic idea, therefore, that we should advance gradually from sense-perception by way of intellectual argumentation to intellectual intuition, is by no means antiquated. Mathematical instruction, admittedly a preparation for the study of logic, could only gain if it were conducted in this spirit, if it were made logically clearer, if its technical content were reduced, and if it were followed by logic. The express correlation of mathematics to astronomy, and to musical theory, would bring about a wholesome concentration of the mathematico-physical sciences, now threatened with a plethora of erudition. The insistence of older writers upon the organic character of the content of instruction deserves earnest consideration. For the purpose of concentration a mere packing together of uncorrelated subjects will not suffice; their original connection and dependence must be brought into clear consciousness. Hugo's admonition also, to distinguish between hearing (or learning, properly so called) on the one hand, and practice and invention on the other, for which there is good opportunity in grammar and mathematics, deserves attention. Equally important is his demand that the details of the subject taught be weighed trutinare, from trutina, the goldsmith's balance. This gold balance has been used far too sparingly, and, in consequence, education has suffered. A short-sighted realism threatens even the various branches of language instruction. Efforts are made to restrict grammar to the vernacular, and to banish rhetoric and logic except so far as they are applied in composition. It is, therefore, not useless to remember the "keys". In every department of instruction method must have in view the series: induction, based on sensuous perception; deduction, guided also by perception, and abstract deduction a series which is identical with that of Plato. All understanding implies these three grades; we first understand the meaning of what is said, we next understand inferences drawn from sense perception, and lastly we understand dialectic conclusions. Invention has also three grades: we find words, we find the solution of problems, we find thoughts. Grammar, mathematics, and logic likewise form a systematic series. The grammatical system is empirical, the mathematical rational and constructive, and the logical rational and speculative (cf. O. Willmann, Didaktik, II, 67). Humanists, over-fond of change, unjustly condemned the system of the seven liberal arts as barbarous. It is no more barbarous than the Gothic style, a name intended to be a reproach. The Gothic, built up on the conception of the old basilica, ancient in origin, yet Christian in character, was misjudged by the Renaissance on account of some excrescences, and obscured by the additions engrafted upon it by modern lack of taste (op. cit., p. 230). That the achievements of our forefathers should be understood, recognized, and adapted to our own needs, is surely to be desired.

APA citation. Willmann, O. (1907). The Seven Liberal Arts. In The Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company. http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/01760a.htm

MLA citation. Willmann, Otto. "The Seven Liberal Arts." The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 1. New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1907. <http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/01760a.htm>.

Transcription. This article was transcribed for New Advent by Bob Elder.

Ecclesiastical approbation. Nihil Obstat. March 1, 1907. Remy Lafort, S.T.D., Censor. Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York.

Contact information. The editor of New Advent is Kevin Knight. My email address is webmaster at newadvent.org. Regrettably, I can't reply to every letter, but I greatly appreciate your feedback especially notifications about typographical errors and inappropriate ads.

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CATHOLIC ENCYCLOPEDIA: The Seven Liberal Arts

Liberal Studies | Florida State University

Cross-Cultural Studies (X)

Culture may be described in its broadest sense as all socially patterned, symbolically mediated, learned behavior among humans. Students who would be truly educated must have an appreciation of the interrelatedness of and the diversity within cultural traditions on both regional and global scales. Cross-Cultural Studies (X) courses focus on cultural variation on a global scale and will examine differences among cultures in general or will examine in detail one or more cultural traditions outside the dominant currents of European civilization. They should help students become culturally conscious participants in a global community.

Whether by choice or by circumstance, a society is an association of persons, and as such, differences within a society are inescapable and essential features. Functional members of any society must be able to read the social differences between each other within the context of the society of which they are members. Diversity in Western Experience (Y) courses focus on diversity on a regional scale by examining the nature of relations among groups within a society, exploring topics such as race, class, gender, or ethnicity. They should help students become culturally literate members of society.

All students who enter the University with fewer than sixty semester hours must complete at least one X and one Y course. Students transferring to the University with sixty credits or more must complete one multicultural course from either designation. These courses may be taken as part of the liberal studies requirement, as electives, or as part of a student's major. The multicultural requirement must be completed with the grade of C- or higher prior to the receipt of the baccalaureate degree.

By the end of the course, students will:

Note: In order to help students meet these objectives all Diversity (X & Y) courses require that students complete some form of substantial assignment (e.g., a paper, a presentation, a multimedia project) that accounts for a significant portion of the final grade (at least 25%) and that requires the student to demonstrate having achieved the course competencies.

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Liberal Studies | Florida State University

Liberal Studies – Ryerson University

Liberal studies are offered at two levels: the lower, which are normally taken during the first two years of a four-year program, and the upper, which are normally taken during the last two years of a four-year program.

The courses offered at each level are listed under Table A and Table B in theUndergraduate Calendar, opens in new window.

The required number of lower and upper level liberal studies varies according to program. Liberal studies courses always have the designation (LL) or (UL) in their course description. Courses not identified as either (LL) or (UL) arenotLiberal Studies courses and do not meet the Liberal Studies requirement for graduation purposes.

Certain courses listed in Table A and Table B, due to their close relation to the professional fields, cannot be taken for Liberal Studies credit by students in some programs. Please refer to the list of Table A Restrictions, opens in new window and Table B Restrictions, opens in new window in theUndergraduate Calendarfor complete details.

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Liberal Studies - Ryerson University

B.A. Liberal Arts | TAU International | Tel Aviv University

In case of restrictions connected to the COVID-19 situation, please note that the programhasput in place an alternative of long distance learning. If physical presence is not possible, you will be able to participate in your courses remotely and once permitted, resume them in person without this affecting your ability to complete the program.

The B.A. degree in Liberal Arts is a multidisciplinary program that focuses on the humanities and social sciences. This three-year course of study provides students with a strong liberal arts education while empowering them to succeed in an increasingly complex and fast-changing world.

The programcombines exposure to a broad range of disciplines with an in-depth study of at least one academic field. It aims to provide students with a variety of analytical tools; to develop their intellectual agility, critical thinking skills, and creative power; and to equip them with the ethical sensibilities necessary for living in todays complex societies.

