Does the mass collection of phone records violate the Fourth Amendment?

The Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution guarantees that the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated.

Legal scholars and courts have been wrangling for more than a year over whether the National Security Agencys collection of millions of Americans phone records a program first disclosed to the public by former NSA contractor Edward Snowden in 2013 violates those protections. Some legal experts disagree over whether the record collection even qualifies as a search or seizure, and, if it does, whether collecting those records is unreasonable or requires a warrant.

In a recent Intelligence Squared U.S. debate, two teams of constitutional law experts faced off on the motion Mass Collection of U.S. Phone Records Violates The Fourth Amendment. In these Oxford-style debates, the team that sways the most people to its side by the end is the winner.

Todays Question: Does the mass collection of phone records violate the Fourth Amendment?

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Does the mass collection of phone records violate the Fourth Amendment?

Debate: Does Mass Phone Data Collection Violate The 4th Amendment?

John Yoo, a former lawyer with the U.S. Department of Justice, argues that the NSA's phone records surveillance program is constitutional. Jeff Fusco /Intelligence Squared U.S. hide caption

John Yoo, a former lawyer with the U.S. Department of Justice, argues that the NSA's phone records surveillance program is constitutional.

The Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution guarantees that "the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated."

Legal scholars and courts have been wrangling for more than a year over whether the National Security Agency's collection of millions of Americans' phone records a program first disclosed to the public by former NSA contractor Edward Snowden in 2013 violates those protections. Some legal experts disagree over whether the record collection even qualifies as a search or seizure, and, if it does, whether collecting those records is "unreasonable" or requires a warrant.

In a recent Intelligence Squared U.S. debate, two teams of constitutional law experts faced off on the motion "Mass Collection of U.S. Phone Records Violates The Fourth Amendment." In these Oxford-style debates, the team that sways the most people to its side by the end is the winner.

Before the debate, the audience at the National Constitution Center in Philadelphia voted 46 percent in favor of the motion and 17 percent against, with 37 percent undecided. After the debate, 66 percent agreed with the motion and 28 percent were opposed. That made the team arguing in favor of the motion the winner of the debate.

Those debating:

FOR THE MOTION

The Constitutional Accountability Center's Elizabeth Wydra, with teammate Alex Abdo of the ACLU, argues that collecting data that can reveal "deeply private information" without suspicion of wrongdoing violates the Fourth Amendment. Jeff Fusco/Intelligence Squared U.S. hide caption

The Constitutional Accountability Center's Elizabeth Wydra, with teammate Alex Abdo of the ACLU, argues that collecting data that can reveal "deeply private information" without suspicion of wrongdoing violates the Fourth Amendment.

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Debate: Does Mass Phone Data Collection Violate The 4th Amendment?

Montgomery County will not hold immigrants without probable cause — Gazette.Net

Montgomery County Executive Isiah Leggett said Tuesday the county will not comply with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement civil detainer requests, unless there is adequate probable cause under the Fourth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution.

Leggetts statement comes on the heels of an identical directive from Gov. Martin J. OMalley to the Public Safety and Correctional Services Secretary Gregg Hershberger for a state-run jail in Baltimore, and advice from the Attorney Generals Office that without probable cause, continued detention likely violates the constitution.

Immigration detainers are notices to local law enforcement agencies that ICE intends to assume custody of an individual being held locally. Detainers not only notify local law enforcement that ICE means to take a person into custody once they are no longer subject to local detention, detainers also request the local agency hold individuals for up to 48 hours after their scheduled release to provide ICE time to take custody, according to http://www.ice.gov.

According to a news release from the American Civil Liberties Union of Maryland, federal courts have found that detention on the sole basis of an immigration detainer request violates the Fourth Amendment. Three federal courts have found that such detention raises constitutional concerns and that counties are liable in damages to the individuals they detain on that basis, according to the release.

In August, Adam D. Snyder, chief counsel, Opinions & Advice for the Maryland Attorney Generals Office, reached a similar conclusion finding that an ICE detainer alone does not mandate or authorize the continued detention of someone beyond when they would be released under state law.

Thus, if a local law enforcement officer does not have probable cause to extend custody over the subject of an ICE detainer, the continued detention likely constitutes a violation of the Fourth Amendment, he wrote in a letter of advice to Washington County Sheriff Douglas W. Mullendore.

In June, the ACLU of Maryland urged all counties in the state to stop complying with the detainer requests. Councilwoman Nancy Navarro requested in September that Leggett conform county policy to match the OMalleys recent directive on the issue.

In her request, Navarro (D-Dist. 4) of Silver Spring said she understood from Arthur Wallenstein, director of the County Department of Correction and Rehabilitation, that the practice locally was to contact ICE when there is a detainer in the system and the individual is available, even if local matters are concluded.

My understanding is that Montgomery Countys policy for responding to ICE civil detainer requests may be inconsistent with [state policy], Navarro wrote.

Wallenstein was not able to be reached Tuesday for comment.

