7 Prominent LGBTQ+ Technologists, Past and Present – Dice Insights

As we celebrate Pride Month, its worth taking some time to think about some of the prominent members of the LGBTQ+ community who have not only made great strides in technology, but also advocated for recognition and equality. From the mid-20th century to today, LGBTQ+ technologists continue to push the industry forward in new and exciting ways. The following is just a small sampling of these technologists:

An English mathematician helped pioneer computer science and artificial intelligence (A.I.)., Turing is perhaps most famous for his work at Bletchley Park, the center of the U.K.s code-breaking efforts during World War II, where he figured out the statistical techniques that allowed the Allies to break Nazi cryptography.

For his wartime efforts, Turing was appointed an officer of the Order of the British Empire. Following the War, he designed an Automatic Computing Engine, basically a computer with electronic memory (a fully functioning example of the ACE wasnt actually something built in his lifetime, however). He also theorized quite a bit about artificial intelligence (one of his core concepts,the Turing test, is still regarded as a benchmark for testing a machines intelligent behavior).

Turing was prosecuted by the British government for his sexual relationship with another man, Arnold Murray. Found guilty, he was chemically castrated and stripped of his security clearance, which prevented him from working for Britains signals-intelligence efforts. A little over two years later, in 1954, he was found dead of cyanide poisoning, and whether it was suicide or an accident has preoccupied historians for decades.

In 1999,Timelisted Turing among the100 Most Important People of the 20thCentury. Five years later, the British government officially pardoned his conviction.

A technology manager for IBM as well as an LGBTQ+ activist, Edith Edie Windsor was lead plaintiff inUnited States v. Windsor(550 U.S. 744), a landmark U.S. Supreme Court case that found that a crucial portion of the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) violated the due process clause of the Fifth Amendment. The ruling helped legalize same-sex marriage (along with a later case,Obergefell v. Hodges).

At IBM, Windsor worked on projects related to operating systems and natural-language processing. After leaving IBM in 1975, she started a consulting firm. In 2016, Lesbians Who Tech, an organization for lesbian and queer women in tech,set up the Edie Windsor Coding Scholarship, with 40 people selected for its inaugural year of giving.

As a computer scientist at IBM in the 1960s, Lynn Conway helped make pioneering advances in computer architecture. One of her projects, ACS (Advanced Computing Systems), essentially became the foundation of the modern high-performance microprocessor. However, IBM fired her when it discovered that she was undergoing gender transition.

Undeterred, Conway moved on to Xerox PARC, where she worked on still more innovative projects, including the ability to put multiple circuit designs on one chip. She was also key in advancing chip design and fabrication. After her stint at Xerox, she moved to DARPA, and from there to the University of Michigan, where she became a professor of electrical engineering and computer science.

At the turn of the century, Conway began to work more in transgender activism. In addition coming out to friends and colleagues, she also used her webpage to describeher personal history(followed up, much later, by a memoir published in 2012). In 2014, she also successfully pushed for the prominent Institute of Electrical and Electronics (IEEE) Board of Directors toinclude trans-specific protections in its Code of Ethics.

Jon maddog Hall has been the Board Chair of the Linux Professional Institute (the certification body for free and open-source software professionals) since 2015. In addition, hes executive director of the industry group Linux International, as well as an author with Linux Pro Magazine.

In a 2012 column in Linux Magazine, Hall came out as gay, citing Alan Turing as a hero and an inspiration.In fact, computer science was a haven for homosexuals, trans-sexuals and a lot of other sexuals, mostly because the history of the science called for fairly intelligent, modern-thinking people, he wrote. Many computer companies were the first to enact diversity programs, and the USENIX organization had a special interest group that was made up of LGBT people. He also became an advocate of marriage equality.

In 2012, Leanne Pittsford founded Lesbians Who Tech, which claims its the largest LGBTQ community of technologists in the world (with 40+ city chapters and 60,000 members). Lesbians Who Tech hosts an annual San Francisco Summit attended by as many as 5,000 women and non-binary people, and it provides mentoring and leadership programs as well as the aforementioned Edie Windsor Coding Scholarship Fund.

Pittsford is also the founder of include.io, which connects underrepresented technologists with companies and technical mentors. In 2016, she also organizedthe third annual LGBTQ Tech and Innovation Summit at the White House.

The third Chief Technology Officer of the United States (U.S. CTO) under President Barack Obama, Megan Smith also served as a vice president at Google. As U.S. CTO, she spearheaded a number of initiatives, including the recruitment of tech talent for national service. She also recognized the need to build up the governments capabilities in data science, open data, and digital policy.

Smith is currently the CEO and co-founder of shift7, which works collaboratively on systemic social, environmental and economic problems. She is also a life member of the board of MIT, as well as a member of the Council on Foreign Relations and the National Academy of Engineering.

Widely considered the first chief executive officer of a Fortune 500 company to come out as gay, Apple CEO Tim Cooktold CNNback in 2014 that he went public in order to show gay children that they could be gay and still go on and do some big jobs in life.

Cook, who once said that being gay is Gods greatest gift to me, joined Apple as a senior vice president in 1998, during some of its leanest years. He quickly solidified his reputation as a peerless operations executive, refining the companys supply and manufacturing chains. As Apple rose to new corporate heights on the strength of its iPod, iPhone, and iPad sales, this supply-chain refinement ensured that millions of devices reached users hands.Cook was promoted to chief operating officer, and stepped in to temporarily head the company when CEO Steve Jobs fell sick with cancer.

Following the death of Jobs in 2011, Cook took the CEO reins and restructured the executive team, with a renewed focus on creating a culture of teamwork and collaboration. He oversaw the launch of the Apple Watch and the AirPods, moving Apple in the long-predicted direction of wearables, and began to shift the companys focus from hardware to cloud-based services such as music and gaming.

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7 Prominent LGBTQ+ Technologists, Past and Present - Dice Insights

The Very Real Problem of Both Trump and Pence Getting COVID-19 at the Same Time – The Atlantic

But if the vice president is also incapacitated, there is no way to use Sections 3 or 4. When Congress drafted the Twenty-Fifth Amendment in 1965, members acknowledged this gap but consciously decided not to fill it. The amendment was already extraordinarily wordy, and the risk of double incapacity seemed minimal. Fifty-five years later, though, that risk is easier to imagine.

So what would happen if Trump and Pence were so sick that neither could function? Article II of the Constitution lets Congress provide for the Case of Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Disability be removed. In other words, Congress can pass line-of-succession statutes. And it has, most recently in 1947. That law still stands, and it puts the speaker of the House next in line, followed by the president pro tempore of the Senate, followed by members of the Cabinet.

Ronald J. Krotoszynski, Jr.: States are using the pandemic to roll back Americans rights

However, Article II provides no procedures for determining inability. Imagine that Speaker Nancy Pelosi, believing that Trump and Pence are too ill to function, cites Article II and declares herself acting president. If Trump or Pence replied that no inability existed, control of the White House would be thrown into doubt. Courts could settle the matter in due time, but just a few hours of uncertainty could be perilous.

But even if Trump and Pence were undeniably incapacitated, the country could still face a meltdown. As a matter of both policy and law, it is highly problematic that the speaker and president pro tempore are in the line of succession.

The biggest policy problem is that these congressional leaders are often members of the party opposed to the president. A line of succession statute would ideally provide continuity, because a sudden transfer of presidential power from one party to the other would be jarring. The new acting president would struggle for legitimacy (imagine power suddenly shifting from Trump to Pelosior, if that doesnt trouble you, from President Barack Obama to Speaker Paul Ryan). Avoiding such a transfer would produce perverse incentives for White House staff and other members of the presidents political party to cover up or sugarcoat the presidents and vice presidents medical conditions.

During Watergate, after Vice President Spiro Agnew resigned and before Gerald Ford was confirmed to replace him, no one held the office for eight weeks. Democratic Speaker Carl Albert promised that if something happened to President Richard Nixon and Albert became acting president, he would appoint a Republican vice president, then resign. From the standpoint of todays poisonous politics, such nonpartisan sacrifice seems inconceivable.

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The Very Real Problem of Both Trump and Pence Getting COVID-19 at the Same Time - The Atlantic

Not Just a Hole in One, Court Finds Holes in All the Arguments – Patently-O

Agarwal v. Topgolf Intl (Fed. Cir. 2020)

Writing about golf in the midst of a national health crisis it a bit misguided, but the invention at issue is still interesting. Amit Agarwal is a former patent litigator and current assignee of U.S. Patent No. 5,370,389 (1994 patent expired).

As Agarwal explained in his patent infringement complaint, the invention revolutionized the boring, slow sport of golf by infusing the golf driving range experience with technology. The technology here is to individually track the balls hit and award points for distance and alignment. The infringement lawsuit was filed in 2016. TopGolf responded with a petition for inter partes review (IPR), which resulted in the claims being cancelled as obvious. On appeal, the Federal Circuit has affirmed effectively tagging Agarwal with a double bogie.

Agarwals likely best argument that the invention wasnt obvious was hampered by the substantial deference given to the PTAB factual determinations that underlie an obviousness conclusion. The court explained:

The simple fact that some contradictory evidence exists in the record does not demonstrate that the Boards findings are unsupported by substantial evidence.

Slip Op.; citingElbit Sys. of Am., LLC v.Thales Visionix, Inc., 881 F.3d 1354 (Fed. Cir. 2018).

Agarwal also raises the issue of unconstitutional takings, which the Federal Circuit again rejected:

Agarwal argues that a finding of unpatentability of a patent filed before November 29, 1999 in inter partes review is an unconstitutional taking. This court has already held that the retroactive application of IPR proceedings to pre-AIA patents is not an unconstitutional taking under the Fifth Amendment because patent owners had the expectation that the PTO could reconsider the validity of issued patents in inter partes reexaminations and ex parte reexaminations. Celgene Corp. v. Peter, 931 F.3d 1342, 136263 (Fed. Cir. 2019).

Note that Celgenes petition is on this issue is pending before the U.S. Supreme Court with the following question presented:

Petitioners Question: Whether retroactive application of inter partes review to patents issued before passage of the America Invents Act violates the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment

US Govt Restatement of Question:Whether the cancellation, following inter partes review, of petitioners pre-AIA patent violates the Just Compensation Clause.

Petition.

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Not Just a Hole in One, Court Finds Holes in All the Arguments - Patently-O

The Good Fight Recap: Win/Loss – Vulture

The Good Fight

The Gang Goes to War

Season 4 Episode 5

Editors Rating 4 stars ****

Photo: Patrick Harbron/CBS

It feels good to win for a change, Liz says at the end of this episode of The Good Fight, and boy is she right. This season of the show has been about the near-impossibility of winning in a system where the rule of law applies unequally to different factions of society if it even applies at all. Add to that the fact that Lizs case is in military court, a venue thats generally unkind to both defendants and civilian counsel, and the expectation of victory seems even more remote, especially after President Trump puts his thumb on the scale. When the panel returns with a favorable verdict, its a legitimate shocker. Justice is an unfamiliar sight these days, in our world and in the world of The Good Fight.

And yet, is it really that much of a win?

With only a few superficial tweaks, the episode makes reference to the controversy surrounding Eddie Gallagher, a former Navy SEAL who was brought up on war crimes charges after his final deployment to Iraq. Among the allegations against him: stabbing an injured Islamic State captive with a hunting knife and posing with the body; shooting at civilians with his sniper rifle, including children and the elderly; and randomly shooting into buildings and across neighborhoods where there was no enemy threat. His fellow SEALs were so horrified by his actions that they deliberately rigged the sight on his sniper rifle and insisted on reporting him, which broke the chain of command and risked their own reputations and careers in the military. Trump intervened in both the trial phase, where Gallagher was moved from confinement to house arrest, and after sentencing, when he stopped a demotion from happening. (Gallagher was only convicted on the charge of posing for the photograph.)

The guilt of Sgt. Meyers, the sniveling Gallagher stand-in of the episode, isnt really at issue. The pro bono case Liz and Caleb take on is about defending one of Meyerss Army subordinates, DeMarcus Laney, after he admits to sabotaging Meyerss sniper rifle, which was subsequently used in the accidental killing of an Afghan translator. And so a not guilty verdict, the best scenario for their client, still does nothing to bring Meyers to justice. In fact, Trump pardoning Meyers becomes the ironic break Liz and Caleb need to win: Because hes been pardoned, Meyers can no longer assert his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination, and they can bring him back up onto the stand and align the facts in Laneys favor. Victory may feel sweet, but theyre really just keeping their heads above water here.

The staging of this modern-day A Few Good Men is the most central and compelling story line in the episode, but most of the hour coheres elegantly around the possibility of justice. Theres optimism in Liz and Calebs win, and theres optimism, too, in Juliuss decision to rebel against the Memo 618 cabal thats infected his decision-making from the bench. Julius is still talking to his noble surrogate from the stage play last week, and he opts to be the fair, principled judge he always imagined himself to be, even if it upsets the elite. It may seem like a fantastical notion for a conservative judge to render a verdict against a big-business defendant, but Julius bristles from the disrespect of those taking cover under the Memo 618 umbrella. He will run his courtroom however he pleases, personal advancement be damned. Thats another win on the episode and perhaps another loss disguised as a win, too.