This three-year B.A. program provides students with the foundations of a strong Liberal Arts education while empowering them to succeed in an increasingly diverse, complex, and fast-changing world. It is designed to motivate students to explore beyond the confines of single disciplines, by offering a broad selection of courses in various fields of the Humanities and Social Sciences. Alongside the core liberal arts curriculum and electives in a variety of topics,students choose a major and a minor in Middle Eastern studies, Philosophy, Literature, Israel and Jewish Studies, Psychology and Psychoanalysis, or Communication and Digital Culture.

In addition to coursework, students in this program enjoy the following:

Study trips throughout Israel that deepen understanding of local and international topics

Participation in numerous cultural events, seminars, and lectures arranged on campus each semester

Gaining invaluable intercultural dialogue and communication experiencewith like-minded peers from a kaleidoscope of backgrounds

For more than 25 years, Tel Aviv University's Hebrew-language Multidisciplinary Program in the Humanities has been one of the university's largest and most successful undergraduate programs. Each year its graduates are accepted into top M.A. and Ph.D. programs around the world; in addition, a growing number of public- and private-sector employers have increasingly begun to recognize the practical advantages of hiring graduates of Liberal Arts programs, who are trained to think systematically, communicate effectively, and think outside the box.

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B.A. Liberal Arts | TAU International | Tel Aviv University

Liberalism made the Western world, but now it is destroying it – Telegraph.co.uk

The arson attack on Nantes Cathedral is a terrible yet apposite metaphor for our troubled times. We do not know who tried to destroy this beautiful place of worship, but we should understand the significance of the action.

Attacks on churches in France, common in recent years, have been carried out by anarchists, nihilists, Islamists and others. But regardless of the cause or lack of one behind this attack, its symbolism is unmistakable.

Churches and cathedrals stand for religious faith, of course. They represent Europes Christian heritage, too. They are part of our cultural and national identities.

Some have stood for hundreds of years, physical monuments to the long sweep of history, and a reminder, through wars, plagues, recessions and depressions, of the continuity of the institutions and traditions of our societies.

The Church is just one institution, and Christianity just one traditional belief, that for generations have encouraged us to compromise with one another, and make sacrifices for one another, in the name of community. They have taught us to pursue not only our own material benefit but the common good.

Other institutions have played similar roles of course, such ascharities, trades unions and philanthropic foundations. And other beliefs systems, from other religions to political creeds such asconservatism and social democracy, have also sought to foster a sense of solidarity to build a cohesive society.

And yet Western countries are today hardly cohesive societies. In Britain, the wealth of the richest 10 per cent of families is five times higher than the wealth of the bottom half of all families combined. With children's life chances defined more by their parents' prosperity than talent, social mobility is in crisis. With the working class demonised and despised by many, social solidarity is in crisis too.

Then there is the pernicious effect of cultural liberalism and militant identity politics. While elites debate the number of black students at Oxbridge with guilt and urgency, few acknowledge that white students are less likely to go to university than any other ethnic group, and white working-class boys fare worse than anybody else at school.

While the powerful engage in exclusively elite equality debates, such asthe number of women on boards, they give little thought to the availability and affordability of childcare for low-income parents.

Those who try to raise the plight of the white working-class are often written off as racists and cranks. And those who argue in favour of unifying identities made possible by patriotism, or our attachment to more local communities are lampooned as reactionary and ridiculous.

Like letters through a stick of rock, running through each of these problems is liberalism, the ideology that made our modern Western world.

The pursuit of the common good has little place in liberalism, for liberalism is principally concerned with the maximisation of individual freedom. Liberals have always tended to underestimate how the freedom of the rich and powerful can undermine the freedom of the poor and powerless. But it is only now that this reality is becoming so blatant, prevalent and, in the eyes of many, inevitable and even legitimate.

So we have a mirage of meritocracy, in which many of those who reach the top do so not through their own achievement but the headstart handed to them by their parents.

Believing they succeeded on their own merits, however, they feel they owe little to those who "failed" to make it. This is just one reason we see a selfish corporate class, paying themselves sky-high wages and marking one anothers homework, tax avoidance by rich families and big business, and faltering support for progressive taxation and universal public services.

Also to blame is the misplaced universalism of liberalism. Partly because much of liberal thought starts with a misconceived "model" of human nature and political organisation, liberals underestimate the cultural and institutional context and history of communities and countries.

They assume we are all rational freedom-seekers, the same the world over. This leads liberals to all sorts of flawed judgments about foreign policy (think Iraq), democracy (think European Union) and immigration.

Viewing countries as little more than a platform, upon which anybody from anywhere in the world can live and work with only minimal obligations towards others, liberals support mass immigration.

In fact, they are often maniacally in favour of it, because for many of them, borders are a restraint on freedom, and culturally diverse countries are more likely to put irrational attachments to majority culture and identity behind them.

But study after academic study shows that the more diverse a society becomes, the less trust and reciprocity there is, and less willingness to pay taxes to fund universal public services and welfare systems.

Liberalism attacks the institutions and traditions that bring us together, in part because they are seen as hindrances in the pursuit of freedom. But this destructiveness is also down to the problematic relationship liberalism has with the idea of inevitable progress.

Because some liberal thinkers justify pluralism and tolerance on the basis that they create trial and error that leads to an increasingly perfect society, liberalism can become illiberal and intolerant: conservatives who worry that change can bring loss and not just gain, institutions and traditions that ask us to put others first, and beliefs that seek to achieve the common good are mocked, undermined and attacked.

The irony is, the more we see the full extent of the crisis of Western society, it becomes clearer that liberalism has always depended on those very institutions and traditions and ways of life it attacks.

Perhaps liberalism can survive without Christian virtues and stable national identities, but we cannot yet know that for sure.

And so we return to the tragedy of Nantes Cathedral. We saw on Saturday a place of worship going up in flames, but without a greater willingness to pursue the common good, it will be more than a cathedral that succumbs to fire. The very basis of Western civilisation will be in serious danger.