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Montgomery County will not hold immigrants without probable cause -- Gazette.Net

Judge nukes Ulbricht's complaint about WARRANTLESS FBI Silk Road server raid

Secure remote control for conventional and virtual desktops

A US District Court has shot down a motion to toss out the government's evidence against alleged Silk Road mastermind Ross Ulbricht, ruling that the FBI's investigation did not violate Ulbricht's Fourth Amendment rights.

In a 38-page ruling, District Judge Katherine Forrest wrote that the defense could not exclude evidence gathered from the Icelandic server that hosted the Silk Road darknet service, rejecting Ulbricht's attorneys' argument that the probe was conducted illegally.

The order, in large part, sides with the arguments put forward by the prosecutors in the case.

Ulbricht's lawyers had argued that the FBI's search of the server, which was carried out without a warrant, violated Ulbricht's Fourth Amendment protection against unreasonable search and seizure. Judge Forrest, however, ruled that the Fourth Amendment did not apply in Ulbricht's case.

In particular, the judge noted that Ulbricht had failed to establish that he had a "personal privacy interest" in the server. Had he submitted a sworn statement asserting such interest, she observed, it could not have been admitted as evidence of his guilt during his trial, although it could have been used to poke holes in his testimony should he take the witness stand.

Ulbricht has offered no such statement, however, presumably to keep his story straight: he denies being the operator of Silk Road. But if he doesn't come forward and say the server is his, Judge Forrest said, he can't establish that he has a personal privacy interest in it and absent the expectation of privacy, he can't claim Fourth Amendment protection.

"Here, the Court does not know whether Ulbricht made a tactical choice because he is as they say between a rock and a hard place, or because he truly has no personal privacy interest in the servers at issue," the judge wrote. "It is clear, however, that this Court may not proceed with a Fourth Amendment analysis in the absence of the requisite interest."

The information gathered from the search of the Icelandic server was later used to issue warrants within the US to gather information in the investigation leading up to Ulbricht's arrest on drug and conspiracy charges. Judge Forrest acknowledged that had the defense prevailed, virtually all of the evidence pinning Ulbricht as the head of Silk Road would have been excluded.

As it is, the judge declined Ulbricht's lawyers' motion to suppress the evidence against him and his case will move forward, with his trial due to begin in November.

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Judge nukes Ulbricht's complaint about WARRANTLESS FBI Silk Road server raid

Leggett sides with civil liberties supporters

ROCKVILLE Due to actions by the county executive this week, Montgomery County is just one of three jurisdictions in Maryland that requires probable cause per the Fourth Amendment before honoring a U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detainer request for undocumented immigrants being held in local detention centers.

"I have decided that, effective immediately, Montgomery County will no longer comply with ICE detainer requests except for those requests that have adequate support for a finding of probable cause under the Fourth Amendment," said Montgomery County Executive Ike Leggett.

Since 2012, 225 undocumented immigrants from Montgomery County were transferred to ICE after their local trials. Recently, Prince Georges County officials announced similar policy changes. According to statistics from ICE, the agency detained 877 undocumented immigrants since 2009. Under the decision, undocumented immigrants would no longer be held beyond their scheduled release date unless ICE can prove the person has committed a crime.

We have been advocating for this issue for more than four years now and the legal landscape has really shifted in that time. There have been court decisions saying holding people on a detainer is a violation of their constitutional rights and were thrilled to see that Maryland localities are catching up, said Kim Propeack, politics and communications senior director at CASA de Maryland.

In August, Governor Martin OMalley announced Baltimore's Central Booking facility, a state-run jail in Baltimore city, would no longer automatically honor ICE detainer requests for immigrants.

Maryland Attorney General Doug Gansler also weighed in on the issue: If a local law enforcement officer does not have probable cause to extend custody over the subject of an ICE detainer, the continued detention likely constitutes a violation of the Fourth Amendment.

In September, Councilwoman Nancy Navarro (D-4) asked Leggett to review the policy because the countys policy was inconsistent with the state policy from the governor and the Office of the Maryland Attorney General.

Governor OMalleys bold action and leadership should be commended, Navarro said. He has been a longtime champion for those without a voice in our community, particularly for our growing and substantial immigrant population. County Executive Leggett has stated that Montgomery County is a welcoming place for all people, and I concur. We must ensure that everyones Fourth Amendment rights are upheld, and that our policies are consistent with Governor OMalleys recent action, the advice of the Office of the Attorney General and the U.S. Constitution.

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Leggett sides with civil liberties supporters

Mass Collection of U.S. Phone Records Violates the Fourth Amendment – Video


Mass Collection of U.S. Phone Records Violates the Fourth Amendment
Presented in partnership with the National Constitution Center Some say that mass collection of U.S. phone records is a gross invasion of privacy. Others say that it is necessary to keep us...

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Mass Collection of U.S. Phone Records Violates the Fourth Amendment - Video

Feds Say That Even If FBI Hacked The Silk Road, Ulbricht's Rights Weren't Violated

While alleged Silk Road mastermind Ross Ulbrichts trial wont start for another month, the legal battle is already heating up in court filings, centered around two questions: How did the Feds locate the Silk Road servers, and were Ulbrichts Fourth Amendment rights violated in the process? In its latest response, the government says it doesnt matter if the FBI hacked the Silk Road servers last OctoberUlbrichts rights still wouldnt have been violated.