For Dianes part, shes shifted from fighting the new normal to coping with it. Shes introduced in this episode just looking blankly out the window: That bird has been staring at me, she tells Liz. Its been there for ten minutes. When Diane discovers that one of STR Lauries lawyers has been filling notebook after notebook with dot configurations, rather than meeting notes, its a kind of revelation. When such scrupulous note-taking (and note-taking of the note-taking) doesnt even figure into a meaningful result, then whats the point of taking notes at all? Drawing dot configurations during depositions and meetings and court proceedings becomes an eccentric mode of self-care, equivalent to the micro-dosing that Diane was doing last season. Once a warrior for justice, Diane clearly still hasnt found her bearings in the current state of things.

Its hard to know what Luccas doing, but thats more the fault of the show, which struggled for three seasons to find Rose Leslie something to do and is now struggling with Cush Jumbo. Theres precious little legal work for Lucca to do for Bianca Skye, a client who really just wants to rent a friend for $850 an hour; the only twist this episode is that Bianca is interested in buying the Saint Lucia resort where theyre lounging. When Bianca stakes Lucca in a high-stakes poker game and she scoops $1.5 million in winnings, shes left puzzling over the ethics of taking her cut of the loot. But the whole subplot is as meaningful as dots on a page. Lucca didnt become a lawyer to doodle and the show should probably stop making her soon.

Last week, I failed to identify the play-within-the-show and the talk-back session, in particular as a reference to Jeremy O. Harriss Slave Play. Our own Chris Murphy did a rundown of Harriss livetweet through the episode, which includes the infamous Talkback Tammy moment he says the show captured word for word. As a non-New Yorker, I apologize for whiffing on the whole thing. When you dont have access to New York theater, you tend not to follow news about it.

I havent said anything about Hugh Dancys performance as Caleb, the STR Laurie in-house spy whos flirting with Marissa and sleeping with Liz. This was his first episode where hes front and center, and hes turned Caleb into an intriguing character attractive, conscientious, possibly underhanded.

A strong double reflection on the line Justice delayed is justice denied. In the case before Julius, the endless granting of continuances to monied defendants does exactly that starves the plaintiffs until they can no longer pursue justice. But in the military trial, the judges refusal to allow for a continuance puts the defendant in a bad spot, because his new lawyers arent prepared for the finer points of presenting a case in that forum.

Good on the show for scoffing along with Diane at a Saturday Night Livestyle parody of Donald Trump that winds up featuring an appearance by the man himself. Satire is dead at least on a show that allowed Trump to guest-host.

Keep up with all the drama of your favorite shows!

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The Good Fight Recap: Win/Loss - Vulture

Bill Barr Twisted My Words in Dropping the Flynn Case. Heres the Truth. – The New York Times

The motion was signed by Timothy Shea, a longtime trusted adviser of Mr. Barr and, since January, the acting U.S. attorney in Washington. In attempting to support its argument, the motion cites more than 25 times the F.B.I.s report of an interview with me in July 2017, two months after I left a decades-long career at the department (under administrations of both parties) that culminated in my role as the acting assistant attorney general for national security.

That report, commonly referred to as a 302, is an interesting read. It vividly describes disagreements between leadership of the Justice Department and the F.B.I. about how to handle the information we had learned about Mr. Flynns calls with the Russian ambassador Sergey Kislyak and, more specifically, Mr. Flynns apparent lies about those calls to incoming Vice President Mike Pence.

But the report of my interview is no support for Mr. Barrs dismissal of the Flynn case. It does not suggest that the F.B.I. had no counterintelligence reason for investigating Mr. Flynn. It does not suggest that the F.B.I.s interview of Mr. Flynn which led to the false-statements charge was unlawful or unjustified. It does not support that Mr. Flynns false statements were not material. And it does not support the Justice Departments assertion that the continued prosecution of the case against Mr. Flynn, who pleaded guilty to knowingly making material false statements to the FBI, would not serve the interests of justice.

I can explain why, relying entirely on documents the government has filed in court or released publicly.

Notably, Mr. Barrs motion to dismiss does not argue that the F.B.I. violated the Constitution or statutory law when agents interviewed Mr. Flynn about his calls with Mr. Kislyak. It doesnt claim that they violated his Fifth Amendment rights by coercively questioning him when he wasnt free to leave. Nor does the motion claim that the interview was the fruit of a search or seizure that violated the Fourth Amendment. Any of these might have justified moving to dismiss the case. But by the governments own account, the interview with Mr. Flynn was voluntary, arranged in advance and took place in Mr. Flynns own office.

Without constitutional or statutory violations grounding its motion, the Barr-Shea motion makes a contorted argument that Mr. Flynns false statements and omissions to the F.B.I. were not material to any matter under investigation. Materiality is an essential element that the government must establish to prove a false-statements offense. If the falsehoods arent material, theres no crime.

The department concocts its materiality theory by arguing that the F.B.I. should not have been investigating Mr. Flynn at the time they interviewed him. The Justice Department notes that the F.B.I. had opened a counterintelligence investigation of Mr. Flynn in 2016 as part of a larger investigation into possible coordination between the Trump campaign and Russian efforts to interfere with the presidential election. And the department notes that the F.B.I. had intended to close the investigation of Mr. Flynn in early January 2017 until it learned of the conversations between Mr. Flynn and Mr. Kislyak around the same time.

Discounting the broader investigation and the possibility of Russian direction or control over Mr. Flynn, the departments motion myopically homes in on the calls alone, and because it views those calls as entirely appropriate, it concludes the investigation should not have been extended and the interview should not have taken place.

The account of my interview in 2017 doesnt help the department support this conclusion, and it is disingenuous for the department to twist my words to suggest that it does. What the account of my interview describes is a difference of opinion about what to do with the information that Mr. Flynn apparently had lied to the incoming vice president, Mr. Pence, and others in the incoming administration about whether he had discussed the Obama administrations sanctions against Russia in his calls with Mr. Kislyak. Those apparent lies prompted Mr. Pence and others to convey inaccurate statements about the nature of the conversations in public news conferences and interviews.

Why was that so important? Because the Russians would have known what Mr. Flynn and Mr. Kislyak discussed. They would have known that, despite Mr. Pences and others denials, Mr. Flynn had in fact asked Russia not to escalate its response to the sanctions. Mr. Pences denial of this on national television, and his attribution of the denial to Mr. Flynn, put Mr. Flynn in a potentially compromised situation that the Russians could use against him.

The potential for blackmail of Mr. Flynn by the Russians is what the former Justice Department leadership, including me, thought needed to be conveyed to the incoming White House. After all, Mr. Flynn was set to become the national security adviser, and it was untenable that Russia which the intelligence community had just assessed had sought to interfere in the U.S. presidential election might have leverage over him.

This is where the F.B.I. disagreed with the Justice Departments preferred approach. The F.B.I. wasnt ready to reveal this information to the incoming administration right away, preferring to keep investigating, not only as part of its counterintelligence investigation but also possibly as a criminal investigation. Although several of us at Justice thought the likelihood of a criminal prosecution under the Logan Act was quite low (the act prohibits unauthorized communications with foreign governments to influence their conduct in relation to disputes with the United States), we certainly agreed that there was a counterintelligence threat.

Thats exactly why we wanted to alert the incoming administration. Ultimately, after our dispute over such notification continued through the inauguration and into the start of the Trump administration, the F.B.I. without consulting the Justice Department arranged to interview Mr. Flynn. By the time Justice Department leadership found out, agents were en route to the interview in Mr. Flynns office.

The account of my July 2017 interview describes my departments frustration with the F.B.I.s conduct, sometimes using colorful adjectives like flabbergasted to describe our reactions. We werent necessarily opposed to an interview our focus had been on notification but any such interview should have been coordinated with the Justice Department. There were protocols for engaging with White House officials and protocols for interviews, and this was, of course, a sensitive situation. We objected to the rogueness of the decision by the F.B.I. director, Jim Comey, made without notice or opportunity to weigh in.

The Barr-Shea motion to dismiss refers to my descriptions of the F.B.I.s justification for not wanting to notify the new administration about the potential Flynn compromise as vacillating from the potential compromise of a counterintelligence investigation to the protection of a purported criminal investigation. But that vacillation has no bearing on whether the F.B.I. was justified in engaging in a voluntary interview with Mr. Flynn. It has no bearing on whether Mr. Flynns lies to the F.B.I. were material to its investigation into any links or coordination between Mr. Trumps presidential campaign and Russias efforts to interfere in the 2016 election.

And perhaps more significant, it has no bearing on whether Mr. Flynns lies to the F.B.I. were material to the clear counterintelligence threat posed by the susceptible position Mr. Flynn put himself in when he told Mr. Pence and others in the new administration that he had not discussed the sanctions with Mr. Kislyak. The materiality is obvious.

In short, the report of my interview does not anywhere suggest that the F.B.I.s interview of Mr. Flynn was unconstitutional, unlawful or not tethered to any legitimate counterintelligence purpose.

Mary B. McCord, the former acting assistant attorney general for national security at the Department of Justice, is legal director for Georgetown Laws Institute for Constitutional Advocacy and Protection and a visiting law professor.

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. Wed like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And heres our email: letters@nytimes.com.

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Bill Barr Twisted My Words in Dropping the Flynn Case. Heres the Truth. - The New York Times

Why dismiss the Flynn case? Because the FBI can’t prove it | TheHill – The Hill

The guiding tenet of the criminal justice system is that the government bears the burden of proving guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. All of the systems rules are rooted in this principle. These include the prosecutors ethical obligation to dismiss a charge in the absence of a good-faith belief that a rational jury could convict the accused based on the governments evidence.

The Department of Justice (DOJ) last week dismissed the prosecution of Michael Flynn, who fleetingly served as President TrumpDonald John TrumpSusan Rice says she would 'certainly say yes' to be Biden's VP Jim Jordan requests documents from Pompeo regarding Hunter Biden, Burisma Graham rebuffs Trump over Obama testimony: 'It would be a bad precedent' MOREs first national security adviser. In all the heated commentary over this decision, scant attention has been paid to the most compelling reason for vacating Flynns 2017 guilty plea to one count of making false statements to FBI agents: The government wouldnt have a prayer of convicting Flynn at trial.

Allowing the conviction to stand would have been a travesty. This basic fact, this utter lack of sufficient evidence, is obscured by the DOJs heavy reliance on a legal rationale for dropping the case. In its 20-page memorandum in support of dismissal, the DOJ contends that any false statements by Flynn could not have been material because there was no legitimate basis to investigate or interview him. Federal law makes materiality an essential element of a false-statements charge.

The FBI opened a counterintelligence probe of Flynn in August 2016 on the absurd ground that he might be a clandestine Russian agent. (Flynn is a retired three-star Army general and decorated combat commander, who had then recently written a book identifying Russia as a committed global adversary of the United States.) This suspicion was frivolously supported.

The FBIs then-director, James ComeyJames Brien ComeyTucker Carlson: Flynn case was domestic spying operation 'hidden under the pretext of national security' GOP senators hit the gas on Obama-era probes Paul claims Biden 'caught red-handed' eavesdropping on Flynn MORE, authorized closing the investigation in December 2016, and the paperwork to do so was completed on Jan. 4, 2017 20 days before the Flynn interview.

Then the FBI learned that Flynn, as an official in the Trump transition who was designated to become the presidents national security adviser, had had communications in December with Russian ambassador Sergey Kislyak. The government was monitoring Kislyak, and recordings showed that Flynn did nothing inappropriate; there was no ground to reopen or continue the counterintelligence investigation or to begin a criminal investigation.

Likewise, DOJ never would have charged Flynn criminally with violating the Logan Act a moribund, unconstitutional prohibition against freelance diplomacy. In the DOJs 150-year history, the Logan Act has never been charged. No one has ever been convicted for violating it; there has been no case since 1852. To say it would be a preposterous basis for indicting a president-elects top security adviser puts it mildly.

DOJ now theorizes that if the Flynn interview was not connected to a properly based investigation, any alleged false statements he made could not have been material. Both Flynn and the investigators, moreover, knew the Kislyak discussions were recorded. Flynn stressed that the agents could listen to the conversation if they wanted to know what was discussed. Any misstatements during the interview could not have affected the FBIs understanding.

A more indisputable rationale for dropping the Flynn case would have focused, not on a legal flaw, but on the factual inadequacy of the prosecutions evidence. Simply stated, there is no way prosecutors could have proved Flynns guilt beyond a reasonable doubt.