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Liberalism made the Western world, but now it is destroying it - Telegraph.co.uk

Liberal ‘Grandfathering’ Is Concealed Confiscation: Rick Hemmingson – TheGunBlog.ca

TheGunBlog.ca The Liberal Party of Canada uses the term grandfathering to conceal the reality of their instant gun prohibitions, according to from Rick Hemmingson, a lawyer swith Hemmingson Law in Lacombe, Alberta.

Hemmingson e-mailed TheGunBlog.ca yesterday evening in response to our report: Liberals Plan Grandfathering Under Bans: Minister of Justice.

An early version of the article equated grandfathering with confiscation upon death.

Hemmingsons comments led us to revise the report.

We are publishing his e-mail below with his permission. TheGunBlog.ca added headings and additional paragraph breaks.

By Rick Hemmingson

A law that restricts my ability to enjoy and use my guns to nothing more than being a storage facility until I die is not confiscation upon death.

It is confiscation.

A gun that must stay in my safe is worth nothing. A gun that cannot be used has been turned into an ornament. An ornament is not a grandfathered gun; it is an ornament.

Not Just Semantics

Confiscation is not just about semantics. We must look to the effect; not just the words used.

It is about whether the government has taken away my right to use, enjoy, sell, not sell my property, as I see fit. That is what I had. That is what has been taken not later. Not when I die.

It was taken NOW!

Restaurant Example

Grandfathering is typically used in a rezoning situation, for instance. If I am operating a restaurant at 101 Street and my property is rezoned to allow only a cannabis store to be built or operated at 101 Street, I can still continue to operate my restaurant because it is grandfathered. I can also sell my operating restaurant to someone else because that use is grandfathered. My restaurant continues to have value and I continue to do what I expected when I spent the money to build it. I am not, for instance, allowed to grandfather my restaurant but only if I dont serve food!

Liberal Grandfathering Is a Lie

Words matter. These words are a lie.

Our guns have been confiscated.

Charge for Storage

In fact, it would make more sense for gun owners to charge the federal government storage charges for keeping securely stored indefinitely the guns it has confiscated.

The value of these guns is gone because they cannot be sold.

We have been left with nothing other than the legal (criminal) obligation to provide free storage until death or to surrender them immediately.

When something is grandfathered, the status quo remains for those who lawfully owned and used a certain property.

Gun Owners Arent Grandfathered

Nothing has been grandfathered here simply because the government will delay marching in and taking, then destroying, my property until I die, but it is sterilized until then.

We must reject their term because it is false.

We our fans and professional members for their support.

Not a member yet?

Join here.

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Correction July 23: Corrects name and location of law firm in first paragraph.

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Liberal 'Grandfathering' Is Concealed Confiscation: Rick Hemmingson - TheGunBlog.ca

Roberts Is The New Swing Justice. That Doesnt Mean Hes Becoming More Liberal. – FiveThirtyEight

This Supreme Court term belonged to John Roberts. The chief justice was in the majority in nearly every case. And he quite literally had the last word, as he wrote the opinion for the last two cases released this term, which dealt with President Trumps much sought-after financial records. The rulings were largely interpreted as a rebuke to Trump, and considering Roberts unexpectedly joined the liberals in several other cases this term, some have speculated that the conservative chief might be moving to the center.

But is Roberts actually becoming more liberal?

New data from Supreme Court researchers indicates that Roberts is firmly at the center of the court. According to this years Martin-Quinn scores, a prominent measure of the justices ideology, there is an 82 percent chance that Roberts was the median justice in the term that just wrapped. However, as the chart below shows, there is some uncertainty about where he actually falls or how much daylight exists between Robertss ideological position this term and the positions of Justices Brett Kavanaugh and Neil Gorsuch.

But moving to the center of the court does not mean Roberts is becoming a liberal or even a centrist. Yes, he joined the liberals in several high-profile cases, and according to justice pairing data analyzed by Adam Feldman for SCOTUSBlog, he aligned with Justice Elena Kagan, a liberal, more frequently than with fellow conservative Justice Clarence Thomas. But many of the cases where Roberts sided with the liberals were limited in scope or temporary in effect. Roberts also helped push forward several long-held conservative goals including dramatically expanding the definition of religious liberty as the pivotal vote in many cases.

Roberts has long been perceived as a conservative, both ideologically and temperamentally a justice who would prefer to gradually chip away at liberal precedents rather than dispatching them with one swift blow. And on an increasingly conservative Supreme Court, its not hard to see how that incrementalist sentiment combined with a fear of what would happen if the court moved too quickly out of the mainstream might lead Roberts to some unexpected places and deliver some unwelcome losses to the conservative legal movement. But that doesnt mean hes changing in any fundamental way, or that he wont continue to quietly steer the court in a conservative direction. People seem to see Roberts moving to the center of the court and assume that hes becoming more liberal, said Melissa Murray, a law professor at New York University. I would read it a different way that the court is moving to the right.

The idea that Roberts is becoming more liberal didnt come out of nowhere. Over the past few years, his ideological position on the court as measured by the Martin-Quinn scores has inched toward the center. In 2005, when he joined the court, he was basically indistinguishable ideologically from Justice Samuel Alito, who was appointed around the same time. Now, however, Alito is probably the second most conservative justice on the court, while Roberts is the fifth most conservative.

The easiest way to interpret that trend is simply to conclude that Roberts is becoming more liberal. After all, he wouldnt be the first Republican-appointed justice to move left over time. In perhaps the most dramatic example in modern Supreme Court history, a Nixon appointee, Justice Harry Blackmun, started off conservative but was the courts most liberal member by the time he retired in 1994.

Other factors could explain Robertss shift, though, starting with a limitation of the Martin-Quinn scores themselves. The scores are estimates produced by a model based on how the justices vote they are not a direct window into what the justices actually believe or whats motivating their votes. The scores also can shift as the composition of the court changes, and the court is still adjusting after the previous longtime swing justice, Anthony Kennedy, retired and was replaced in 2018 by Kavanaugh, who has so far proven to be much more reliably conservative.