Back in October 2013 when the Silk Road servers were seized by the feds in Iceland, no one knew exactly how the government had located the websites servers. Soon after, the feds arrested Ulbricht in San Francisco, claiming he was the Dread Pirate Roberts and the mastermind behind the online drug bazaar. Since then, Ulbricht has been charged with seven drug trafficking, narcotics, and ID theft charges.

But the details about how the government found the servers remained a mystery until last month. At the beginning of August, Ulbrichts defense filed a motion claiming that Ulbrichts Fourth Amendment rights had been violated by the government, and that by the fruit of a poisonous tree, all evidence stemming from the seizure of the Silk Road servers should be suppressed.

In order to respond to the motion, the government was forced to reveal for the first time how it discovered the Silk Road. According to a response filed last month with a declaration by FBI agent Chris Tarbell, the Silk Road servers were discovered by the FBI because of leaky code coming from the Silk Road website. When the leaking IP addresses were plugged into a non-Tor browser, part of the Silk Roads login page appeared. The feds then contacted Icelandic authorities, asking for imaging of the servers. The entire process was legal and not in violation of Ulbrichts rights, according to the FBI.

The defense was not convinced by the FBIs facile explanation and filed a response last week with a declaration by defense lawyer Joshua Horowitz, who specializes in technology and computer software. His analysis of six terabytes of discovery data presented to the defense poked holes in Tarbells account and likened the FBIs actions to hacking.

In his declaration, Horowitz claimed that the FBIs description of how the Silk Road servers were discovered was implausible. He notes that the governments account of how the servers were discovered varies from the description the FBI gave to Icelandic authorities, and that many modifications were made to the Silk Road servers before the FBI claims to have reached out to the Icelandic authorities. Horowitz argues that Tarbell failed to follow even the most rudimentary standards of computer forensic analysis. Highlighting a number of inconsistencies he found, Horowitz asked for more information from the government.

In a response filed on Monday, the government steered away from addressing any of Horowitz claims or questions. Instead, the prosecution argued thattrue or notHorowitzs claims are irrelevant because they dont prove that Ulbrichts rights were violated.

The Horowitz Declaration nowhere alleges that the SR Server was either located or searched in a manner that violated the Fourth Amendment. It merely critiques certain aspects of the Tarbell Declaration concerning how the SR Server was location, the governments response reads.

In any event, even if the FBI had somehow hacked into the SR Server in order to identify its IP address, such an investigative measure would not have run afoul of the Fourth Amendment, the response continues.

The government also questioned why Ulbricht did not submit a personal affidavit explaining how his privacy was violated. In response, the judge gave the defense until Tuesday night to submit a personal affidavit from Ulbricht. The defense has asked for an extension until October 9, because of the short notice and because Ulbrichts lawyer Joshua Dratel is in the midst of another trial.

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Feds Say That Even If FBI Hacked The Silk Road, Ulbricht's Rights Weren't Violated

Argument analysis: A simple answer to a deceptively simple Fourth Amendment question?

The first argument of the Term yesterday appears to have been somewhat unsatisfying for the Justices. As previewed here, the question on which the Court granted review in Heien v. North Carolina was a simple one: May a police officers reasonable mistake of law provide the reasonable suspicion required for a traffic stop under the Fourth Amendment? The Justices questions appeared to indicate an almost unanimous affirmative answer, although the Chief Justice did note that an answer with too broad a scope might have troubling implications. The Justices expressed some confusion about the proper disposition of the case, however, with Justice Scalia going so far at one point as to almost suggest a DIG (dismiss as improvidently granted). Still, Ill predict a short unanimous opinion answering the Question Presented with yes, leaving to footnotes and concurrences the larger and more difficult intricacies of the case.

A simple question presented, albeit with troubling implications

You will recall that a deputy sheriff stopped Heiens car because one of his brake lights was not working. (Because the officer was actually interested in criminal interdiction, Justice Sotomayor described the encounter as a lawful pretext, and the officer did indeed find drugs in a subsequent consent search. Although Justice Ginsburg twice inquired why the lawful consent didnt eliminate the issue of the stop, the traditional rule has been that the fruits of an invalid stop must be suppressed.)

On appeal, however, a state appellate court ruled that there was in fact no traffic violation as a matter of law (and hence no reasonable suspicion of one), because the North Carolina statute requires only a [singular] stop lamp. Thus, that court ruled, the Fourth Amendment had been violated, and Heiens conviction should be vacated. But on further appeal, while accepting the appellate courts surprising legal interpretation of the law, the North Carolina Supreme Court ruled that Heiens conviction might stand, because the officers mistake of law had been a reasonable one the state statute was antiquated and the one-brake-light legal ruling was surprising to most. Thus, the court ruled, there was no Fourth Amendment violation, and Heiens case was remanded for further proceedings.