First, Flynns statements to investigators were equivocal. That creates significant questions about whether inaccuracies in his description of the Kislyak discussions were honest failures of recollection, not lies. The interview happened about a month after the Kislyak communications. In the interim, Flynn had hundreds of conversations with foreign counterparts. It would have been a challenge for anyone to remember the words of a conversation under those circumstances; and, in their legerdemain, the FBI strategically refused to refresh Flynns recollection by playing recordings or showing a transcript.

Second, the FBI and prosecutors took inconsistent positions on whether Flynn intentionally misled them. The interviewing agents believed he was truthful, if forgetful. Director Comey reportedly said the question of whether Flynn lied was a close call. Assuming this is so, a close call is not proof beyond a reasonable doubt.

Third, the agents went out of their way to deceive Flynn about the purpose of the interview, at which they hoped to trip him up. It is rote for FBI 302 reports used to summarize witness interviews to start by recounting that interviewing agents advised the subject of the nature of the interview. But they did not do that with Flynn. He was discouraged from consulting counsel and from reporting the FBIs request to speak with him to his White House chain-of-command. He was not given the customary advice of rights the FBI, after officials acknowledged among themselves that they owed it to Flynn to advise him that a false statement could be grounds for prosecution, willfully withheld this admonition from him.

Lets put aside that Flynn now disputes whether he lied. In criminal proceedings, due process is not optional. If the FBI were interviewing a hardened criminal who had been arrested so many times he could recite Miranda warnings by heart, agents still would give the bureaus standard advice of rights; they would make certain to tell him that a false statement could be grounds for prosecution. With Flynn, though, they did not go by the book. They did the thing that the book is supposed to prevent: Eliciting statements by deceiving a person about his legal rights.

Fourth, the two government witnesses in the case have monumental credibility problems. Under federal law, Flynns statements confessing guilt during his plea proceedings would not be admissible against him at trial if the plea were vacated. And Flynn would claim, in any event, that his plea statements were induced by coercion and fraud a threat to prosecute his son if he did not plead guilty, and the prosecutors commitment not to prosecute his son, which was illegally withheld from the court.

Consequently, the governments entire case boils down to the testimony of two FBI agents: Peter Strzok, who was terminated for misconduct, and Joe Pientka, who appears to have been the case-agent on the Trump-Russia investigation and to have played a significant role in serial misrepresentations made to obtain surveillance warrants against former Trump campaign adviser Carter Page.

The FBI does not electronically record most interviews. There is no tape or transcript of Flynns actual words. The governments entire case would consist of Strzoks and Pientkas testimony about what Flynn said. (The Fifth Amendment would bar prosecutors from calling Flynn as a witness against himself.) Not only do the two FBI witnesses have immense credibility problems in general; their specific performance in Flynns case is jaw-dropping.

Strzok and Pientka were key participants in the FBIs decision to flout standard procedures for interviewing a member of the presidents staff, which require alerting the DOJ and the White House counsel. Knowing that if they asked, they would be denied permission to interview Flynn, FBI officials mendaciously circumvented protocol. It was, in essence, an ambush interview.

But that barely scratches the surface.

In order to promote the accuracy of FBI 302s, those reports are supposed to be completed within five days of the interview. Usually, one agent is the main interrogator, another takes notes; one of the two is responsible for drafting the 302, which the two agents then finalize, making sure between their memories and any notes taken that the 302 accurately reflects the interviewees statements.

The Flynn 302 went through multiple drafts, and the FBI has not produced the earliest iterations. If agents are just faithfully rendering a witnesss account, that should never call for heavy editing. Yet, the Flynn 302 was still being edited on Feb. 10, 17 days after the interview. And, we know from text messages, it was being edited by Lisa Page, then an FBI lawyer working as counsel to then-Deputy Director Andrew McCabeAndrew George McCabeWhy dismiss the Flynn case? Because the FBI can't prove it McCabe: Conservative media 'obsessed with finding some indication of a set-up' of Flynn 'Do as I say, not as I do': Virus exposes two standards of justice MORE. Page was neither an agent nor present at the Flynn interview; she had no business editing what Flynn said. In the contemporaneous texts, Page lambasts Strzok for so shoddy a rendition; Strzok says Page should have seen how bad was the version Pientka gave him, which Strzok labored mightily to fix before passing it along to Page. Strzok also planned to make final edits after Page was done. The 302, which apparently also was reviewed by even higher-ranking officials, was not finalized until Feb. 15.

In weirdness that signaled trouble, the FBI refused to disclose the 302 to Flynns defense. When pressed by the court, the FBI eventually produced a 302, not of Flynns interview, but of Strzoks exit interview when he was being terminated which purported to summarize Flynns interview. This raised more questions. Finally, the FBI produced not one but two Flynn 302s: the first labeled a deliberative document (clearly, because Flynns statements were extensively edited); the second generated later, when the FBI realized it had mistakenly left the deliberative label on the first. (The two 302s are the same, except for the label.)

Again, the texts elucidate that there must be earlier versions Pientkas first draft, Strzoks alterations of it, Pages alterations of Strzoks draft, etc. These versions have never been disclosed, and who knows whether they still exist?

As if that were not bad enough, there are problems with the agents handwritten notes. There are two sets of notes, one from each agent. Only a few weeks ago, prosecutors finally conceded that theyd misrepresented to the court and the defense which agent was the author of which set. There is, in addition, reason to suspect Strzok was not being forthright when, in his exit interview, he described Pientka as primarily responsible for writing the 302.

Under these circumstances, it makes sense that the Justice Department prefers to rely on a legal flaw in the false-statements charge as its main reason for dropping the case. If the problem is that Flynns statements could not have been material, then there is no need to get into these other unseemly facts.

Nevertheless, if this case had gone to trial, the whole sordid story would have come out. No rational jury would have convicted Flynn of making false statements based on the testimony of Strzok and Pientka. The bureaus irregular tactics, its dissembling, the equivocal nature of Flynns statements and the FBIs sense that he was not trying to be deceptive, would have made proof beyond a reasonable doubt an insuperable hurdle.

In Flynns case, the government could not conceivably have met its burden of proof. In dismissing the case on a legal rationale, the Justice Department avoided the potential of an ugly trial that would have damaged the FBI and DOJ.

Former federal prosecutor Andrew C. McCarthy is a senior fellow at National Review Institute, a contributing editor at National Review, and a Fox News contributor. His latest book is Ball of Collusion. Follow him on Twitter @AndrewCMcCarthy.

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Why dismiss the Flynn case? Because the FBI can't prove it | TheHill - The Hill

Premiership clubs have a simple choice: end their secretive masonic ways or lose all credibility – Telegraph.co.uk

This is a line-in-the-sand moment for the Premiership clubs. Either they agree to endorse every single one of Lord Myners 52 recommendations or their gentlemans club reverts to being an incestuous, back-biting and back-stabbing little gathering with zero credibility.

The choice is that stark, the challenge laid down to owners and stakeholders that all-consuming, for as Myners states this is not a menu (of recommendations) to pick certain morsels that please the appetite and ignore others.

It is all or nothing. The former government minister was hired to produce a comprehensive review of salary-cap regulations. He has done just that. No white-washing, no shilly-shallying, no attempt to pull the rug from beneath due process, as happened in 2015 when Saracens were allowed to reach private settlement with the other clubs after previous transgressions were uncovered.

Transparency should be a key principle going forward with any breaches made public. Secretive masonic ways should be a thing of the past.

Myners, who admits to a great love for the sport and wishes to see it expand its horizons, has been fair-minded in outlook, comprehensive in appraisal and as brutal and unforgiving in his judgement as if he were an old-school French forward looking to inflict a spot of well-merited retribution on an uppity opponent.

No-one is spared not the clubs, not players or directors of rugby who should be more accountable themselves and not look to plead the Fifth Amendment every time an eyebrow is raised about their possible remuneration, not the agents, either, who were not among the 450 people who took part in a consultation survey.

Club officials are within the orbit of possible future sanction, while Myners also suggests that players tax returns, should be available on a random basis.

The intent is clear to clean up Premier Rugbys act with regard to salary-cap dealings. If the clubs do as they should do and back Myners impressive body of work then there will never again be a Saracens-type scandal. This report is exhaustive, forensic and laced with common sense.

As with all good codes of behaviour, it is part stick, part carrot in tone. In future, miscreants could be stripped of titles (as did not happen to Saracens, who retained their two Premiership crowns albeit they were fined 5.4million, docked 105 points and relegated) and even face a lifetime ban from the competition if therewere to be repeated breaches or acts of non-compliance.

Originally posted here:

Premiership clubs have a simple choice: end their secretive masonic ways or lose all credibility - Telegraph.co.uk

Neither AIA Proceeding nor Government Infringement Constitute Fifth Amendment Taking – JD Supra

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Neither AIA Proceeding nor Government Infringement Constitute Fifth Amendment Taking - JD Supra

Is the Takings Clause a "self-executing" waiver of sovereign immunity? – Reason

Last week I posed a question: "can a plaintiff seek compensation for an unconstitutional taking, without relying on the Tucker Act's jurisdictionif not under the Takings Clause, perhaps under some theory of tort." This post will shed some light on this question, though I still have not yet reached a firm conclusion. And the fifth post in my bump stock series will, alas, have to await further consideration (See Parts I,II,III, andIV).

As a general matter, the federal government cannot be sued for damages without its consent. Congress has waived its immunity through several statutes. For example, the Federal Torts Claims Act provides a limited waiver of sovereign immunity for certain types of torts. And the Supreme Court has alsoimplied certain waivers of sovereign immunity. Through so-calledBivensclaims, plaintiffs can seek monetary damages for violations of the Fourth and Fifth Amendment. But the Supreme Court has held that there is no waiver of sovereign immunity for suits based on other provisions of the Bill of Rights, such as the Eighth Amendment. And in recent years, the Supreme Court has put the brakes on future Bivens claims. This much is straightforward doctrine.

But what about the Takings Clause? It is the only provision of the Bill of Rights that clearly states landowners are entitled to monetary damages: "nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation." Is the Takings Clause a self-executing waiver of sovereign immunity?

In traditional eminent domain questions, the issue of sovereign immunity is irrelevant. Why? The government initiates a condemnation proceeding against a landowner. In other words, a private landowner does not need to sue the federal government. But there is another common type of takings case, known as an inversecondemnation suit. Here, the government regulates a person's property, but insists there is no taking. Then, the landowner sues the federal government, alleges a violation of the Takings Clause, and seeks "just compensation."

Congress has enacted two relevant statutes that purport to waive sovereign immunity for inverse condemnation suits. First, the Tucker Act gives the Court of Federal Claims jurisdiction to hear takings claims against the federal government where the property is worth more $10,000. It provides, in part:

TheUnited States Court of Federal Claimsshall have jurisdiction to render judgment upon any claim against the United States founded either upon the Constitution, or any Act ofCongressor any regulation of an executive department, or upon any express or implied contract with the United States, or for liquidated or unliquidated damages in cases not sounding in tort

The Tucker Act does not expressly mention takings, but claims under the Fifth Amendment are "founded . . . upon the Constitution." (They also "arise under the Constitution.") The Court of Federal Claims is an Article I court: the judges serve for fifteen year terms, and there are no jury trials. Second, the Little Tucker Act gives all federal district courts jurisdiction to hear takings claims against the federal government where the property is worth less than $10,000. It provides, in part:

The district courts shall have original jurisdiction, concurrent with the United States Court of Federal Claims . . .

Any other civil action or claim against the United States, not exceeding $10,000 in amount, founded either upon the Constitution, or any Act ofCongress, or any regulation of an executive department, or upon any express or implied contract with the United States, or for liquidated or unliquidated damages in cases not sounding in tort, except that the district courts shall not have jurisdiction of any civil action or claim against the United States founded upon any express or implied contract with the United States or for liquidated or unliquidated damages in cases not sounding in tort which are subject to sections 7104(b)(1) and 7107(a)(1) of title 41

These cases are heard by Article III judges, but jury trials are not permitted. Under both statutes, appeals are heard by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit, an Article III court. (Fun fact: John Randolph Tucker, the namesake of the Tucker Act, was the grandson of St. George Tucker.)

Can a plaintiff seek compensation for an unconstitutional taking, without relying on the Tucker Act's jurisdiction? I think this question has not been squarely resolved by the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court denied certiorari on a closely-related question in 2018. Brott v. U.S. presented this question: "Can the federal government take private property and deny the owner the ability to vindicate his constitutional right to be justly compensated in an Article III Court with trial by jury?"

In Brott, the Plaintiffs filed an inverse condemnation suit against the government in federal district court, but requested more than $10,000. They also requested a jury trial. The complaint cited Section 1331 federal question jurisdiction. They acknowledged the Little Tucker Act did not support their claim, because the amount in controversy was more than $10,000. Therefore, they argued that the "action is founded upon the Constitution" itself. That is, "arising under" jurisdiction through 28 U.S.C. 1331. It provides:

The district courts shall have original jurisdiction of all civil actions arising under the Constitution, laws, or treaties of the United States.