[Related: The Supreme Courts Big Rulings Were Surprisingly Mainstream This Year]

Think about it this way: One justice has to be in the middle of the court. So when Kennedy retired and was replaced by a more conservative judge, someone else had to take his place in the center. In this case, that somebody was Roberts. It could be the case that Roberts is actually drifting left, said Tom Clark, a political science professor at Emory University. But it could also be an artifact of the statistical model trying to sort out what happens to the space when you add a new person. At this point, we dont know which one it is.

The model also retroactively updates justices scores for past years at the end of each term. The changes can be substantial with new justices, since the model has little data about their positions when they first join the court. Case in point: In last years Martin-Quinn data, Kennedy was deemed to be the most likely median justice in 2017 and Kavanaugh took the role in 2018, not Roberts. But with the addition of 2019 data, Roberts is now estimated to have actually been the likely median in both years. Thats partly because we now have a better understanding of how Kavanaugh tends to rule; it also reflects the a fairly high probability that Roberts was already the median justice in the 2017 term, because Kennedy hardly swung at all in his final year on the court.

[Related: John Roberts Will Probably Be The Supreme Courts Next Swing Justice]

Meanwhile, its also possible that Roberts just appears to be moving to the left because the kinds of cases that make it to the court are shifting. This effect is especially difficult to measure and the Martin-Quinn scores can only account for it in a limited way. But Clark said if the types of cases being brought before the court are changing, that could matter a lot to how liberal or conservative each justices rulings really are. Because it could be that the Trump administration and conservative legal advocates, emboldened by the solid slate of conservatives on the court, are simply pushing Roberts to move to the right faster than hes willing to go.

Take one high-profile case from this term, where the justices considered a Louisiana abortion restriction that was functionally identical to a Texas law the court had struck down in 2016. In the previous case, Kennedy who over the course of his career was ideologically unpredictable on a handful of high-salience issues, including the abortion, affirmative action and the death penalty voted with the liberals against the Texas law. This year, though, Roberts broke the tie, saying that while he still disagreed with the 2016 ruling, he felt he had to adhere to the precedent. That doesnt mean Robertss fundamental stance toward abortion changed, though. Instead, the change in the courts composition put him in a situation where institutional considerations like not wanting to overturn a recent precedent on an extremely hot-button issue four months before a presidential election may have trumped his own ideological preferences.

[Related: The Supreme Court Struck Down A Louisiana Abortion Law. Heres Where The Fight Could Head Next.]

Thats significant because in the vast majority of cases, Roberts appears to be basically as conservative as hes ever been. According to The Supreme Court Database, a clearinghouse for data about the court, the share of opinions where he voted in a conservative direction hasnt actually changed much in the past few years when Kennedys departure and the addition of Trumps more solidly conservative appointees gave Roberts an increasingly pivotal vote compared to his opinions between the 2005 and the 2017 terms. (This data is not yet available for the term that just ended.)

Share of Robertss votes that were coded as conservative, before and after the 2016 Supreme Court term

Pre-Trump includes case data for the 2005-2016 terms, while post-Trump covers the 2017 and 2018 terms. The 2016 term is counted as pre-Trump because it started before Trump was elected, but it ended in 2017. Close cases are defined as those in which the majority was four or five and the minority was three or four.

Source: The Supreme Court Database

In other words, Roberts is still very conservative. (For the record, so was Kennedy.) But several experts told us its possible that in Kennedys absence, Roberts may be increasingly willing to rule narrowly with the liberals in certain high-stakes cases. Part of his motivation is likely that as chief justice, he feels a responsibility to ensure that the court maintains its reputation as an even-handed institution.

This year was a perfect storm for a chief justice trying to keep the Supreme Court from being dragged into the muck of partisan politics, too. The country is deeply polarized, were heading into a presidential election, theres a pandemic, an economic crisis, significant social unrest, said Marin Levy, a professor at Duke Law who studies chief justices. This is a moment where its critical to someone like Roberts that the public maintain its faith in the court. And in fact, even though this terms docket was full of hot-button issues, the courts rulings were largely in step with public opinion, thanks in part to Robertss willingness to join the liberals.

[Related: Justice Kennedy Wasnt A Moderate]

So if Kennedys forays to the left were motivated by a couple of issues on which his views were more liberal than the rest of the conservative bloc, like gay rights and sometimes abortion, Robertss recent swings appear to be be driven by more strategic and even political considerations. Hes concerned about maintaining his own power and the power of the court, said Leah Litman, a professor of law at the University of Michigan. It was perhaps a sign of Robertss success that some of the biggest conservative victories this term mostly flew under the radar, such as when the conservatives continued to expand the circumstances under which religious schools can qualify for public funding, building on a case from 2017. Litman and others said that Roberts could follow a similar blueprint for eroding something like abortion rights in the future. Rather than overturning precedents outright, he might prefer to whittle away at abortion access by allowing states to pass a patchwork of restrictions, until landmark precedents on abortion eventually become functionally hollow.

Right now, of course, Roberts is still the closest thing we have to a swing justice. But hes not really a wild card especially compared to Kennedy, who was genuinely unpredictable on a handful of issues, including abortion. Clark said a better description for Roberts might be the pivotal justice, or the person with the power to broker compromises between left and right, allowing him to determine the courts direction. That moniker is especially apt given that Roberts was so frequently in the majority this term. At SCOTUSBlog, Feldman suggested calling him the anchor justice for that reason. The fact that Roberts is chief justice gives him additional power when he votes with the majority, too: He gets to assign the opinion to a specific justice, and that can do a lot to shape the breadth and impact of the final ruling.

[Related: The Supreme Court Put DACAs Fate In The Hands Of Voters]

One thing does seem clear: Roberts is now by far the most powerful person on the Supreme Court. And he is not willing at least not yet to let his fellow conservatives veer sharply to the right. But his occasional votes with the liberals shouldnt obscure the fact that hes still a very conservative justice overall. As with Kennedy, the handful of times he swings to the left may come to define his career. And this term hes certainly proved that Trump and conservative legal advocates cant expect him to rubber-stamp any argument they lay at his feet. But when he does swing, it will likely be political and institutional factors, not a shift in his ideology, that guide his vote. And that means liberals really cant rely on him to rule their way in the future.