On Heiens further interlocutory certiorari petition, the question thus appeared to be simply presented: can such a reasonable legal error create reasonable suspicion, or should officers be held to know the law just as private citizens would be? That is, if two working brake lights were in fact required, it would be no defense for Heien to argue that he reasonably did not know that. Ignorance of the law is no excuse is the common law maxim, and Heien argued that this should apply equally to officers stopping cars. A contrary ruling would, as Heiens experienced Supreme Court advocate Jeff Fisher argued, vastly expand police officer discretion, allowing them to stop cars and people whenever a reasonable ambiguity of legal authority could be argued. This is the broad implication about which Chief Justice Roberts and some other Justices expressed concern yesterday.

Of course, the Court could simply rule that a reasonable mistake of law satisfies the Fourth Amendment, and then just narrowly define what will count as reasonable. Justice Kennedy repeatedly turned to this question what is standard to determine a reasonable legal mistake? and Justice Breyer and others also seemed to focus on it. It was interesting to this reader that no one suggested that when there is legal ambiguity, a reasonable officer might be required to conduct a reasonable investigation to obtain a clear legal ruling about the scope of the law, before relying on it to stop and search. Fisher did suggest, however, that the Court ought to require a definitive ruling from a court or legislature before allowing officers to act. Meanwhile, North Carolina Deputy Attorney General Robert Montgomery suggested a generous standard (although no Justice appeared to endorse it): the officer simply gets to decide which he thought was the better rule. But as Fisher responded, allowing officers to exploit statutory ambiguities in order to conduct intrusive stops and searches would undercut public confidence in law enforcement.

The twist in the case

Aside from defining what is reasonable, one might think, simple question, simple answer, right? Not so fast. About thirty seconds into yesterdays argument, Justice Kennedy asked the first question, raising a point which then preoccupied the Court for much of the hour. Suppose North Carolina did have a good-faith exception to the exclusionary rule. What would you be arguing today? It turns out that, at the time of Heiens arrest, the North Carolina Supreme Court had ruled that as a matter of state constitutional law, suppression of evidence is required when the Fourth Amendment is violated regardless of officers good faith. (North Carolinas legislature has since amended the law.) That ruling is of course opposite to the U.S. Supreme Courts 1984 ruling in United States v. Leon that there is a good faith exception to the exclusionary rule. It was briefly asked yesterday, but not seriously examined, whether a state may declare its own state-law remedy for federal constitutional violations. Federalism should respect that choice, argued Fisher.

Thus Fisher plainly wants to argue on remand that Heiens conviction should remain vacated because reasonable good faith does not apply. However, Fishers immediate response to Justice Kennedy was that the Court [does]nt have to reach that question, since North Carolina has not argued it. When Deputy Attorney General Robert Montgomery stood up to argue in response, he confirmed that point; the state has not argued for a good faith exception to be applied in Heiens case. This position seemed to clearly confuse at least some of the Justices (as it continues to confuse me). The North Carolina Supreme Courts ruling suggests that Heiens narcotics conviction should be reinstated on remand. Heien plainly wants that ruling vacated. But as repeatedly stressed by Justice Scalia, the Court doesnt review opinions, [it] reviews judgments. So unless the remedy is exclusion, Justice Scalia asserted, theres no basis for us to set aside the judgment of the North Carolina Supreme Court. Or, in other words, if the federal rule is that there should not be suppression in any case due to good faith, why should the Court answer a preliminary question (whether there was a Fourth Amendment violation) that doesnt matter? As Justice Kennedy asked with some frustration, Can North Carolina more or less set us up this way?

Fisher responded that in fact it is not uncommon for the Court to announce a federal constitutional rule, and then remand to the state courts for further proceedings not inconsistent with its ruling. Indeed, that is what the North Carolina Supreme Court did, once it ruled that a reasonable mistake of law did not constitute a Fourth Amendment violation: just remand for further proceedings. Justice Scalia ultimately expressed reluctant acceptance on this point: If it hasnt been argued, I guess we can do that. I guess. . . . Im sorry to waste so much of our time.

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Argument analysis: A simple answer to a deceptively simple Fourth Amendment question?

Supreme Court Starts Term with Fourth Amendment Case

Washington, DC - infoZine - Scripps Howard Foundation Wire - Nicholas Heien was arrested in 2009 after being stopped for a broken brake light. During the traffic stop, he consented to a search of his car that yielded a bag of cocaine. He pleaded guilty and was sentenced to 10 to 12 months in jail.

Why isnt the consent the end of this case? Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg asked.

The simple answer, according to Jeffrey Fisher, who represented Heien, is the fruit of the poisonous tree doctrine, which says evidence discovered through an illegal search must be excluded in a trial.

But Robert Montgomery, who argued on behalf of North Carolina, pointed out the states laws can easily be misinterpreted, and officers need to be able to use their discretion when they are out on as call or at a traffic stop.

Because of the conflicting laws, Montgomery argued, offices need to be able to exercise their judgment.

Still, Fisher said the search was illegal under the most relevant law, and therefore Heiens consent was irrelevant.