And the Plaintiffs claimed that the Little Tucker Act itself was unconstitutional:

In the Tucker Act and Little Tucker Act, 28 U.S.C. 1346 and 1491, Congress vested the Court of Federal Claims with exclusive jurisdiction to hear all claims against the United States "founded upon the Constitution" where the amount in controversy exceeds $10,000. To the extent Congress created the Court of Federal Claims as an Article I legislative court free of Article III's requirements and vested the Court of Federal Claims with jurisdiction to hear claims "founded upon the Constitution" these provisions are unconstitutional.

The District Court rejected their claims, as did the Sixth Circuit. The Court found that it lacked subject matter jurisdiction over takings claims, even though takings claims "arise under the Constitution."

28 U.S.C. 1331 (1976), the general federal question provision, does not provide a jurisdictional basis on these facts. The Fifth Amendment "taking" claim "arises under the Constitution," and a remedy for a violation of this provision arguably does not require a waiver of sovereign immunity. However, a number of cases indicate that Congress has made the Court of Claims the exclusive and an adequate forum for the Fifth Amendment claims, at least those over $10,000. We conclude that 28 U.S.C. 1346(a)(2) [the Little Tucker Act] expressly limits the district court's jurisdiction over these types of claims against the government to those not exceeding $10,000 in amount and that to utilize the court's federal question or pendent jurisdiction as to the Fifth Amendment claim would override the express policy of Congress embodied in the Tucker Act. Lenoir v. Porters Creek Watershed Dist., 586 F.2d 1081, 1088 (6th Cir. 1978).

The Circuit Court also held that the general grant of jurisdiction in Section 1331 does not trump "the Little Tucker Act's specific and limited grant of jurisdiction." As best as I can tell, the Supreme Court has never addressed this question concerning Section 1331. I will address it at the end of this post.

Next, the Circuit Court found that "Congress may also decline to waive sovereign immunity, or it may withdraw or modify its consent to suit, even if the right at issue is drawn from the Constitution." In other words, Congress needs to waive its sovereign immunity, even where the federal government "takes" private property. The Fifth Amendment, therefore, is not a self-executing waiver of sovereign immunity. The Court explained, "Sovereign immunity, however, does not distinguish between congressionally created entitlements and constitutionally created rights."

The landowners countered that an explicit waiver is not necessary for the Takings Clause:

Nevertheless, the landowners argue that an explicit waiver is unnecessary here because the Fifth Amendment right to just compensation is a "self-executing" right and the right to compensation itself contains a waiver of sovereign immunity. The Supreme Court has indeed referred to the Fifth Amendment right to just compensation as "self-executing." First English Evangelical Lutheran Church of Glendale v. County of Los Angeles, 482 U.S. 304, 315 (1987). The Supreme Court has explained that a Fifth Amendment takings claim is self-executing and grounded in the Constitution, such that additional "[s]tatutory recognition was not necessary." Id. (quoting Jacobs v. United States, 290 U.S. 13, 16 (1933)); see United States v. Dickinson, 331 U.S. 745, 748 (1947).

But the Sixth Circuit rejects this argument:

However, the fact that the Fifth Amendment creates a "right to recover just compensation," First English, 482 U.S. at 315 (quoting Jacobs, 290 U.S. at 16), does not mean that the United States has waived sovereign immunity such that the right may be enforced by suit for money damages. See Minnesota v. United States, 305 U.S. 382, 388 (1939) ("[I]t rests with Congress to determine not only whether the United States may be sued, but in what courts the suit may be brought.").

Here is the full quote fromFirst English:

[A] landowner is entitled to bring an action in inverse condemnation as a result of the "selfexecuting character of the constitutional provision with respect to compensation" ***. As noted in Justice Brennan's dissent in San Diego Gas, it has been established at least since Jacobs [v. United States, 290 U.S. 13 (1933)] that claims for just compensation are grounded in the Constitution itself *** Jacobs *** does not stand alone, for the Court has frequently repeated the view that, in the event of a taking, the compensation remedy is required by the Constitution.

in his Webster v. Doedissent (1988), Justice Scalia also seemed to reject the self-executing argument the landowners advanced:

The doctrine of sovereign immunitynot repealed by the Constitution, but to the contrary at least partly reaffirmed as to the States by the Eleventh Amendment is a monument to the principle that some constitutional claims can go unheard. No one would suggest that, if Congress had not passed the Tucker Act, 28 U.S.C. 1491(a)(1), the courts would be able to order disbursements from the Treasury to pay for property taken under lawful authority (and subsequently destroyed) without just compensation.

The Circuit Court then explained there are two requirements for a waiver of sovereign immunity:

The United States argues that a waiver of sovereign immunity typically requires two things: [1] the existence of a right and [2] provision of a judicial remedy. The Fifth Amendment details a broad right to compensation, but it does not provide a means to enforce that right. Courts must look to other sources (such as the Tucker Act and the Little Tucker Act) to determine how the right to compensation is to be enforced. . . . The Tucker Act's waiver of sovereign immunity, therefore, is a necessary ingredient for just-compensation claims brought against the United States.

The Sixth Circuit also relied on history:

First, the landowners have cited no case in which the Fifth Amendment has been found to provide litigants with the right to sue the government for money damages in federal district court.

(I'll address this historical argument later in the post).

The Sixth Circuit also held that "The landowners' compensation claims are public-right claims. These are claims made by private individuals against the government in connection with the performance of a historical and constitutional function of the legislative branch, namely, the control and payment of money from the treasury." (The public rights doctrine is very, very messy, and I will table it here).

Brott and the other landowners filed a cert petition. The petitioners argued that there is no need for a statutory waiver of sovereign immunity:

While a statutory waiver of sovereign immunity may be necessary to enforce a congressionally-created entitlement, this does not apply when the right being enforced is founded upon the Constitution itself. . . .

Because the right to just compensation arises directly from the Constitution, Congress cannot abrogate this right by statute. See Jacobs, 290 U.S. at 17 ("the right to just compensation could not be taken away by statute or be qualified by the omission of a provision for interest") (citing Seaboard Air Line Ry. Co. v. United States, 261 U.S. 299, 306 (1923), and Phelps, 274 U.S. at 343-44).

The Solicitor General opposed certiorari. The government stated that Congress is under no obligation to give the courts jurisdiction to hear takings cases:

In 1855, Congress established the Court of Claims "to relieve the pressure created by the volume of private bills." Mitchell, 463 U.S. at 212-213. The court's jurisdiction did not, however, extend to constitutional claims. "Most property owners" seeking compensation for asserted takings were thus "left to petition Congress for private relief, but Congress was neither compelled to act, nor to act favorably." 2 Wilson Cowen et al., The United States Court of Claims: A History 45 (1978) (Cowen). As a result, "many owners had suffered the misfortune of holding a legal right for which there was no enforceable legal remedy." Ibid. That situation led this Court to observe that "[i]t is to be regretted that Congress has made no provision by any general law for ascertaining and paying th[e] just compensation" owed for takings of private property by the United States. Langford v. United States, 101 U.S. 341, 343 (1880).

I am not sure Langford is directly on point. The Court's discussion of "just compensation" is more limited than the government suggests. Here is the full passage:

The other point is one which requires more delicate handling. We are not prepared to deny that when the government of the United States, by such formal proceedings as are necessary to bind it, takes for public use, as for an arsenal, custom-house, or fort, land to which it asserts no claim of title, but admits the ownership to be private or individual, there arises an implied obligation to pay the owner its just value. It is to be regretted that Congress has made no provision by any general law for ascertaining and paying this just compensation. And we are not called on to decide that when the *344 government, acting by the forms which are sufficient to bind it, recognizes that fact that it is taking private property for public use, the compensation may not be recovered in the Court of Claims. On this point we decide nothing.

The SG citesLangford to describe the state of the lawbeforethe Tucker Act was enacted. ButLangfordwas decided after the Tucker Act was enacted. Indeed, the appeal arose from the Court of Claims. I don't think this nuanced statement concerned sovereign immunity and the Takings Clause more broadly. I think this statement concerned the very precise fact pattern at issue inLangford. Here, property owners sued the federal government in the Court of Claims"to recover for the use and occupation of certain lands and buildings." And they advanced an implied contract theory that is referenced in the text of the Tucker Act. In any event, the Court doesn't resolve this issue. "On this point we decide nothing."

The SG also looked to history:

It was not until 1887 that Congress enacted the Tucker Act, waiving sovereign immunity and conferring on the Court of Claims jurisdiction to hear cases "founded upon the Constitution." Act of Mar. 3, 1887, ch. 359, 24 Stat. 505; see Mitchell, 463 U.S. at 214; Cowen 45-46. Thus, for the first century of our Nation's history, claims seeking compensation for asserted takings by the United States were resolved by Congress not by the courts.

The Sixth Circuit made a similar point. I'm not sure this history helps as much as the government suggests. Until 1875, there was no federal question jurisdiction. (It existed for a brief period after the Federalists enact the Judiciary Act of 1801, also known as the Midnight Judges Bill.) The only way to get into federal court was through diversity jurisdiction. The Tucker Act was enacted in 1887. And federal question jurisdiction (what became Section 1331) was created twelve years prior in 1875. It is unsurprising that there were no claims for takings based on federal question for the first nine decades after ratification.

I see here a parallel toHans v. Louisiana. The Eleventh Amendment made it impossible for a citizen of one state to sue another state in federal court. The text, at least, left open the question of whether a citizen could sue his own state in federal court. But until Congress created federal question jurisdiction, it was impossible for a citizen of one state to sue his own state in federal court. The only path to federal court was diversity jurisdiction. In 1875, Congress creates the federal question statute. Fast-forward to 1890. The Supreme Court decides Hans v. Louisiana. It holds that a citizen of Louisiana cannot sue the state of Louisiana. Here, the Supreme Court finally had an opportunity to address a question that was not resolved by the text of the Eleventh Amendment. (Or was it?) Indeed, it took nearly 15 years for the Supreme Court to address this question after the federal question jurisdiction was restored.

By way of comparison, twelve years after federal question jurisdiction was reimposed, Congress enacts the Tucker Act, which expressly waived sovereign immunity for takings claims. It is unsurprising during this twelve year gap, the Supreme Court did not have occasion to decide if the Takings Clause, by itself, effects a waiver of sovereign immunity.

Perhaps the most relevant case isU.S. v. Lee(1882). In this famous case, Robert E. Lee's son challenged the federal governments seizure of the land in Virginia that would become Arlington National Cemetery. The Solicitor General argued thatLee, as well as Larson v. Domestic & Foreign Commerce Corp, precludes Brott's claims.

Petitioners' "celebrated example" (Pet. 36) vividly illustrates their error. Petitioners correctly note (ibid.) that, in United States v. Lee, 106 U.S. 196 (1882), Robert E. Lee's son brought a suit challenging the United States' seizure of the land that became Arlington National Cemetery. But it was neither a suit seeking just compensation nor one brought against the United States. Instead, it was an "ejectment" action brought against individual federal officers under state law and seeking "to recover possession" of the land. Id. at 197- 198; see id. at 210 ("The case before us is a suit against Strong and Kaufman as individuals, to recover possession of property."). The Court in Lee recognized that Lee's son could not have sought compensation from the United States. Id. at 222. And this Court has since reaffirmed that, when "[t]he Lee case was decided in 1882," "there clearly was no remedy available by which he could have obtained compensation for the taking of his land." Larson v. Domestic & Foreign Commerce Corp., 337 U.S. 682, 697 n.17 (1949).

Here is the relevant passage fromLee. It doesn't say exactly what the SG argued:

Another consideration is, that since the United States cannot be made a defendant to a suit concerning its property, and no judgment in any suit against an individual who has possession or control of such property can bind or conclude the government, as is decided by this court in the case ofCarr v. United States, already referred to, the government is always at liberty, notwithstanding any such judgment, to avail itself of all the remedies which the law allows to every person, natural or artificial, for the vindication and assertion of its rights.

Here, I think "its" modifies "United States." This passage does not concern a landowner suing the federal government for regulating the landowners property. The facts of Lee are tortured, but it did not begin as a suit against the federal government; it originated as a state court action in ejectment against federal officials. I need to study the posture more closely.

And here is the passage from Larson:

The Court thus assumed that if title had been in the plaintiff the taking of the property by the defendants would be a taking without just compensation and, therefore, an unconstitutional action. FN17

FN17: The Lee case was decided in 1882. At that time there clearly was no remedy available by which he could have obtained compensation for the taking of his land. Whether compensation could be obtained today in such a case is, of course, not the issue here.

I think theLarsonCourt was describing the fairly intricate facts of Lee's case, for which there was no remedy. I don't take that footnote to be saying anything at all about the Takings Clause, in general. I welcome corrections. LeeandLarson are somewhat enigmatic decisions. But the SG's argument is not the best reading of those cases.