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Roberts Is The New Swing Justice. That Doesnt Mean Hes Becoming More Liberal. - FiveThirtyEight

Polish LGBTI+ in the Frontline of the Fight Between Liberalism and Illiberalism – RUSI Analysis

Throughout Poland and the rest of Central and Eastern Europe, the struggle for LGBTI+ equality has created a new political faultline for Europe. For the last five years, regional conservative leaders have spread bigotry concerning the rights and equal treatment of sexual and gender minorities.

Politicians linked to Polands ruling Law & Justice party (PiS) have a track record of scapegoating minorities during election campaigns. In 2014, it was the threat of Muslim migrants disrupting Polands homogeneous Catholic society which was portrayed as a big danger. And, since no Muslims migrated to Poland, PiS had to scapegoat another minority. With the LGBTI+ movement gaining visibility across the world, including Poland, those who identify as LGBTI+ could easily be portrayed as the biggest threat to the country.

From an electoral strategic point of view, attacking the movement made sense for Polish President Adrzej Duda, who has been in power since 2015, and has just narrowly won another five-year term in office. For, after Romania, Poland is still the most religious country in Europe; it has a big and conservative countryside pool of voters who evince little empathy for the LGBTI+ community.

The fight against those who identify as LGBTI+ was again highlighted by Duda as a main theme of the recent election campaign. In early June, he launched afamily charterpleading for a stop to LGBTI ideology, a concept which many human rights defenders inPoland and beyondrightly pointed out depicted the LGBTI+ community as an abstract concept, rather than real people.

As if the family charter was not enough, Duda also boosted his ultra-conservative discourse during his campaign meetings. Before he visited Auschwitz-Birkenau, for instance, he claimed that LGBT ideology was more harmful than communism.

And, as the campaign for the second round of Polands presidential elections took off, Duda broadened his scapegoating. He accused foreign news outlets of interfering in the elections, witha German journalistbeing singled out by the president. Meanwhile, ruling party leader Jaroslaw Kaczynski mixed an older hatred with a newer one by claiming during aTV interviewthat a win for the opposition would open the way for Jewish restitution claims and an LGBT offensive.

A week before the final electoral round, Duda stated that he wants to constitutionally anchor that children cannot be adopted by same-sex couples. In doing so, he acknowledges the ultra-conservative andfakediscourseof Russian-backed organisations,such as Ordo Iuris, that gay couples are pedophiles.

While the anti-LGBTI+ rhetoric during the recent election campaign made headlines internationally, the campaign against sexual and gender minorities by political elites in Poland has been going on for several years now. A third of the countrys counties have declared themselves LGBTI-free zones, a move which was criticised by theEuropean Commissionand theEuropean Parliament.

The declaration of a culture war against the LGBTI+ community is not limited to Poland.There are plenty of other conservative leaders benefiting from well-fundedinternational organisationsas diverse as theAmerican evangelical churchorRussianintelligence organisations.And the fight against LGBTI+ rights has been framed by these conservative elites in the broader fight against liberal democracy and the EU.

Annually, conservative leaders come together in the World Congress of Families (WCF); an international conference where they gather to set out their objectives and strategies. Polish policymakers and NGOs close to the government haveparticipatedseveral times. The same goes for Hungarian government officials. The Hungarian state-secretary for family and international affairs and vice-president of ruling party Fidesz,Katalin Novak, has taken up a global leadership role within the anti-LGBTI+ and anti-gender movement. And Hungary followed a similar trajectory to Poland concerning social and democratic issues, such as attacks onpress freedom, judiciaryand civil society. Hungary recentlybannedlegal gender changes, which takes away any legal recognition for transgender and intersex people.

But initiatives like the WCF dont just serve a religious and ideological purpose. They also play an important geopolitical role. It is through these organisations that Russia has developed connections with many European political elites.

Russian oligarchs linked to foreign intelligence operations have directly and indirectlyparticipatedin the WCF.While there is no hard evidence of any direct involvement with the WCF,Konstantin Malofeevis a Russian billionaire who promotes Orthodox Christian narratives, and his personal assistant,Alexey Komov, is the conferences Russian representative. Furthermore, former Russian Railways CEO Vladimir Yakunin hasreportedlyfinancially contributed to the organisation, and his wife,Natalia Yakunina, is said to participate in the conference annually.

It is through Komov that the former Italian deputy prime minister,Matteo Salvini, was connected to the Kremlin. Komov also played a vital role in the connection between Russia and Frances far-right movements. Komov invited Front NationalMEP Aymeric Chaupradeto the same anti-LGBTI+ conference in Moscow that Novak attended.

It is obvious that the participation of European policymakers in these international organisations is not only a threat to the LGBTI+ community, but also to European democracy and national security. The sole reason for Russia to invest in organisations like WCF is to undermine European values. The Kremlin wages an international war against democracy, and the cultural and soft power perspective is an important frontline for them.

The Polish presidential elections also showed that the appeal of liberal democracy is not gone in the region.

In distinction from Duda, the opposition candidate Rafal Trzaskowski was portrayed as liberal and progressive. As mayor of Warsaw, Traskowskiintroducedan LGBT equality declaration. The charter was intended to ensure that all agencies, from schools to the environmental service, had to ensure equality for LGBTI+ people. As mayor, he alsoparticipatedin the equality parade in 2019 (Parada Rownosci, the Polish name for Pride).

But despite his image, Trzaskowski remained remarkably silent on LGBTI+ rights during the election campaign. It is likely that he did so to appeal to the widest possible audience. If he wanted to win in the second round, he had to address the voters of the far-right candidate, Krzysztof Bosak, as well.

Still, his personal message is not always echoed by his party, the Civic Platform (PO), which has a moderate but complex discourse concerning social issues like LGBTI+ rights. The previous governments led by PO made no progress on such rights. And in Lublin, one of Polands largest cities, the mayor is himself a member of PO and has tried toban the equalityparade.

Nonetheless, barely a few months ago nobody would have imagined that the second round of the Polish presidential elections would be so close. The candidacy of Trzaskowski reaffirms the fact that the opposition and civil society in Poland is not dead. It also shows that the opposition is getting closer to defeating the PiS.