The constitutional problem is the admission of this evidence, Justice Antonin Scalia said. And it seems to me whether its properly admitted because the Fourth Amendment wasnt violated or whether its properly admitted because the remedy for that violation is not exclusion of the evidence; you lose either way, dont you?

The question came down to a definition what is unreasonable, which Justice Sonia Sotomayor asked.

Well, it would be unreasonable if there was plain language of the statute that no one could reach a different interpretation about at all if it was plain, Montgomery said, or if there was a definite decision by an appellate court, it would be unreasonable for an officer to interpret it in his own way.

Roberts called the definition broad, and he said giving officers such a scope would be troubling.

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Supreme Court Starts Term with Fourth Amendment Case

Feds Hacked Silk Road Without A Warrant? Perfectly Legal, Prosecutors Argue

With only a month until the scheduled trial of Ross Ulbricht, the alleged creator of the Silk Road drug site, Ulbrichts defense lawyers have zeroed in on the argument that the U.S. government illegally hacked the billion-dollar black market site to expose the location of its hidden server. The prosecutions latest rebuttal to that argument takes an unexpected tack: they claim that even if the FBI did hack the Silk Road without a warrantand prosecutors are careful not to admit they didthat intrusion would be a perfectly law-abiding act of criminal investigation.

On Monday evening the prosecutors submitted the latest in a series of combative court filings from the two sides of the Silk Road case that have clashed over Ulbrichts Fourth Amendment right to privacy. The governments new argument responds to an affidavit from an expert witness, tech lawyer Joshua Horowitz, brought in by Ulbrichts defense to poke holes in the FBIs story of how it located the Silk Road server. In a letter filed last week, Horowitz called out inconsistencies in the FBIs account of stumbling across the Silk Roads IP address while innocently entering miscellaneous data into its login page. He testified that the FBIs actions instead sounded more like common hacker intrusion techniques. Ulbrichts defense has called for an evidentiary hearing to cross examine the FBI about the operation.

In the governments rebuttal, however, Ulbrichts prosecutors dont directly contest Horowitz description of the FBIs investigation, though they do criticize his testimony in passing as factually and analytically flawed in a number of respects. Instead, they obliquely argue that the foreign location of the sites server and its reputation as a criminal haven mean that Ulbrichts Fourth Amendment protections against unreasonable searches dont apply, even if the FBI did use hacking techniques to penetrate the Silk Road, and did so without a warrant.

Even if the FBI had somehow hacked into the [Silk Road] Server in order to identify its IP address, such an investigative measure would not have run afoul of the Fourth Amendment, the prosecutors new memo reads. Given that the SR Server was hosting a blatantly criminal website, it would have been reasonable for the FBI to hack into it in order to search it, as any such hack would simply have constituted a search of foreign property known to contain criminal evidence, for which a warrant was not necessary.

The Silk Road server in question, after all, was located not in the United States but in a data center near Reykjavik, Iceland. And though Ulbricht is an American citizen, the prosecutors argue that the servers location abroad made it fair game for remote intrusion. Because the SR Server was located outside the United States, the Fourth Amendment would not have required a warrant to search the server, whether for its IP address or otherwise, the prosecutions filing reads.

In a footnote, the memo adds another strike against Ulbrichts Fourth Amendment protections: The Silk Road was not only hosted in a foreign data center, but also rented from a third-party web hosting service. And because Ulbricht allegedly violated the companys terms of service by using its computers to deal in narcotics and other contraband, that company was exempted from any obligation to protect his privacy.

Finally, prosecutors argue that for the 30-year-old Texan to claim privacy protections for Silk Roads server, he would have to declare that it belonged to him. Thats a tricky Catch-22: Ulbricht hasnt claimed personal possession of that computers data, as doing so would almost certainly incriminate him. But because he hasnt he cant claim that his privacy was violated when it was searched, according to the prosecutors reasoning. Because Ulbricht has not submitted any affidavit alleging that he had any possessory interest in the SR Serverlet alone one that would give him a reasonable expectation of privacyhis motion should be denied, reads the prosecutors filing.

Early Tuesday, Judge Katherine Forrest ordered Ulbrichts defense to decide within the day whether it will argue that Ulbricht did have an expectation of privacy for the Silk Road server, as well as all his other seized computers and online accounts. Shes given him until the end of the day Wednesday to make that argument Ulbrichts defense didnt immediately respond to a request for comment.

The pre-trial motion over which Ulbrichts defense lawyers and the prosecution have been sparring for the last two months doesnt directly seek to have the central narcotics conspiracy and money laundering charges against Ulbricht dismissed. Instead, his lawyers have sought to prove that the evidence gathered by law enforcement is tainted. If the initial pinpointing of Silk Roads server was illegal, they argue, practically all the evidence from the resulting investigation could be rendered inadmissible.

Early last month, the government responded to that motion with an affidavit from former FBI agent Christopher Tarbell describing how the Silk Road server was first found. As he described it, a misconfiguration of the anonymity software Tor allowed the sites login page to leak its IP address.