The Solicitor General offered a very different reading of First English.

First English thus concluded that the Fifth Amendment is self-executing in that it creates a right to compensation for a taking. But "the fact that the Fifth Amendment creates a 'right to recover just compensation,' does not mean that the United States has waived sovereign immunity such that the right may be enforced by suit for money damages." Pet. App. 13a (quoting First English, 482 U.S. at 315) (citation omitted). To recover money damages against the United States, a plaintiff must identify both a waiver of sovereign immunity and a "substantive right enforceable against the United States for money damages." Mitchell, 463 U.S. at 216 (citations omitted); see Pet. App. 14a. The Tucker Act waives sovereign immunity, but does not create any substantive rights. Mitchell, 463 U.S. at 216. Instead, "[a] substantive right must be found in some other source of law, such as 'the Constitution, or any Act of Congress.' " Ibid. (quoting 28 U.S.C. 1491).

First English makes clear that the Fifth Amendment creates a substantive "right to recover just compensation for property taken by the United States" that may be enforced under the Tucker Act without further congressional action. 482 U.S. at 315 (citation omitted) cf. Mitchell, 463 U.S. at 216 ("Not every claim invoking the Constitution * * * is cognizable under the Tucker Act."). But First English did not involve a suit against the United States, and the Court did not discussmuch less overrulethe century's worth of precedent establishing that the Tucker Act's waiver of sovereign immunity is a necessary precondition to suits seeking just compensation from the United States.

In other words, the Fifth Amendment does not, by itself, get you into federal court to sue.

Let's revisit the discussion from Maine Maine Community Health Options v. United States. that occasioned my original post. Justice Sotomayor wrote in a footnote:

By the dissent's contrary suggestion, not only is a mandatory statutory obligation to pay meaningless, so too is a constitutional one. After all, the Constitution did not "expressly create . . . a right of action,"post,at 3, when it mandated "just compensation" for Government takings of private property for public use, Amdt. 5; see alsoFirst English Evangelical Lutheran Church of Glendalev.County of Los Angeles, 482 U. S. 304, 315316 (1987).Although there is no express cause of action under the Takings Clause, aggrieved owners can sue through the Tucker Act under our case law.E.g., Ruckelshausv.Monsanto Co., 467 U. S. 986, 1016 1017 (1984) (citingUnited Statesv.Causby, 328 U. S. 256, 267 (1946)).

The emphasized sentence purports to resolve the issue that was not resolved in Leeand Larson. This sentence also conflicts with language inFirst English. But it does conform with Justice Scalia's dissent in Webster. How should we treat this sentence? First, this issue was not at all relevant toMaine. It was not briefed. The plaintiffs in that case brought suit under the Tucker Act. They did not assert a claim under the Fifth Amendment. I tend to think the Supreme Court does not resolve important constitutional questions in passing, without any consideration. I am not even sure what "express cause of action" means. The Court here didn't discuss Section 1331 federal question jurisdiction or sovereign immunity. I am loathe to ever label a sentence in a SCOTUS decision as dicta, but this is it. The Court does not quietly resolve longstanding constitutional questions, on which cert petitions were previously denied, in such a slapdash fashion.

Going forward, I think there are two important questions that remain unresolved. First, can plaintiffs bring a takings suit against the federal government under Section 1331, without relying on the Little Tucker Act? That is, can Section 1331's grant of general jurisdiction co-exist with the Little Tucker Act's grant of specific jurisdiction. Second, assuming the federal district court has jurisdiction under Section 1331, is the Takings Clause a "self-executing" waiver of sovereign immunity?

Professor James W. Ely and the Mountain States Legal Foundation submitted an amicus brief in Brott. They framed these two questions precisely:

This Court has repeatedly emphasized the principle that the Just Compensation Clause is self-executing. E.g., First English Evangelical Lutheran Church v. Cnty. of Los Angeles, 482 U.S. 304, 314 (1987); San Diego Gas & Elec. Co. v. City of San Diego, 450 U.S. 621, 654 (1981) (Brennan, J., dissenting); United States v. Clarke, 445 U.S. 253, 257 (1980); Jacobs v. United States, 290 U.S. 13, 15 (1933). Thus, contrary to the judgment below, the district court had jurisdiction over this case under 28 U.S.C. 1331. In fact, a waiver of sovereign immunity for just compensation claims is not only unnecessary, but duplicitous.

The Supreme Court addressed the first question, albeit indirectly in Duke Power Co. v. Carolina Environmental Study Group, Inc. (1978). The question presented was whether "whether Congress may, consistent with the Constitution, impose a limitation on liability for nuclear accidents resulting from the operation of private nuclear power plants licensed by the Federal Government." This case did not squarely present the question of whether the federal courts have jurisdiction to hear Takings Claims under Section 1331. But the Court addressed this issue.

The majority, per Chief Justice Burger, stated that a takings claim can be brought under Section 1331 federal question jurisdiction:

In light of prior decisions, for example,Bivensv.Six Unknown Fed. Narcotics Agents,403 U. S. 388 (1971)andHagansv.Lavine, supra,as well as the general admonition that "where federally protected rights have been invaded . . . courts will be alert to adjust their remedies so as to grant the necessary relief,"Bellv.Hood, supra,at 684, we conclude that appellees' allegations are sufficient to sustain jurisdiction under 1331 (a).

(The citation to Bivensis a bit of a throwback. The better answer is that the text of the Fifth Amendment itself speaks of monetary damages. There is no reason to rely on implied remedies.)

In dissent, then-Justice Rehnquist disagrees. He states that federal district courts lack jurisdiction under Section 1331 for takings claims. They could only rely on the Little Tucker Act, which imposes a jurisdictional limit of $10,000.

The District Court does have jurisdiction to consider claims of taking under the [Little] Tucker Act, 28 U. S. C. 1346 (a) (2) (1976 ed.), where the amount in controversy does not exceed $10,000.

The majority responds to Rehnquist in a footnote:

MR. JUSTICE REHNQUIST suggests that appellees' "taking" claim will not support jurisdiction under 1331 (a), but instead that such a claim can be adjudicated only in the Court of Claims under the Tucker Act, 28 U. S. C. 1491 (1976 ed.). We disagree.

But the Court doesn't actually say that all takings claims can be brought under 1331 jurisdiction. The Court hedges a bit:

Appellees are not seeking compensation for a taking, a claim properly brought in the Court of Claims, but are now requesting a declaratory judgment that since the Price-Anderson Act does not provide advance assurance of adequate compensation in the event of a taking, it is unconstitutional.While the Declaratory Judgment Act does not expand our jurisdiction, it expands the scope of available remedies. Here it allows individuals threatened with a taking to seek a declaration of the constitutionality of the disputed governmental action before potentially uncompensable damages are sustained.

(This point confused me; jurisdiction for a declaratory judgment can be sought under 28 U.S.C. 2201. The Court really doesn't explain the interaction of 1331 and 2201.

Rehnquist raises this point in his dissent:

Nor does the fact that appellees seek only declaratory relief under the Declaratory Judgment Act, 28 U. S. C. 2201 (1976 ed.), support a different result. This Court has held that the well-pleaded complaint rule applied inMottleyis fully applicable in cases seeking only declaratory relief, because the Declaratory Judgment Act merely expands the remedies available in the district courts without expanding their jurisdiction.

In any event, Rehnquist reads the majority's opinion quite broadly:

The Court concludes, ante, at 71 n. 15, although appellees do not so contend, that their taking claim is cognizable under 28 U. S. C. 1331 (a) (1976 ed.), which grants jurisdiction to the district courts where the suit "arises under the Constitution."

Then, Rehnquist draws the natural implication from the majority's opinion:

To conclude that 1331 embraces a "taking" claim makes the Tucker Act largely superfluous, cf. United States v. Testan, 424 U. S. 392, 404 (1976), and will permit the district courts to consider claims of over $10,000 which previously could only be litigated in the Court of Claims. Richardson v. Morris, 409 U. S. 464 (1973). Such a significant expansion of the jurisdiction of the district courts should not be accomplished without the benefit of arguments and briefing.

Rehnquist here presages Scalia's dissent from Webster v. Doe. I read the Duke majority the same way Rehnquist did. Federal Courts can exercise Section 1331 jurisdiction over takings claims, irrespective of the Declaratory Judgment Act wrinkles.

One last point. The Little Tucker Act and Section 1331 can be read harmoniously. The former waives sovereign immunity for a wide range claims against the federal government; for example, disputes over of governmental contracts. There is no express constitutional provision that waives sovereign immunity for contract disputes with the federal government. (The Contracts Clause only applies to states.) The Tucker Act was not needed to waive sovereign immunity for Takings Claim; that waiver was self-executed by the 5th Amendment itself. A dispute over a government contracts would "arise under" federal law for purposes of Section 1331. But there is no waiver of sovereign immunity for that claim, absent the Tucker Act. The Tucker Act no doubt created a convenient and specialized forum to litigate takings cases, but Section 1331 provides the requisite jurisdiction for takings claims.

I'll address this issue further in a future writing.

Update: I corrected the discussion of Lee v. U.S.

See the original post:

Is the Takings Clause a "self-executing" waiver of sovereign immunity? - Reason

Mixed immigration status families sue federal government for stimulus check – The Texas Tribune

A national civil rights advocacy group is suing the Trump administration on behalf of U.S. citizens denied government stimulus payments because they are married to undocumented immigrants.

The Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, is alleging that a provision in the $2.2 trillion stimulus package known as the CARES Act that denies the benefit to mixed-status families in unconstitutional.

The benefits have been denied for married couples who jointly filed previous tax returns with one person using an Individual Taxpayer Identification Number. The number is often used by undocumented immigrants who dont have legal authorization to work in the country.

The lawsuit argues that the CARES Act discriminates against mixed-status couples because it treats them differently than other married couples, in violation of the U.S. Constitutions Fifth Amendment guarantees of equal protection and due process according a statement from MALDEF.

The lawsuit also alleges that by denying the benefit, the federal government is humiliating "Plaintiffs and the children of mixed-status couples by treating them adversely as compared to other families."

There are six plaintiffs in the case, including Christina Segundo Hernandez, a Fort Worth resident who has four American citizen children and is married to an undocumented immigrant. Her case was first highlighted by The Dallas Morning News.

About 2.7 million Texans are U.S. citizens and have at least one undocumented family member, according to the Center for American Progress. The lawsuit names as plaintiffs U.S. Secretary of the Treasury Steve Mnuchin and U.S. Commissioner of Internal Revenue Charles Rettig.

See the original post here:

Mixed immigration status families sue federal government for stimulus check - The Texas Tribune

ReOpen NC official reports testing positive for coronavirus | TheHill – The Hill

Aleading member of ReOpen NC, which advocates for lifting North Carolina restrictions intended to help contain the coronavirus, posted Sunday in the organizations Facebook group that she had tested positive for COVID-19.

Audrey Whitlock, one of the administrators of ReOpen NCs Facebook group, said her 14-day quarantine ended Sunday, calling herself an asymptomatic COVID19 positive patient, according to posts published byRaleigh station CBS 17.

As an asymptomatic COVID19 positive patient (quarantine ends 4/26) another concern I have is the treatment of COVID patients as it relates to other communicable diseases, Whitlock said in the post. I have been forced to quarantine in my home for 2 weeks.

She added that Gov. Roy Coopers (D) stay-at-home orderviolatesher First Amendment, Fifth Amendment and 14th Amendment rights.

I have been told not to participate in public or private accommodations as requested by the government, and therefore denied by 1st amendment right of freedom of religion, she wrote.

The ReOpen NC leader requested a refund of all taxes she has paid during the shutdown because she says lawmakers are not abiding by the Constitution.

ReOpen NC has held two protests in Raleigh against Coopers stay-at-home order and plans to hold demonstrations every Tuesday the order is still in effect. Whitlock posted that she would be at Tuesdays protest.

The North Carolina governor originally announced a stay-at-home order starting March 27. Last week, he extended the orderuntil May 8.

The state has confirmed 9,142 cases of the coronavirus, leading to 306 deaths, according to the North Carolina Department of Health and Human Services.

Read more here:

ReOpen NC official reports testing positive for coronavirus | TheHill - The Hill

Shelter-in-Place Orders Are Perfectly Legal – The New York Times

While most Americans are staying home to stem the spread of the coronavirus, some companies and politicians have been busy mounting legal challenges to the variety of shelter-in-place orders imposed throughout the country. Attorney General William P. Barr threatened to support the plaintiffs and told federal prosecutors on Monday to be on the lookout for unconstitutional restrictions.

The lawsuits claim, in part, that state and local governments have deprived the plaintiffs of economic and property rights protected by the Constitution. More suits may follow, and if they are successful, state and local governments could be forced to pay millions, or even billions, of dollars in damages. Fortunately, the governments have a compelling defense.