Poland might be one of the most religious countries in Europe. Yet, it has also been one of its most pro-European and socially engaged countries. Nobody is born with bigotry. And human rights defenders in Poland wont give up until everybody is equal.

Rmy Bonny(@RemyBonny) is a Belgian political scientist who lived in Poland and Hungary, and is currently setting up the European Coalition for LGBTI Security and Equality, a Brussels-based watchdog that will structurally monitor the anti-LGBTI+ movement in the EU and its links to foreign governments.

The views expressed in this Commentary are the authors, and do not represent those of RUSI or any other institution.

BANNER IMAGE:Equality march in Poland. Courtesy of Klarqa / Wikimedia Commons.

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Polish LGBTI+ in the Frontline of the Fight Between Liberalism and Illiberalism - RUSI Analysis

How cancel culture has turned liberals against each other and is rocking newsrooms – ThePrint

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New Delhi: Liberals are at war with each other and this is due to growing polarisation, a push for ideological conformity and the cancel culture, said ThePrints Editor-in-Chief Shekhar Gupta in episode 523 of Cut The Clutter.

Cancel culture is when someone is politically incorrect and is cancelled as a result. At this point, cancel culture goes beyond just unfollowing them and is threatening livelihoods with several people forced to resign for their diverging opinions.

Two letters have expressed concern over these trends.

The first is the strongly worded resignation letter of Bari Weiss, former editor and writer in the Opinion section of The New York Times.

Weiss accused the US newspaper of choosing stories to pander to a narrow audience due to its misjudgement about Hilary Clinton in the 2016 US Presidential Elections. Weiss said Twitter is not on the masthead of The New York Times but its become its ultimate editor that has eroded an environment for diverse opinion.

This comes just a month after the resignation of James Bennet, the former New York Times Opinion Editor, after the publishing of a controversial op-ed by Senator Tom Cotton. Senator Cotton had called for a wide-scale military crackdown on the Black Lives Matter protests in the US.

Also read: No, cancel culture isnt a threat to civilization

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The second is an open letter recently published by Harpers Magazine. It was jointly written by over 150 eminent and liberal voices including authors J.K. Rowling and Salman Rushdie, feminist critic Gloria Steinem, linguist Noam Chomsky and political scientist Fareed Zakaria.

They argued that an intolerance of public views is emerging in the US discourse, which is a threat to free speech. They also noted that cancel culture is a threat to liberalism that seeks to silence opinions and cost them their jobs.

For instance, the president and some board members of the National Book Critics Circle recently resigned amid claims of racism. This was after a colleague posted screenshots of an internal email correspondence, exposing the presidents controversial opinions on the Black Lives Matter protests.

Harvard Professor Steven Pinker, one of the signatories of the letter, called cancel culture Orwellian and said, Twitter is not an example of literate humanity.

On the other hand, critics like author Pankaj Mishra have argued that those attacking cancel culture are fighting more for their own freedom than the freedom of free speech of everybody else because they feel threatened.

However, Gupta noted, journalism and newsrooms in particular are supposed to be a large tent of diverse opinions. Expelling people from the ideological vertical for speaking out will turn journalism away from factivism and towards activism.

Global liberalism has clearly broken out into anarchy and is fighting itself, he added. This is liberal cannibalism and look whos smiling the ideological Right.

US political commentator David Rubin has described this as the liberal mob which used to attack the Right but has now turned on itself.

Watch the latest episode of CTC here:

Also read: You cant cancel Modi, RSS: Why US-style identity politics wont help Indian liberals fight

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How cancel culture has turned liberals against each other and is rocking newsrooms - ThePrint

WE woes mount for Trudeau and Liberals, but pandemic spending and border closure could ease the trouble – North Country Public Radio

Jul 19, 2020

Pressures on Prime Minister Justin Trudeau are increasing as a result of the WE scandal. Thats the ongoing controversy over a government decision made in late June to let the WE charity operate a $912-million student volunteering scheme on behalf of the government.

The Prime Minister, his wife Sophie Grgoire, and his mother Margaret have all been involved with WE, including making speaking appearances at its events. Sensing controversy, WE withdrew from the deal, and the government has been left with a lot of questions to answer.

Those are primarily being addressed by the Federal Ethics Commissioner. The House of Commons Ethics Committee has attempted to address the matter, but less successfully because Liberal Members of Parliament (MP) on the committee have filibustered its efforts during the past week.

Further issues of concern involving WE, the Trudeau family, and other members of the Liberal government have been revealed in recent days. Margaret Trudeau allegedly accepted $250,000 from WE to appear at its events. Alexandre Trudeau, the Prime Ministers brother, also allegedly accepted a lesser amount from the organization for similar reasons.

Minister of Finance Bill Morneau became part of the scandal recently when it was discovered that one of his daughters worked for WE on a contract basis, and another of his daughters had spoken at some of the organizations events.

Evidence has also surfaced that Minister of Natural Resources Seamus ORegan, who is a friend of the Prime Minister, had helped raise $400,000 for WE with Katie Telford, Trudeaus Chief of Staff.

On the surface, things dont look good politically in the Trudeau organization. However, opinion polls keep indicating that the Prime Minister and the Liberal Party would be returned to office with a strong majority in the House of Commons if an election were held now. The Liberals were reduced to a minority of seats in the October 2019 election.

There are two reasons the Liberals could be benefiting from increased popularity. The first is money. Since the COVID-19 pandemic began, they have spent a ton of it on emergency benefit payments, wage subsidies, and other programs to help Canadians get through the difficult economic situation the pandemic has caused. Bill Morneaus recent fiscal update to Parliament revealed a budget deficit of more than $400 billion and a national debt of more than $1 trillion.

Both are dubious firsts for Canada, after years of marveling at the public debts and deficits racked up by the U.S. government. Record debt and deficit aside, the government spending has been really popular and has been the defining component of the federal response to the pandemic.

Most of the difficult details of health and safety have been left to provincial and local authorities to manage. Its difficult to criticize a government that sends you a check.

The second reason is the border. During the past week, the Prime Minister confirmed that crossing between Canada and the United States will be restricted to essential traffic only. Essential means business and humanitarian reasons, not visiting friends or stocking up at Price Chopper.