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Feds Hacked Silk Road Without A Warrant? Perfectly Legal, Prosecutors Argue

The 'Barney Fife Loophole' to the Fourth Amendment

Theres not a Barney Fife defense to the violation of the Fourth Amendment, the legendary advocate Pamela Karlan once told the Supreme Court. The Court disagreed, and held that a police officer had validly arrested a man even though the warrant he relied on had been revoked months before.

Heien v. North Carolina, a case to be argued Monday in front of the Supreme Court, will tell us whether Barneys loophole is even bigger. Coincidentally, speaking of Barney, this case happened in the hometown of actor Andy Griffith: Mt. Airy, North Carolina, population 10,417.*

On April 29, 2009, Surry County Sheriffs Deputy Matt Darisse parked by Highway 77 working criminal interdiction, a term which seems to mean looking for folks who dont look right. During his shift, Maynor Javier Vasquez drove by, with the owner of the car, Nicholas Heien, asleep in the back seat.

Darisse became suspicious of Vasquez. Its a little unclear, why, though: In court, Darisse reasoned that the driver was gripping the steering wheel at a 10-and-two position, looking straight aheaddriving like a regular person, in other words. Darisse followed the car until it came to a stoplight. At that point, he noticed one brake light was out. He stopped the vehicle.

Under the Fourth Amendment, police who want to stop a car need reasonable suspicion that someone in it has committed a crime. Once theyve made a valid stop, they can pull the driver and passengers out for a frisk; bring in drug-sniffing dogs; or ask consent to search the car without explaining that the driver has the right to refuse. If permission is refused, they can detain the driver and passengers for hours while they seek a search warrant; and if the driver has committed any offense, even failing to wear a seat belt, they can make an arrest.

Thats the scenario in Heien. Darisse asked Heien for permission to search the car; Heien agreed, and the officers found a baggie full of cocaine.

After Vazquez and Heien were arrested, however, their lawyers made a startling discovery: North Carolina apparently hasnt fully revised its automobile code since before the days of break lights. Under state law, a cars only required to have a stop lamp on the rear of the vehicle. Yes, a stop lampnot two brake lights, as Deputy Darisse and most of the rest of us would assume.

As interpreted by the Supreme Court, the Fourth Amendment creates an exclusionary rule, under which an unconstitutional stop is a poisonous tree, and anything that is discovered in a search afterwards is tainted fruit. It cant be used in evidence, and, as then-Judge Benjamin Cardozo wrote, [t]he criminal is to go free because the constable has blundered. There are exceptions; there wont be any exclusion when police make certain kinds of factual mistakesa warrant that was improperly granted by a judge, for example, or clerical errors in the warrant itselfif the mistakes are reasonable and made in good faith.

Heien asks about the next step: What if the police officer has a reasonable suspicion that the driver has done something that turns out not to be against the law? The North Carolina Supreme Court refused to suppress the cocaine, reasoning that the Fourth Amendment exclusionary rule wouldnt apply. An officer may make a mistake, including a mistake of law, yet still act reasonably under the circumstances, the justices held.

But theres a slight contradiction here. Ignorance of the law is no defenseeven if someone makes a reasonable mistake. As recently as 1971, the Supreme Court repeated that [t]he principle that ignorance of the law is no defense applies whether the law be a statute or a duly promulgated and published regulation. Dozens of lower-court cases since then have reiterated this warning.

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The 'Barney Fife Loophole' to the Fourth Amendment

Argument preview: How many brake lights need to be working on your car?

The Supreme Court will open the October 2014 Term on Monday morning by hearing arguments that may bring back bad memories of convoluted law school discussions: may an officers reasonable mistake of law provide reasonable suspicion to stop a car under the Fourth Amendment? The Court has previously ruled that a reasonable mistake of fact will not violate the Fourth Amendment. Although Jeff Fisher, an experienced Supreme Court litigator, has presented some formidable arguments to rule for Heien, he may face an uphill battle persuading a majority of Justices that a reasonable, but mistaken, interpretation of state law should receive different constitutional treatment.

Facts: A surprising interpretation of state law.

Heien was driving a car which undisputedly had only one of its two rear brake lights working. Observing this, a member of a local sheriffs department stopped Heiens car, ultimately finding cocaine in it. Along with charging Heien with cocaine trafficking, the officer cited Heien for a non-working brake light, and the state trial court agreed that the stop was valid based on this observed traffic violation. Heien then pled guilty conditionally, reserving his right to appeal the denial of his suppression motion.

But on what basis could a court suppress? Well, in a decision later described by even the dissenting North Carolina justices as surprising, the state court of appeals ruled that, because the antiquated North Carolina statute requires only a stop lamp and one of Heiens brake lights had in fact been working, the traffic stop was invalid. [A]n officers mistaken belief that a defendant has committed a traffic violation is not, said the appellate court, an objectively reasonable justification for a traffic stop.