Under the so-called Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment, the government cannot take private property for public use without just compensation. The Supreme Court has interpreted this clause to bar not only physical appropriation of property but also what it has termed regulatory takings, where government action deprives owners of their propertys full economic value.

The litigants from a candidate for local office in Pennsylvania to tree specialists in Michigan to a gondola service in California claim that the stay-at-home orders do just that, and so the governments must pay up.

Supreme Court precedent, however, comes down on the side of the governments. In 2002, a majority of the court decided in Tahoe-Sierra Preservation Council v. Tahoe Regional Planning Agency (which John Roberts had argued on behalf of Lake Tahoe) that temporary restrictions, like the 32-month moratorium on development on Lake Tahoe involved in the case, did not in and of themselves constitute regulatory takings.

While temporary restrictions might rise to the level of regulatory takings, courts would have to examine a number of factors particular to each case to figure it out. When the Pennsylvania Supreme Court rejected a challenge to the state closure order recently, the only such case decided so far, it relied on this distinction between temporary and permanent governmental action.

In the past, emergencies have often called for states to impose short-term economic restrictions, and the Supreme Court has affirmed their constitutionality, emphasizing that temporary steps that might otherwise infringe on economic rights may be permissible.

During the Great Depression, the court considered whether a Minnesota law extending the time for borrowers to pay back mortgages violated the Contracts Clause. The court held that it did not, given the economic emergency. A decision issued immediately after World War II applied the same principle, affirming the power of the New York Legislature to continue a similar mortgage moratorium.

These cases, put together, should reassure state and local officials that they can protect the public health today and engage in the difficult process of social and economic reconstruction that well need after the pandemic. Whether that requires giving tenants more time to come up with rent payments before they are evicted or other steps temporarily postponing property owners remedies, these kinds of measures should be considered constitutional.

Bernadette Meyler is a professor at Stanford Law School.

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. Wed like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And heres our email: letters@nytimes.com.

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Go here to see the original:

Shelter-in-Place Orders Are Perfectly Legal - The New York Times

Podcast: Some perspective on Bashaud Breeland’s arrest – Sports Illustrated

On this weeks episode of Its Always Sunny In Chiefs Kingdom, Austin and Taylor discuss their personal experiences with law enforcement - but when Austin asks Taylor to incriminate himself, Taylor asserts his Fifth Amendment right not to incriminate himself. He pleads the Fifth.

...Which is exactly what Kansas City Chiefs cornerback Bashaud Breeland should have done on Tuesday afternoon.

To open the episode in a new tab, or if the embedded player isn't working, click here.

That's what Breeland should have done, instead of attempting to leave the scene, physically resisting arrest by an officer, fleeing from the officer, attempting to blame everything on others present, despite the fact that 3.2 grams of marijuana was found in the drivers side door, and despite the fact that he then gave the police permission to look through his phone, where they found many references to marijuana transactions, leading Breeland to admit that he likes smoking marijuana and is a marijuana enthusiast.

Breeland then went for dumb defendant B-I-N-G-O by going on social media and tweeting about his case, before finally lawyering up and deleting the tweets.

I had spent most of Wednesday morning proclaiming that Breelands criminal charges were not a big deal which, objectively, they are not: they are all misdemeanor charges, hes hired an outstanding lawyer, and the odds of him doing any kind of significant jail time or even getting a conviction on his record are close to nil. Unfortunately, we found out later that same day that he had previously failed an NFL drug test. That gave a good opportunity to talk about the Chiefs draft class, which includes cornerbacks L'Jarius Sneed and Thakarius "BoPete" Keyes.

We also discussed longtime punter Dustin Colquitts somewhat-surprising release after 15 years with the Chiefs and continued our series of recaps of the 2019 season with Packers at Chiefs the one where Pat Mahomes didnt play and we lost. Fun times!

Follow us on Twitter at @RealBirdLawyer and @Taylor_Witt; rate, review, and subscribe to the podcast wherever you listen from; and join us next week for a mailbag and a breakdown of Matt Moores thrilling win over the Vikings. Plus, the greatest backup performances in Chiefs history!

Read more here:

Podcast: Some perspective on Bashaud Breeland's arrest - Sports Illustrated

A Vermont Judge Had Plans to Slow the Spread of COVID-19 in Prisons. Lawmakers Scrapped Them. – The Appeal

On March 22, a judge in Vermont made an attempt to slow the rapid and potentially lethal spread of COVID-19 in prisons.

In a memorandum to state lawmakers, Chief Superior Judge Brian Grearson proposed an amendment to current resentencing guidelines as part of an emergency bill to adjust court rules during the pandemic.

The measure would allow courts to reduce or otherwise modify prison sentences beyond the usual 90-day timeline, but only if prosecutors and defense attorneys both agreed. The change would offer judges more flexibility to decarcerate during a pandemic that has so far claimed the lives of over 60,000 Americans and more than 200 people in prisons and jails.

But lawmakers scrapped Grearsons proposal. Senator Dick Sears, chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee, suggested that lawmakers would oppose the measure, telling Seven Days, a local news site, I suspect youre going to run into trouble with the governor. You may even run into trouble on the Senate floor. Youll definitely run into trouble in the House. He added that there would be outcry in the public if people who committed certain horrific crimes tried to get their sentences reduced.

Grearsons office did not respond to The Appeals request for comment.

Sears told The Appeal that most resistance to the proposal came from Vermonts top prosecutorsits states attorneyswho were concerned that Grearsons amendment would open a flood gate of people applying [for resentencing], not just during the pandemic, but afterwards.

He said he would discuss Grearsons proposal after the pandemic, when we can have time to fully hear from all sides and fully vet the plan.

Sarah Fair George, states attorney for Chittenden County, home to Burlington, supports the amendment. But she said many prosecutors oppose it out of concern for victims rights.

When we have a sentence structure and we present that sentence structure to a victim, there is an expectation to that victim that thats the closure of a case, she said. There is a concern about telling a victim that a particular sentence is what it is, while also telling them that at any point that might change.

She added that state laws do not limit when or how often a defendant can appeal a conviction, and that the laws current wording leaves interpretative wiggle room for resentencing beyond 90 days.

James Lyall, executive director of the ACLU of Vermont, also supports the amendment and chastised lawmakers reticence to pass the resentencing measure.

We find prosecutors and some policymakers are often opposed to revisiting sentences even if they are extreme and excessive, he said. Even in the context of this crisis, we still have an opposition to revisiting sentencing. I think thats telling.

At the time that lawmakers scrapped Grearsons proposal, the states Department of Corrections had yet to see the pandemic spread within its facilities. It had reported that just one DOC employee, on staff at Northern State Correctional Facility in Newport, had tested positive and self-isolated.

On April 1, the first staff member at Northwest State Correctional Facility in St. Albans tested positive for COVID-19. Days later, a person incarcerated there tested positive for the disease, after which the prison began testing all incarcerated people.

According to James Baker, the DOCs interim commissioner, 38 people incarcerated at Northwest State had tested positive for the novel coronavirus, as well as 17 staff members, as of April 20. As part of a surge plan, 26 people incarcerated at the prison were transferred to medical isolation at Northeast Correctional Complex in St. Johnsbury. Ten incarcerated people were isolated in similar conditions at Northwest State, according to Baker, while two others have been released since their diagnoses.

According to DOC figures, 17 incarcerated people have recovered from COVID-19 as of April 30, and 26 total remain in medical isolation. The DOC reported on May 1 that seven more incarcerated people have tested positive for COVID-19 and have been transferred to the surge facility at Northeast.

The numbers surprised us and how quickly it happened surprised us, but we werent surprised in the planning process to deal with it, Baker said.

He said that, as the pandemic started to spread beyond China in mid-February, the DOC began screening incarcerated people for visible COVID-19 symptoms during the intake process. Since the outbreak in its own facilities, the DOC has rented out the Comfort Inn in St. Johnsbury for people working at the prison. People incarcerated in Vermonts prisons have also manufactured protective gowns and masks to shore up the DOCs reserves of personal protective equipment.

According to Baker, the DOC has limited means to release incarcerated people who are particularly vulnerable to the virus. He said the states medical furlough statutes are pretty tight. They typically apply exclusively to incarcerated people who require temporary release for a specific medical treatment, according to George, the Chittenden County states attorney. Baker also noted that the DOC does not have the authority to release pretrial detainees.

But George said she has still had to pressure the DOC to release people within six months of their minimum sentence, at which point they are eligible for furlough or parole. It didnt seem worth keeping these individuals [in prison] for another six months, given the circumstances, she said.

While Baker believes the success of the states depopulation efforts still hinges on the behavior of those who are released, he said the pandemic has changed his approach at the DOC.

I do think that it has caused us inside corrections to rethink the way we review cases, he said.

Since the outbreak, the DOC has reviewed more cases for release per week to accelerate depopulation measures, according to Baker, which helped decrease Vermonts incarcerated population from 1,671 in late February to 1,372 by late April.

I can say with certainty that the Vermont Department of Corrections, more than anyone in the system, has done more to reduce that prison population, he said.

But Lyall believes there is more to be done and that needs to be done urgently. He called on Governor Phil Scott to use his executive authority to release people, and urged the DOC to exhibit greater leniency when reviewing cases for release. He urged the DOC to expedite the release of those incarcerated for technical violations or nonviolent crimes, and of people nearing their minimum sentence.

Although lawmakers scrapped Grearsons proposed resentencing measures, advocates and some state officialsincluding Judge Grearsoncontinue to chart new paths to decarceration. Most recently, in his capacity as the head of Vermonts Superior Court system, Grearson has consolidated and assigned approximately 50 motions for emergency release to Judge John Treadwell. They concern a mix of people in pretrial, pre-sentencing, and post-sentencing stages of the criminal-legal process.

Paul Volk, a defense attorney, filed an amicus memo for the consolidated cases on behalf of the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers and the ACLU of Vermont. He argued that the heightened risk of COVID-19 infection while incarcerated represents a form of cruel and unusual punishment, violating the Eighth Amendment. For pretrial detainees, Volk said, incarceration during the pandemic also violates the Fifth Amendment right to due process.

Treadwell started hearing the cases on April 21 but has yet to release a judgment on whether the state is violating prisoners constitutional rights. That decision would potentially impact hundreds of incarcerated people in Vermont.

Its time for the legal system to actually act outside of the box, said Volk.

Read more from the original source:

A Vermont Judge Had Plans to Slow the Spread of COVID-19 in Prisons. Lawmakers Scrapped Them. - The Appeal

Is there an express cause of action under the Takings Clause? – Reason

Today the Supreme Court decided Maine Community Health Options v. United States. This 8-1 decision held that the ACA's "Risk Corridors" provision created an obligation to pay insurers for their losses, even if Congress subsequently repealed the appropriation. I have only followed this ACA issue from a distance. It does not implicate any of the core constitutional issues I've written about in twoand soon, threebooks.

The case turned on some of the nuances of the Tucker Act. Justice Sotomayor's majority opinion explains this important statute:

The United States is immune from suit unless it unequivocally consents. United States v. Navajo Nation, 556 U. S. 287, 289 (2009). The Government has waived immunity for certain damages suits in the Court of Federal Claims through the Tucker Act, 24 Stat. 505. See United States v. Mitchell, 463 U. S. 206, 212 (1983). That statute permits"claim[s] against the United States founded either upon theConstitution, or any Act of Congress or any regulation of an executive department, or upon any express or implied contract with the United States, or for liquidated or unliquidated damages in cases not sounding in tort." 28 U. S. C. 1491(a)(1).

In this case, the Plaintiffs brought suit in the Court of Federal Claims, pursuant to the Tucker Act. But is it possible to sue the federal government for an unconstitutional taking, without relying on the Tucker Act? That is, does the Takings Clause itself create an express cause of action.

In Footnote 12, the majority said it does not:

By the dissent's contrary suggestion, not only is a mandatory statutory obligation to pay meaningless, so too is a constitutional one. After all, the Constitution did not "expressly create . . . a right of action," post, at 3, when it mandated "just compensation" for Government takings of private property for public use, Amdt. 5; see also First English Evangelical Lutheran Church of Glendale v. County of Los Angeles, 482 U. S. 304, 315316 (1987). Although there is no express cause of action under the Takings Clause, aggrieved owners can sue through the Tucker Act under our case law. E.g., Ruckelshaus v. Monsanto Co., 467 U. S. 986, 1016 1017 (1984) (citing United States v. Causby, 328 U. S. 256, 267 (1946)).

Two observations. First, Justice Alito's dissent (p. 3) did not say "the Constitution did not 'expressly create . . . a right of action.'" The majority mischaracterized the dissent. Justice Alito said nothing about the Constitution. He was talking about federal law. He wrote:

The Tucker Act, 28 U. S. C. 1491, under which petitioners brought suit, provides a waiver of sovereign immunity and a grant of federal-court jurisdiction, but it does not create any right of action. See, e.g., United States v. Navajo Nation, 556 U. S. 287, 290 (2009). Nor does any other federal statute expressly create such a right of action.