Canadians have seen the stories about COVID-19 out of control in Texas and Florida but many have concluded that the entire lower 48 states are wholly consumed with COVID and chaos due to the administration in Washington, if their online comments to border-related news stories are any indication. In fact, upstate New York is no worse off than southern Ontario when it comes to COVID-19, and the situation is unlikely as severe in northern Maine or in the northern plains states either.

However, we live in a mobile society and people can, and will travel. Again, if online comments are any indication, the extended border closure has had a way of stoking Canadian nationalism and support for what the governments decision to keep the border closed. That could end up being a political dividend for Trudeau at a time when he needs one.

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WE woes mount for Trudeau and Liberals, but pandemic spending and border closure could ease the trouble - North Country Public Radio

Tim Wilson helped IPA and solicited Liberal party endorsement while in human rights position – The Guardian

Tim Wilson provided direct assistance to the Institute of Public Affairs and solicited endorsement for his looming 2016 Liberal preselection battle while in the office of human rights commissioner, previously secret correspondence shows.

A trove of internal emails, which Wilson fought to keep from being released, shows the now Liberal MP for Goldstein used his official human rights commission email account to help arrange an international speaker for a major IPA event, organise his own attendance at functions for IPA donors, and ask for a political endorsement from someone who approached him in his capacity as human rights commissioner.

Wilson told the Guardian the emails were utterly irrelevant and a non-story, saying his support of the IPA was publicly disclosed and well known throughout his term.

But the former human rights and disability discrimination commissioner Graeme Innes said the behaviour was clearly inappropriate and threatened the independence of the commission.

The correspondence ranges across Wilsons controversial tenure at the commission from 2014 to 2016, and was released through freedom of information laws to an anonymous applicant who requested exchanges between Wilsons work email account and addresses with the domains @ipa.org.au or @liberal.org.au.

In one email in 2014, Wilson used his commission email account to contact a mystery international speaker on behalf of the IPA, renewing a request that he attend a major IPA event.

The identity of the speaker is redacted in the documents, but, in earlier correspondence, Wilson praised his achievements, compared his record of success to that of Rupert Murdoch, and suggested he could top the News Corp chairmans speech to a 2013 IPA event.

You may recall, when I was previously at the Institute of Public Affairs and extended an invitation for you to come and speak in Australia, Wilson wrote on 26 October 2014.

Since then I have left the IPA. Our (now not so) new government appointed me Australias Human Rights Commissioner. Its an interesting role, especially because I now get to prosecute libertarian values within government. Needless to say the appointment attracted a lot of controversy.

Regardless, the IPA is still keen to have you speak in Australia if you are open to doing so? They asked if I could share your email. Would that be acceptable to you?

The speaker responded the next day, asking Wilson to make the appropriate email introductions.

Thanks for the update, and, yes, I would still be interested in speaking at IPA if we can coordinate things properly. Can you make the email intros?

The documents also show that in 2016, as Wilsons tenure reached its end, he used his official human rights commissioner email account to help prepare for his bid to become the Liberal member for Goldstein.

On 9 February, he received an email from an unidentified member of either the Liberal party or the IPA, who was trying to convince him to use provisions of the Racial Discrimination Act to target aboriginal activists who were being racist towards non-Aboriginal people.

In a reply six days later, Wilson did not engage with the racism claims and informed the individual that he had resigned from the Human Rights Commission.

He then asked for quotes and a picture to include in an endorsement brochure to help with his next adventure. Wilson was at the time preparing for the Goldstein preselection battle.

If you are prepared to help me in my next adventure Id appreciate a short and flattering quote for an endorsements brochure with an electronic pic sent to [redacted], Wilson wrote, using his Human Rights Commission email account. Up to you.

Wilsons request for an endorsement was sent on 15 February 2016, the day he announced his intention to resign from the commission. His resignation was not effective until 19 February.

A lengthy endorsement was then emailed back to Wilson in reply.

If you want me to condense them, let me know, or if you would like to edit them together, please feel free, the response said.

The Guardian has obtained Wilsons endorsement brochure, which contains quotes from more than 20 individuals. It is not clear who was involved in the February 2016 email exchange.

The documents also show Wilson, while commissioner and using his official email account, agreed to attend an IPA fundraising event on 4 June 2015 .

An unidentified IPA member sent him an email requesting his attendance.

Hi Tim, the email read. Were having a lunch for IPA donors and friendly journos in Sydney on Thursday it would be great if you are able to join us. Let me know. See invitation below.

Wilson replied: Hey mate, Ill be there.

In another exchange, an email is sent by a Liberal party official to Wilsons old IPA email account, requesting his attendance as a key note speaker at a lunchtime event for the Liberal party branch at Lorne in Victoria.

Your new position creates opportunities to raise issues onto a national level, the Liberal official said.

The email was forwarded from Wilsons IPA email account to his human rights commission account, where Wilson responded by suggesting the official contact the IPA for a speaker.

Thanks for your email. As Human Rights Commissioner I am unable to come and speak at fundraisers, Wilson wrote. You may want to contact [redacted] at the Institute of Public Affairs.

The documents show Wilson also used the account to arrange attendance at a dinner for IPA donors following the launch of Peter Reiths book in Melbourne in November 2015.

Well probably also do a small dinner for donors afterwards, depending on who attends, an IPA member wrote to Wilson. Wed love to have you for that too if youre available.

Wilson replied: Sure. Done.

Innes, who was Australias disability discrimination commissioner until 2014, said the conduct was inappropriate and hurt the independence of the commission.

Innes has been critical of Wilson in the past, and was not replaced when his term ended in 2014, several months after Wilsons appointment.

It is inappropriate to use the position as a statutory officer to advance your political career because you are an officer of the Commonwealth. It is the same reason he had to resign as a commissioner before seeking endorsement, Innes told the Guardian.

It is also inappropriate to advance the causes of political organisations such as the IPA whilst in that role as it is not a function of the role nor a government or commission function.

Speaking generally, the former race discrimination commissioner Tim Soutphommasane said it would not be appropriate for someone to use the office for political activities.