Granting discretionary review, the North Carolina Supreme Court disagreed. It noted that, although one part of the state law required only a stop lamp, another required all rear lamps to be in working order. Thus, the state supreme court ruled, even assuming that the appellate courts statutory interpretation was correct, the officers mistake of law was objectively reasonable, and a reasonable mistake of law can provide the reasonable suspicion needed to stop a car under Terry v. Ohio. The Court also emphasized societys interest in keeping its roads safe. (Heien contends that the statute should define what the legislature thinks is safe, not officers who misinterpret it.)

Heiens petition for certiorari noted that various state and federal courts have split on the general question whether reasonable mistakes of law can support Fourth Amendment intrusions (with the North Carolina Supreme Court having adopted the minority view). On Monday, the Justices at least five of whom are former law professors will bat this ephemeral question around, hypotheticals abounding, in the highest classroom in the land.

Ideology and amicus briefs

Along with merits briefs from Heien and North Carolina (which will be represented by Deputy Attorney General Robert Montgomery at oral argument), the federal government will also participate in the argument (represented by Assistant to the Solicitor General Rachel Kovner) as an amicus. Six other amicus briefs have been filed, including one on behalf of nineteen states and the District of Columbia supporting North Carolinas view, and one filed by among others the Gun Owners Foundation in support of Heien. Ideology does not, apparently, forecast the preferred result on the surprisingly unsettled constitutional question: the Gun Owners Foundation brief argues, for example, that the Fourth Amendment . . . cannot be diminished by modern judges who view traffic safety [as] more important than property rights.

The parties arguments

Conceding that the Court has previously ruled that what is generally demanded of the many factual determinations regularly made by law enforcement is not that they always be correct, but that they always be reasonable, Heien argues that mistakes of law should be (and have always been) treated differently. He argues (and both North Carolina and the federal government appear to concede) that the common law has always presumed that officers know the law, so that officers, for example, have long been liable for trespass even if they reasonably rely on an incorrect interpretation of a statute. Ignorance of the law is no excuse, argues Heien.

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Argument preview: How many brake lights need to be working on your car?

Search & Seizure, Racial Bias: The American Law Journal on the Philadelphia CNN-News Affiliate WFMZ Monday, October 6 …

Philadelphia, PA (PRWEB) October 03, 2014

Are we witnessing diminishing protection against unreasonable search and seizure? When it comes to police misconduct, is race a factor?

If the First Amendment is our most cherished right under the constitution, says Attorney Christopher Naughton on the television programs preview, then the Fourth Amendment protection against unreasonable search and seizure is right behind it.

Live Monday night October 6, 2014 at 7:00 p.m. on the Philadelphia CNN-News affiliate WFMZ-TV and streaming online at wfmz.com, The American Law Journal presents "Search & Seizure: A New Fourth Amendment for a New Generation? with host Christopher Naughton. His guests are criminal defense attorney Kevin Mincey of Mincey & Fitzpatrick, Northampton County District Attorney John Morganelli and former New Jersey State Police Major and Chief of Staff Michael Schaller of New Jerseys King, Kitrick, Jackson & McWeeney.

Has a new, high tech-oriented generation come to expect less privacy - and therefore less protection- under the Fourth Amendment?

The program examines a panoply of current, critical topics: warrantless stops, cell phone seizure, GPS tracking, stop and frisk, officer cams and possible racially motivated police misconduct. The panel also gives their take on the latest and upcoming U.S. Supreme Court Fourth Amendment cases as well as the Pennsylvania Supreme Courts controversial Commonwealth v. Gary (2014) decision that now allows vehicular search and seizure based on probable cause.

The American Law Journal starts its 25th season of broadcasting on the CNN-News affiliate for Philadelphia, WFMZ-TV 69 to Pennsylvania, New Jersey and Delaware. Airing Monday nights at 7:00 pm from October to Memorial Day the program is also available on http://www.YouTube.com/LawJournalTV. For over the air channels (HD, satellite) see http://bit.ly/ALJchannels.

Next week on The American Law Journal: Work Injury & Labor Market Surveys: Can the Boss Force Your Hand?

About The American Law Journal

The American Law Journal is the weekly talk-feature program hosted by former New Jersey prosecutor and trial attorney Christopher Naughton. It airs Monday nights at 7:00 p.m. on the CNN- News affiliate in Philadelphia, WFMZ-TV to Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Delaware and online.

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Search & Seizure, Racial Bias: The American Law Journal on the Philadelphia CNN-News Affiliate WFMZ Monday, October 6 ...

Volokh Conspiracy: Supreme Court takes case on duration of traffic stops

Today the Supreme Court granted cert in Rodriguez v. United States, a case on the duration of traffic stops. Heres the Question Presented from the cert petition:

This Court has held that, during an otherwise lawful traffic stop, asking a driver to exit a vehicle, conducting a drug sniff with a trained canine, or asking a few off-topic questions are de minimis intrusions on personal liberty that do not require reasonable suspicion of criminal activity in order to comport with the Fourth Amendment. This case poses the question of whether the same rule applies after the conclusion of the traffic stop, so that an officer may extend the already-completed stop for a canine sniff without reasonable suspicion or other lawful justification.