This error should be corrected before the opinion is formally published.

Second, the citation toMonsanto isn't directly on point. Here is the relevant passage from the 1984 decision:

Equitable relief is not available to enjoin an alleged taking of private property for a public use, duly authorized by law, when a suit for compensation can be brought against the sovereign subsequent to the taking. Larson v. Domestic & Foreign Commerce Corp. (1949). The Fifth Amendment does not require that compensation precede the taking. Hurley v. Kincaid (1932). Generally, an individual claiming that the United States has taken his property can seek just compensation under the Tucker Act, 28 U. S. C. 1491. United States v. Causby (1946) ("If there is a taking, the claim is `founded upon the Constitution' and within the jurisdiction of the Court of Claims to hear and determine"); Yearsley v. Ross Construction Co. (1940).

Monsanto did not hold that "there is no express cause of action under the Takings Clause." That issue was not decided. Did Justice Sotomayor's footnote reach an unresolved constitutional ruling? I am not enough of an expert on the Tucker Act to opine. But based on my reading, the Court extended the ruling from Monsanto. And it did so without any analysis. Moreover, this ruling was not necessary to the Court's holding: the plaintiffs did rely on the Tucker Act. And Justice Alito didn't say anything about the Constitution? I suspect the Justices may have buried a "time bomb" here.

Let's put aside the footnote for a moment. Is the Court correct as a matter of first principles? What would have happened if the Congress never enacted the Tucker Act in 1887? Could the federal government take property without paying "just compensation"? People could still petition Congress for "just compensation." Indeed, that history probably explains why the Court of Claims was created in 1855 as an Article I court.

Imagine if Congress repealed the Tucker Act. Would people be forced to go back to Congress? Or would the federal courts find that the Takings Clause, standing by itself, creates an express cause of action for damages? Let me state the question differently. Is it possible to sue the federal governments for "just compensation" without relying on the Tucker Act's jurisdiction?

This question has some bearing on my writings about the bump stock litigation. See Parts I, II, III, and IV. Today, the government filed its new motion to dismiss in that case. Here is a relevant excerpt:

This Court does not "need to assess whether the final rule is a correct interpretation of [18 U.S.C. 922(o)] in deciding whether there was a compensable taking." Mem. Op. at 13. Plaintiff does not challenge the Rule itself, but instead, has pleaded a claim for compensation under the Little Tucker Act. See Compl. 48. This approach is consistent with precedent under the Tucker Act mandating that, "for the Court to possess jurisdiction over a takings claim, the 'claimant must concede the validity of the government action which is the basis of the taking claim.'" Jackson v. U.S., 143 Fed. Cl. 242, 247 (Fed. Cl. 2019) (quoting Tabb Lakes v. U.S., 10 F.3d 796, 802 (Fed. Cir. 1993)). Because "the grant of jurisdiction" in the Tucker Act "is practically identical to that" of the Little Tucker Act, Kipperman v. McCone, 422 F. Supp. 860, 868 (N.D. Cal. 1976), this Court should conclude that the validity of the Rule is not placed at issue in Plaintiff's takings claim

But what if the the claimant does not "concede the validity of the government action," and for that reason seeks compensation? That is, the Plaintiff alleges that he is due compensation precisely because the government lacked the enumerated power to seize and destroy his property. In other words, the executive branch did not have the requisite constitutional authority to seize the devices in the first place.

The long-awaited fifth installment is still in the works. It will address the following question: can a plaintiff seek compensation for an unconstitutional taking, without relying on the Tucker Act's jurisdictionif not under the Takings Clause, perhaps under some theory of tort.

Excerpt from:

Is there an express cause of action under the Takings Clause? - Reason

Idaho’s phased reopening: ‘some of it is not going to be perfectly fair,’ Gov. Little says – KTVB.com

Idaho's stay-home order is set to expire Thursday. The governor is set to make an announcement about the next phase that morning.

BOISE, Idaho The reopening of some Idaho businesses that were deemed "non-essential," and have had to shut down because of the COVID-19 coronavirus outbreak, is set to begin Friday, but it won't happen all at once.

The current statewide stay-at-home order is set to expire on Thursday.

The next day, Friday, May 1, Gov. Brad Little will hold a news conference about what comes next. That is scheduled for 11:00 a.m., and will be streamed live on KTVB.COM and the KTVB YouTube channel.

"I think we will meet the criteria for Stage One unless something significant happens moving forward," Little said Tuesday in a telephonic town hall hosted by the AARP.

During that call, the governor also admitted that some of the reopening plan is "not going to be perfectly fair."

Under the first stage of the reopening plan, set for May 1 through May 15, places of worship can open if they adhere to strict physical distancing, sanitation protocol, and any guidance from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).

Daycare facilities and organized youth activities, including camps, also can reopen during Stage One.

In that stage, Idahoans are still advised to avoid non-essential travel or gatherings of any size. A 14-day self-quarantine for people entering Idaho continues through the month of May.

Gyms and personal care services, such as barber shops and beauty salons, may reopen during Stage Two, set for May 16-29, if they can meet protocols.

Restaurant dining rooms can also open during Stage Two, once their plans have been submitted for approval by local public health districts.

Bars and nightclubs are to remain closed until Stage Four, June 13-26.

That distinction between restaurants and bars raised a question about logic and fairness, using the example of a brew pub that offers alcoholic beverages in its dining room and is classified as a restaurant because it serves food, while the tap room of a craft brewery would be classified as a bar, even if the brewery regularly hosted food trucks.

The question came during Tuesday's AARP town hall, when a caller identified as Mark from Meridian asked Gov. Little why one establishment that can abide by the same social distancing guidelines as another must wait up to four weeks longer to open under the state's reopening plan.

The governor began answering the question by saying that the plan, from the beginning, "is not perfect."

He also said that bars "by their very nature, have a lower propensity to have social distancing than a sit-down restaurant."

"There are going to be instances of where the fairness of it, particularly if you're the business, it doesn't look right and it's probably not right," Little said. "I agree with you that it's not fair, but where do you draw the line? If you sell peanuts in a bar is it a restaurant? Or a hot dog?"

Another caller, Jenny from Koosia, asked the governor to cite, specifically, the laws and constitutional provisions that give him the authority to issue orders that have forced businesses to close.

"What gives you the right to continue to mandate that Idahoans be barred from providing for their families by denying them access to the operations of their businesses, which are their property and are protected by the Fifth Amendment? I'm not asking to hear about CDC guidelines. As governor of this state you're answerable to the people of Idaho," she said.

Gov. Little mentioned the 10th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which reserves to the states or to the people those powers not delegated to the national government. He also mentioned Title 46 of Idaho state law, which includes the state's disaster preparedness act.

"My obligation is to protect the people of Idaho and to protect their economic livelihood," Little said. "Had we not done something, the turmoil of the economy would have been much much worse: The amount of people that died, the amount of people that were sick. The economic turmoil would have been by a magnitude of many over what we have today."

The dates for each stage of reopening are tentative. Idaho won't advance to the next stage if certain criteria are not met, as measured by the state's syndromic tracking and disease reporting systems. Those criteria are detailed in the Stages of Reopening page on the Idaho Rebounds website. They are also summarized below:

Reliable measurements of COVID-19 trends depend on testing.

Gov. Little said Tuesday that a task force on testing will advise the Idaho Dept. of Health and Welfare and the Coronavirus Working Group on how they can measure success against the pandemic.

"Have we had the testing capacity we would have liked? No, we haven't," said David Jeppesen, director of the Idaho Dept. of Health and Welfare. "But I think that we are in a much better place today, and that's part of the reason we started this testing task force, to make sure we leverage that capacity in the best way possible."

A little more than 20,000 people in Idaho had been tested for COVID-19 as of Monday, according to the Idaho Division of Public Health's coronavirus website.

More than 80 percent of those tests were conducted by commercial laboratories.

Jeppesen said each COVID-19 test takes about four hours, and it now takes two to five days for results to be returned.

"We're getting much closer to two days on those tests," he said.

Facts not fear: More oncoronavirus

See our latest updates in our YouTube playlist:

At KTVB, were focusing our news coverage on the facts and not the fear around the virus. To see our full coverage, visit our coronavirus section, here: http://www.ktvb.com/coronavirus.

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Idaho's phased reopening: 'some of it is not going to be perfectly fair,' Gov. Little says - KTVB.com

Bordentown pizzeria owner accused of coughing on grocery worker calls cops on Trentonian for asking why he’s selling masks – The Trentonian

BORDENTOWN Desperate times call for desperate measures.

As New Jersey businesses struggle to make it during the lockdown, a township pizzeria owner charged with intentionally coughing on a supermarket employee and telling her he had the coronavirus called the cops on The Trentonian for reporting on his creative new way of profiting off the pandemic.

George Falcone, 50, of Freehold, was selling face masks for $4 a pop at his township pizzeria, The Trentonian learned.

A customer who visited the pizzeria last week provided photos showing a box of black masks behind the counter, near the checkout register of Rosario's Pizza.

The customer recognized Falcone from seeing his mugshot in newspaper stories detailing his alleged cough-law conduct. The casedrew national attention.

"I saw the masks next to the pizza and said, 'This is f**king crazy.'" the customer said. "How comical and hypocritical that he's coughing on an employee, allegedly, when people are dying from this, and now he's selling masks to make a profit. That's wild."

Rosario's Pizza was selling face masks amid the coronavirus pandemic.

After confirming he was selling the masks and they were going like hot cakes, Falcone later called the cops onThe Trentonianfor contacting him to ask about his decision to sell the masks.

He refused to say whether he had reservations about selling the masks in light of his felony charges and soon hung up the phone.

"We are no longer selling them. I ran out. Why are you asking me this? What does this have to do with your question about face masks here?" the pizzeria owner said. "I'm going to ask you not to ask any more questions about that, and I will refer you to my attorney, and you can talk to him."

The pizzeria owner was charged last month with third-degree terroristic threats and fourth-degree obstructing the administration of law by the office of Attorney General Gurbir Grewal.

When his office announced the charges against the pizzeria owner, Grewal said, These are extremely difficult times in which all of us are called upon to be considerate of each other not to engage in intimidation and spread fear, as alleged in this case."

Gov. Phil Murphy later blasted Falcone at a news briefing calling him and those putting people at risk during the outbreak a bunch of "knuckleheads."

Falcone was charged with coughing on a worker during a March 22 visit to a Wegmans in Manalapan.

The employee asked the pizzeria owner to move back because he was too close to her and a food display. That's when, authorities said, Falcone leaned in close to the worker to cough and allegedly laugh, telling her he was infected with the virus.

The pizzeria owner, who may be experiencing flagging sales amid the pandemic, then allegedly told two workers that they were lucky to have jobs, authorities said.

Falcone was also hit with a disorderly persons offense for harassment. He could face up to seven years in the slammer and $26,000 in fines if convicted of all charges.

Wife Silvana defended her husband in a Facebook post March 24 and thanked customers for continuing to support the family-run restaurant, which has been open more than four decades.

We are confident that when the evidence comes out it will prove what we already know, that my husband did not do what they are saying he did in the media, she wrote.

The AG's office didn't immediately respond to request for a status update on the case.

And Falcone wasn't having it, hanging up the phone as a reporter attempted to get his attorney's contact info.

Rosario's Pizza was selling face masks amid the coronavirus pandemic.

When The Trentonian called back, Falcone threatened to get the cops involved.

"I am going to call the police the next time you call me, Isaac, and have you charged with harassment," he said, hanging up again without providing his attorney's info.

Being more than fair to the pizzeria owner, the newspaper attempted once more to get his legal beagle's number to reach out for comment.

No one answered the phone at the pizzeria. But minutes later, The Trentonianwas contacted by a Bordentown Township Police detective.

"Apparently, he's calling saying you're repeatedly calling his business and somewhat harassing him, so I just wanted to call to let you know he called us, and he doesn't want to have any further communication with you," the detective said.

Ironically, harassment is the same charge Falcone faces.

The detective said he wouldn't pursue charges as long as the newspaper ceased contact with Falcone.

"As long as it doesn't continue, then there won't be any legal recourse," the detective said. "You do your story without his input. If you continue to call him, it becomes harassment. He doesn't have to speak to you. He doesn't have to speak to us. Everyone has a Fifth Amendment right, the right to remain silent as well."

Continued here:

Bordentown pizzeria owner accused of coughing on grocery worker calls cops on Trentonian for asking why he's selling masks - The Trentonian

Rick Scott, a man of no sympathy for "whiners who lost their little jobs" and try to access FL’s glitch-prone, crash-happy unemployment…

Floridas junior US senator is quite a guyas hed be the first to tell you. Hes worth over $250 million, and youre not.

Rick Scott has no sympathy for these grasping whiners who lost their little jobs in the coronavirus pandemic and now have the gall to expect a government hand-out.