It would be seriously inappropriate, if not improper, for a member of the commission to have used their statutory office for partisan activity and political campaigning, he said.

Soutphommasane, who has a background with Labor, was at the commission at the same time as Wilson.

In response to Soutphommasanes comments, Wilson said it was good I didnt then.

He said he was proud of his support for human rights and groups like the IPA, which stood up for foundational freedoms. He said his support of the IPA was no secret.

My IPA membership was consistent throughout my entire time as Australias Human Rights Commissioner (including on my official bio) and as an MP so its kind of a non-story, Wilson said.

The commissions official biography states that Wilson was previously a policy director with the IPA.

Wilson also said he had done the honourable thing by resigning before seeking preselection to protect the non-partisan standing of the office. He said he would have been entitled to stay on as commissioner, take leave, and pursue partisan preselection without resigning, something he said had been confirmed by the former Human Rights Commission president Gillian Triggs.

So this is all pretty sad: what do you want me to do? Resign again? he said.

Wilson confirmed he had gone to the information commissioner to try to prevent the release of the documents.

But he said he had done so to toy with the applicant.

I absolutely exercised all my rights under the Act to make sure the applicant thought there was something salacious in these emails only to be disappointed that they were utterly irrelevant and theyd wasted their time, and sadly that of the hard-working people at the Australian Human Rights Commission, who had to compile and redact these documents.

The Human Rights Commission declined to comment when approached.

Continued here:

Tim Wilson helped IPA and solicited Liberal party endorsement while in human rights position - The Guardian

Liberal MPs to pay back allowance claimed in error after ABC investigation, but Premier denies deliberate wrongdoing – ABC News

Three South Australian Liberal MPs, including two Cabinet ministers, will be forced to repay more than $70,000 of taxpayers' money claimed in accommodation allowances.

SA Premier Steven Marshall said the payments were claimed in error and denied there had been any deliberate wrongdoing.

It comes as it was announced on Tuesday that some SA Liberal MPs will be forced to repay money incorrectly claimed under a parliamentary allowance provided for country MPs to stay in the city on official business.

Mr Marshall said some MPs have come forward to him admitting "administrative errors" in claiming the allowance, which is worth more than $31,000 a year.

"There have been some administrative errors and I've made it clear to my team they need to make it clear what those administrative errors were and rectify them as quickly as possible, and all of that information will be provided to the Parliament this afternoon," Mr Marshall said.

"But I'm not of the opinion there's been any deliberate dishonesty."

The revelation came minutes before the Parliament released 10 years' worth of claims under the allowance, prompted by an ABC investigation into the eligibility of Legislative Council President Terry Stephens to claim.

A series of ABC stories demonstrated Mr Stephens spent significant time at his million-dollar-plus suburban Adelaide property while claiming tens of thousands of dollars in allowance.

Those questions have now been referred to the Independent Commissioner Against Corruption Bruce Lander, while the Auditor-General, Taxation Commissioner and Electoral Commissioner have also been asked to examine the senior Liberal MP's living arrangements.

Infrastructure Minister Stephan Knoll will repay more than $29,000 for all Country Members Accommodation Allowance payments made since December 2018.

He has also committed to repay another night's allowance from April 2018, saying the payment was claimed by "administrative error".

Primary Industries Minister Tim Whetstone unreservedly apologised for claiming in error more than $20,000 for 90 nights from 2012 until now.

However, he will only have to repay $6,993 for nights claimed before he became a minister in 2018.

That's because since becoming a minister he has spent nights in Adelaide beyond the annual allowance cap of 135 nights and some of those additional nights have now been substituted for those he incorrectly claimed.

Liberal backbencher Fraser Ellis has also agreed to repay $42,130.

Emails from all three MPs were tabled in Parliament, amid a tranche of allowance claims made by regional MPs dating back a decade.

Mr Knoll and Mr Ellis's commitments to repay are based upon wording in a Remuneration Tribunal determination, which require members to incur "actual expenditure" in order to claim the allowance.

The ABC has previously revealed that Mr Ellis stayed rent free at the Norwood residence of fellow Liberal MP Terry Stephens while claiming the allowance.

Mr Whetstone said an audit by his staff identified "a number of administrative errors where claims had been made for nights which were not eligible as required by the guidelines".

He said he took "full responsibility".

"I apologise to the people of Chaffey and to South Australia for those errors," he said.

"But what I will say is that all of that information has now been provided to the Parliament and it is now publicly available."

Mr Knoll said he believes he "complied with all of the guidelines in relation to the claiming of this allowance".

"I do stay with my parents and I do incur expenses when I do so, but it is fair to say that since the November 2018 determination, there has been ambiguity around this allowance," he said.

"Until that ambiguity is resolved, I have sought to, out of an abundance of caution and to put this issue beyond doubt, I've repaid that money and I am not going to claim the allowance until that ambiguity is resolved."

A further two regional Liberal MPs, Adrian Pederick and Peter Treloar, have retrospectively amended their returns to change dates that they stayed in Adelaide, but have not sought to repay money.

Mr Marshall admitted greater transparency was needed, and said both the Speaker of the House of Assembly Vincent Tarzia and Legislative Council President Terry Stephens would push for records of the Country Members Accommodation Allowance to be published monthly.

Mr Marshall said the government had also written to the Auditor-General, seeking increased scrutiny, including random audits.

"We need to assure the people of SA that when their money is spent it's spent in accordance with the guidelines," Mr Marshall said.

He said the government would also write to the state's remuneration tribunal seeking "greater certainty and clarity" over when the allowance could be claimed.

"I think there has been ambiguity over a long period of time and it's now time to clean up this situation and provide much greater certainty going forward," the Premier said.

However, Opposition Leader Peter Malinauskas said both Mr Knoll and Mr Whetstone should be dumped from Cabinet.

"This is unacceptable the Premier's got to show leadership," he said.

"I mean, we're talking about taxpayers' money here going into the direct pocket of members of Parliament and what Steven Marshall wants to do is have everyone look the other way."

Do you know more about this story? Email SA.tips@abc.net.au.

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Liberal MPs to pay back allowance claimed in error after ABC investigation, but Premier denies deliberate wrongdoing - ABC News