I wrote a post on Rodriguez back in February that Ill reprint below in light of the grant:

Imagine a police officer pulls over a car for a routine traffic violation, such as speeding or driving with a broken taillight. During the stop, the officer develops a hunch that there may be drugs in the car. He contacts a local K-9 unit and requests a trained drug-sniffing dog; when the unit arrives, another officer will walk the dog around the car to see if it alerts to drugs inside. Although the Supreme Court has held that the use of the dog is not a search, the length of a warrantless stop must be reasonable. The officer cant delay the driver forever.

This raises a question of Fourth Amendment law that has led to a lot of lower court litigation: If the officer has no reasonable suspicion that drugs are in the car that is, he only has a hunch how long can the traffic stop be delayed before the dog arrives and checks out the car?

This might seem like a really technical question. But its actually pretty important. If courts say that the police cant extend the stop even one second to bring over the dogs, then the dogs will only be used when they happen to be right there or some reasonable suspicion exists specifically justifying their use. On the other hand, if the courts say that the police can extend the stop for a long time, then the police will be free to bring out the dogs at routine traffic stops whenever they like.

Lower courts have generally answered the question by adopting a de minimis doctrine. Officers can extend the stop and wait for the dogs for a de minimis amount of time. But exactly how long is that?

Just yesterday, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit held in United States v. Rodriguez that seven to eight minutes is de minimis. On the other hand, the Supreme Court of Nevada held a few months ago in State v. Beckman that nine minutes is too long.

These are just lower-court decisions, of course, and there is room to argue that duration alone isnt the only criteria for whether a stop was too long.

Plus, the Supreme Court has been reluctant to announce arbitrary-sounding time limits on Fourth Amendment searches and seizures. Off the top of my head, the only time it has suggested such limits is County of Riverside v. McLaughlin, and even then it did so only because an earlier decision that did not suggest a specific time limit had caused significant chaos in the lower courts in that specific context.

Read the rest here:

Volokh Conspiracy: Supreme Court takes case on duration of traffic stops

Volokh Conspiracy: Third Circuit gives narrow reading to exclusionary rule

Ive blogged a few times about the Third Circuits litigation in United States v. Katzin, a case on the Fourth Amendment implications of installing a GPS device. Initially, a panel of the court held that installing a GPS device on a car requires a warrant and that the exclusionary rule applied because there was no binding precedent allowing the government to install the device. Next, DOJ moved for en banc rehearing of just the exclusionary rule holding, which the Third Circuit granted. That brings us to the new development: On Wednesday, the en banc Third Circuit ruled that the exclusionary rule does not apply.

Here are three thoughts on the new case.

1) The Third Circuit focuses on the overall culpability of the officer who conducted the search, relying on the broad reading of Davis and Herring. The key passage seems to be this:

The constellation of circumstances that appeared to authorize their conduct included well settled principles of Fourth Amendment law as articulated by the Supreme Court, a near-unanimity of circuit courts applying these principles to the same conduct, and the advice of an AUSA pursuant to a DOJ-wide policy. Given this panoply of authority, we cannot say that a reasonably well trained officer would have known that the search was illegal, id., nor that the agents acted with deliberate, reckless, or grossly negligent disregard for [Appellees] Fourth Amendment rights, Davis, 131 S. Ct. at 2427 (quoting Herring, 555 U.S. at 144) (internal quotation marks omitted). Thus, suppression is inappropriate because it would not result in deterrence appreciable enough to outweigh the significant social costs of suppressing reliable, probative evidence, upon which the Governments entire case against Appellees turns.

Ive been assuming that the debate over the broad vs. narrow reading of Davis was destined to be decided by the Supreme Court eventually. With that said, its interesting that all the circuits so far are reading the case so broadly so that no clear split has yet emerged. I personally find the broad reading of Davis to be very problematic, but I would guess that there are five votes on the current Court that would agree with that broad reading.

2) In this case, defense counsel conceded the relevance of the agent consulting with a prosecutor about the legality of the practice as part of the exclusionary rule calculus. See Slip Op at 34, n.13. Theres some precedential support for that, I recognize. At the same time, it strikes me as a really problematic rule. Think of the incentives it creates. First, agents have an incentive to ask the most aggressive prosecutor they know. Agents wont ask for legal advice from Cautious Cathy; instead theyll run it by Aggressive Andy. Second, the rule gives prosecutors an incentive to give out aggressive advice. If youre a prosecutor and agents ask for your legal advice, you will know that by approving a questionable practice, the mere fact of your approval becomes an argument against the exclusionary rule applying if you turn out to be wrong. The exclusionary rule becomes narrower as the prosecutors become more aggressive.

3) Notably, the court vacated the merits ruling that a warrant was required even though DOJ did not ask the court to revisit that issue.

Orin Kerr is the Fred C. Stevenson Research Professor at The George Washington University Law School, where he has taught since 2001. He teaches and writes in the area of criminal procedure and computer crime law.

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Volokh Conspiracy: Third Circuit gives narrow reading to exclusionary rule