Who do they think they are: Boeing?

Scott sent a fundraising email on April 23rd to his well-connected and richly-upholstered campaign donors complaining that, Businesses looking to reopen are telling us their employees dont want to come back to work because they collect more on unemployment.

Under Congresss Coronavirus Aid, Relief and Economic Security (CARES) Act, these laid-off layabouts could theoretically get $600 a week to do absolutely nothing.

(Scott, of course, voted for CARES, but it pained him. Truly it did).

After all, $600 a week is lavish: enough to cover the rent, maybe the car payment, some ramen noodles, and a four-pack of tuna. You might have to let the health insurance slide, but theres always the emergency room, right?

Most of the aid money is federal, but you have to apply though the state.

Problem is, the state system, to put it mildly, aint working.

You cant get anyone on the phone; it can take a week to breach the online portal; and half the time, it crashes. Around 40 percent of those who somehow manage to fill in the forms discover they are supposedly ineligibleeven though they meet all the criteria.

To date, more than 1.8 million people have applied, but only about eight percent have received a check.

Now, who do you suppose we have to thank for what one Republican insider calls this sh-t sandwich?

Rick Scott.

Scott, you see, shelled out $77 million in taxpayer money for the glitch-prone, security-challenged, crash-happy, slow-as-Christmas CONNECT system. It never worked right. It wasnt supposed to. As an adviser to Gov. Ron DeSantis (whos been highly critical of CONNECT) recently told Politico, it was designed to fail.

The former governor, elected to the Senate by the skin of his capped teeth two years ago, signed legislation in 2014 requiring people trying to get that princely $275 a week in unemployment compensation to answer a 45-question skills questionnaire and prove they tried to get hired by at least five possible employers every week.

Many were rejected anyway, owing to some ill-defined charge of misconduct.

Scott, a person of limited imagination, thinks that if youre poor its your faultand your sorry bone-idle ways should not be rewarded with a handout.

Like many pols, including Donald Trump, hes so thoroughly bought into his mythologized background he thinks he struck it rich entirely thanks to his own hard work and geniusinstead of what we might describe as a certain ethical flexibility.

Trump talks about his success as if the money he got from his dubious daddy and the loans from the Bank of China and Deutsche Bank were incidental, as if he pulled himself up by his own bone-spur-friendly boot straps.

Scott talks about himself as if he were born destitute in a log cabin he helped build and split rails until he joined the Navy, founded the hospital chain Columbia/HCA, made money, and became governor of the Sunshine State.

In truth, his Navy career was remarkable only for the way he bought Cokes onshore and re-sold at hugely-inflated prices to his fellow sailors. At Columbia/HCA he presided over one of the largest healthcare frauds in history. He invoked the Fifth Amendment against self-incrimination 75 times; and he finally walked away with $300 million in stock and optionssome of which helped him buy his way into the Florida Governors Mansion.

Like Trump, Scott equates money with intelligence and skilland quite possibly divine favor.

Business ber alles.

Those who pursue low-paid but intellectually-enriching fields are losers.

Public employees are losers. Teachers are losers.

When he was governor, Scott tried to force universities to push students into what he saw as lucrative careers in STEM subjects, instead of useless nonsense like anthropology, which should not be supported by state funds.

His own daughter majored in anthropology, but thats different. She comes from money.

Scott invented all kinds of ways to torment what he saw as the Undeserving Poor. He undercut public health facilities. He tried to mandate drug testing for all state workers, who are among the lowest-paid in the nation.

He also thought it would be a grand wheeze to drug test welfare recipientsat their own expense. If they didnt come out clean, they wouldnt get their benefits.

Scotts family happened to own a string of clinics which perform drug testing. What a coincidence.

Though he had allegedly gone to law school (SMU), Scott seemed to have never heard of the Fourth Amendment. The courts slapped him down.

Taxpayers still ended up paying $1.5 million in his legal fees.

In the midst of this deadly pandemic, Scott wants to underline the fecklessness of those who need public assistance and the way profligate Democrats enable them.

In a hysterical (not in the funny way) column for Fox News, Scott splutters that while decent American families stick to a budget, reusing tinfoil and cutting their own grass, Big Gubmint throws money to the unworthy.

He quotes Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois saying of the CARES Act: if we err on the side of giving a hard-working family an extra thousand dollars or two thousand dollars because of our approach, so be it.

Clutch those pearls! You taxpayers, who have shelled out a mere $133 million (so far) to pay for Donald Trumps golf outings, should rise up and say this waste, fraud and abuse will not stand!

Rick Scotts counting on you to be as wet-hen mad as he is. Hes running for president in 2024 and rage is all hes gotrage and contempt.

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Rick Scott, a man of no sympathy for "whiners who lost their little jobs" and try to access FL's glitch-prone, crash-happy unemployment...

Cancelling Pre-AIA patents and the Takings Clause – Patently-O

Guest Post by Prof. Gregory Dolin (Baltimore). Prof. Dolin recently filed an amicus brief supporting Celgenes arguments that AIA post-issuance review represents an uncompensatedtakings of pre-AIA patent rights.

Since its passage in 2011, the America Invents Act has been subject to numerous Supreme Court decisions. But thus far, the major constitutional challenge to the Act in Oil States Energy Servs v. Greenes Energy Group has failed. But while the Court the, upheld the AIAs post-issuance review system against an Article III challenge, left a major question open. The Oil States Court stated that it was not resolving whether the application the AIA-created procedures to patents issued prior to the AIAs effective date violates the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment. This question is now squarely presented to the Court in Celgene v. Peter. (There are also pendingcases that in addition to the Takings issue raise a Due Process challenge).

Celgene owns two patents generally directed to methods for safely distributing teratogenic or other potentially hazardous drugs while avoiding exposure to a fetus to avoid adverse side effects of the drug. These patents were issued in 2000 and 2001, or more than a decade prior to the enactment of the AIA. These patents were challenged before the Patent Trial and Appeal Board (PTAB) in 2015 in an Inter Partes Review (IPR), and the proceeding resulted in cancellation of all but one of the challenged claims in bothpatents. As with other post-issuance proceedings, but unlike district court litigation, Celgenes patents enjoyed no presumption of validity, and could be cancelled upon preponderance of evidence. Furthermore, in construing Celgenes claims, PTAB utilized the broadest reasonable interpretation (BRI) approach, as was called for by the then-current rules. The interplay of lower standard of proof for cancellation and the BRI standard, combined with the lack of a meaningful opportunity to amend the claims, left patents challenged in IPR particularly vulnerable. (Since that time, the Patent Office issued new rules to amend its procedures and now measures the claims under the Phillips frameworkthe same standard in use by Article III tribunals).

Celgene challenged this procedure in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit, arguing that by applying a different claim construction standard than in district court and denying the patent a previously existent presumption of validity, the America Invents Act retroactively devalued its property rights in their patents and therefore resulted in the constitutionally compensable Taking in violation of the Fifth Amendment. Relying on its two priordecisions, the Federal Circuit rejected the argument, holding that the presumption of validity is not a property right subject to the protection of the Constitution. Additionally, the Federal Circuit held that Celgene suffered no diminution in its property rights because its patents were always subject to ex parte and inter partes reexamination proceedings, both of which use (or used) the preponderance of the evidence standard with respect to patent validity. Celgene sought certiorari and I, together with Professors Kristen Jakobsen Osenga and Irina Manta filed a brief in support of the petition.

The argument we made in favor of Celgene is relatively straightforward. As the Supreme Court recognized timeandagain, a patent is a property right protected by the Takings Clause of the Constitution. In turn, the decision to procure a patent is fundamentally an investment decision which takes into account the likelihood that a patent would be challenged and survive such a challenge. In addition, the decision to disclose the invention and forgo trade secret protection is essentially a tradeoff: the patentee sacrifices the confidentiality of the invention in exchange for the protections of the patent system. (Admittedly, it is not always possible to keep the invention secret, especially if regulatory approval is necessary as in the case of Food and Drug Administrations approval to market drugs or medical devices. Nonetheless, broadly speaking, an inventor has a choice between patent protection and trade secrecy protection). Depending on the robustness of those protections, the scales of the decision on whether to seek a patent may tip one way or another. Thus, the legal regime existing at the time the applicant filed for the patent constitutes the patentees investment-backed expectation.

The legal regime matters, and IPRs couldnt be more different from reexaminations. As my researchshows, the economic impact of the AIA on patent holders has been profound. The reason behind this significant drop in value is that although administrative review procedures have existed for nearly 40 years, these procedures have always been coupled with a patentees unlimited right to amend the claims in order to preserve their validity. Thus, prior to the AIA the patentee knew that if his patent were challenged one of two things will happen. One option was for the dispute to end up in an Article III court where the claim would rise and fall as written, but where the patent would enjoy a presumption of validity. Alternatively, the dispute would be resolved by the Patent Office where the claims would not be presumed valid, but would be subject to amendments for as long as the patentee was willing to continue prosecuting the patent. The AIA fundamentally altered this balance. Under the AIA, claim patentability can be adjudicated by the PTAB without the presumption of validity and without a robust opportunity to amend the claims. (Although the statute does permit claim amendments, these are not as of right, but must be requested by motion to the PTAB. Since October 2017 when the Federal Circuit held that Motions to Amend must be allowed unless the Patent Office carried its burden to show that claims are unpatentable, the PTAB has granted only 16% of such motions (with an additional 6.5% being granted in part). These already low numbers are a significant improvement from the pre-2017 system where the PTAB granted under 3% of such motions.

It should be acknowledged that Celgene did not seek to amend its claims during the PTAB proceedings, which may make it not an ideal vehicle to resolve the takings claim. On the other hand, given PTABs rejectionist approach to motions to amend, it is quite possible that Celgene was among countless patentees who chose not to bother with filing the motions in the first place. (It is worth noting that Celgenes patents were adjudicated prior to October 2017).

The Supreme Court has previously concluded in Ruckelshaus v. Monsanto Co., that when the government changes the terms of the bargain with an individual, such a change can result in a regulatory taking. In Monsanto, the Court held that the Environmental Protection Agencys public disclosure of data voluntarily submitted to the Agency may, in some circumstances, constitute a taking. The Courts analysis was centered on the legal rules governing the use and disclosure of such data and the nature of the expectations of the submitter at the time the data were submitted. The Court held that the Governments guarantee at the time of submission that the submitted data would remain a trade secret and not be disclosed to third parties formed the basis of a reasonable investment-backed expectation and played a role in the property holders decision whether to submit the data to the EPA in the first place. Celgenes situation is analogous. When it had to make a decision whether or not to obtain a patent or rely on trade secrecy, it made the decision by reference to the then existing government guarantees of patent protections. Changes to that regime are what constitutes a compensable taking.

Before closing, it should be acknowledged that there is a significant issue that is antecedent to the question presented in Celgenes petition. That is whether the Federal Circuit has jurisdiction to hear such claims absent filing of a claim for compensation in the Court of Federal Claims (CFC) and if so, how the Claims Court is supposed to evaluate the value of property lost. That question is embedded in a separate petition before the Supreme Court. The Federal Circuit has recently concluded that the CFC does have jurisdiction to hear such claims, even if on the merits it must reject them. The Government has advanced a contrary view (which the CFC endorsed, though this endorsement is at odds with the Federal Circuits later opinion). It may be that this issue may need to be resolved before (or concurrently with) the issue presented by Celgene.

In sum, the Supreme Court should answer the question whether retroactive application of the AIAs post issuance review procedures to patents issued prior to the passage of the AIA, and which results in their invalidation, constitutes a taking within the meaning of the Fifth Amendmenta question the Court explicitly left open in Oil States. And in my view, the answer should be yes.

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Cancelling Pre-AIA patents and the Takings Clause - Patently-O

Experts Believe the Coronavirus Could Be Defeated with the Twenty-fifth Amendment – The New Yorker

WASHINGTON (The Borowitz Report)In a possible breakthrough that Americans have been hoping for, experts believe that the coronavirus could be defeated by the Twenty-fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution.

The experts, from the fields of science, public health, government, and law, were uniformly enthusiastic in their conviction that the Twenty-fifth Amendment is the single most powerful weapon that the nation currently has to vanquish the coronavirus.

Researchers are hard at work developing therapeutics and vaccines, but it will be some time before those solutions are viable, Davis Logsdon, a doctor and professor at the University of Minnesota, said. The Twenty-fifth Amendment is ready to go right now.

Although much about the coronavirus remains unknown, Logsdon said, Were learned a lot about some of the conditions that enable it to thrive, like incompetence, laziness, and ignorance. The Twenty-fifth Amendment eradicates all three of those conditions. Its like constitutional Lysol.

Logsdon acknowledged that using the Twenty-fifth Amendment has raised some concerns, since it has never been used before on a human, but added, I can think of no better human to use it on.

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Experts Believe the Coronavirus Could Be Defeated with the Twenty-fifth Amendment - The New Yorker