One Case At A Time, Lawyers Fight To Save The Planet – KALW

Many environmental lawyers around the country have filed lawsuits against corporations and the government for their role in climate change. Many of these cases fail, stall, or are dismissed, but the quest to litigate the climate crisis continues.

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This story is part of a series about the emotional toll of climate change. Clickhereto listen to full episodes.

Nathan Baring says in many ways, his environmental activism began on the soccer field when he was 13. He grew up in Fairbanks, Alaska, remembers the wood smoke that filled the air.

My mom gave me the ultimatum and said that if we didn't get this under control, I was going to have to stop playing soccer for my respiratory health, Baring says.

He joined a local environmental group and attended conventions where scientists explained the existential threats posed by climate change.Temperatures in Alaska have been rising at twice the global average, and wildfires have become more destructive.

"The Arctic, which my identity is very dependent on, will be permanently changed on this trajectory," Baring says. "And I won't have those experiences, and that lifestyle I guess, that comes with the traditional arctic, to pass on to my children or grandchildren."

He wrote letters and met with state lawmakers, asking them to act before it was too late.

And the response that I got from some of them was basically, Aw, that's cute, but don't be a pawn for adults, he remembers.

Language Of Power

But in 2015, his advocacy did catch the attention of Oregon-based nonprofit Our Childrens Trust. The group was looking for teenagers interested in suing the federal government over climate change. Barring was in. He says this felt like a way to finally be heard.

A lawsuit is the language people in power speak, he says.

So Baring and 21 other young people around the country sued the federal government. The lawsuit argues that the White House has encouraged the production and use of fossil fuels for decades.

The plaintiffs allege that infringes on their fifth amendment right to life, liberty, or property.

Baring says the Covid-19 pandemic has only reminded him why addressing climate change is so urgent.

COVID almost charts a map for our future almost. The same things were facing with COVID, in terms of economic disparities, health disparities, recovery disparities, all of those exact things are going to play into climate change, he says

But Baring is also frustrated by how quickly many people lose focus or fail to see the connections.

The First Major Lawsuit Against Big Plastic

Sumona Majumdar is a lawyer with Earth Island Institute in Berkeley, and shes one person who does. In February of this year, she file alawsuit against several of the worlds biggest soft drink, food, and product manufacturers.

We've picked up the costs that are associated with those products. People are...increasingly feeling like we cant do that anymore, she says.

Until a few years ago, Majumdar enforced environmental laws for the Justice Department. Then Donald Trump was elected president. That same year, she found out she was expecting a child. She ended up deciding to quit her job and find a different way to defend the planet.

I wanted to be able to say I was doing everything I could to ensure that she inherits a world that is healthy, and an enjoyable place to live, she says.

But when she walks along the shoreline park by the Port of Oakland with her daughter, she sees a world thats becoming increasingly uninhabitable. Roughly 7 trillion tiny pieces of plastic flow into the bay every year. Plastic is a form of fossil fuel. It takes a lot of energy to make.

Plastic is a byproduct of oil and gas. From its entire life cycle, from the extraction to the production of plastic, to plastic degrading, you have emissions of greenhouse gases, Majumdar points out.

The Same Playbook

Most plastic we put in recycling bins ends up in landfills. From there, it often blows into the ocean or gets dumped there. The Earth Island Institute lawsuit alleges products from companies like Coca Cola and Clorox are filling the ocean with plastic, and misleading consumers by telling them their products are being recycled.

This is the same playbook that big oil used, the same play book that big tobacco used. Just these very sophisticated narratives that really convince people that this is a problem because of individuals, she says.

More Inescapable

Dave Owen is an environmental law professor at UC Hastings. He says lawyers have been attempting to fight climate change in the courts for a long time, but these efforts accelerated over a decade ago.

Climate change has been a concern for environmental advocates for a long time. But the level of worry increased significantly in the 2000s as the research became more and more inescapable and more and more dire, he says.

In 2006, Al Gores film An Inconvenient Truth brought the issue of global warming to the mainstream.

A year later, the United Nations issued a climate report that unequivocally declared humans were to blame. Dave Owen says it became clear to many lawyers that the White House was not going to address the climate crisis on its own.

And so attorneys started to think, We can't wait. We have to come up with some other creative strategies. And some of those strategies meant turning to the courts, he says.

Now there are dozens of court cases tied to climate change. Cities like Richmond, San Francisco, and Oakland have since filed lawsuits against Chevron.

In 2019, the Supreme Court of the Netherlands ordered the government to cut the nation's greenhouse gas emissions. This was the first time any nation had been required to take action against climate change. Then, just days ago, a group of Irish Citizens won a similar case against their government.

Fossil Fuel Lawsuits

But Owen says lawyers in the United States have never won a lawsuit against fossil fuel companies for their role in climate change. Instead, judges have argued those kinds of cases are too political for a judge to respond, and that the real fix should be sought through the elected branches of government.

But attorneys filing many of these lawsuits do not trust the government to act swiftly enough.

On The Eve Of Destruction

In Juliana v. United States, the plaintiffs argue the federal government has contributed directly to the pending climate catastrophe.

Earlier this year, a federal appeals court issued a ruling in that lawsuit. And the judges were sympathetic to the argument the plaintiffs were making.

One judge wrote in the majority opinion, In the mid-1960s, a popular song warned that we were on the eve of destruction.The plaintiffs in this case have presented compelling evidence that climate change has brought that eve nearer.

The judge adds that failure to change existing policy may hasten an environmental apocalypse, but then declares that, such relief is beyond our constitutional power. Rather, the plaintiffs impressive case for redress must be presented to the political branches of government.

Philip Gregory, an attorney in the case, has filed a petition asking the Full Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals to convene a new panel of 11 circuit court judges to review the opinion.

He disagrees with the argument, and he still believes they can win. He says the courts have taken on big issues before. Like Brown v. Board of Education, where the Supreme Court ordered schools to desegregate.

'It Was The Courts'

It wasn't like the president said, in Brown vs. Board of Education, Oh, we need to deal with segregation. It was the courts who were out front, and it was the kids that really forced the courts to address these issues, he says.

Nathan Baring joined this lawsuit when he was fifteen in 2015. It's our generation and it's our future that is being harmed. So it makes sense that we're the ones that are having to show up right now, he says.

But this youth-led movement is also running out of time.

If you ever get involved in litigation, you learn justice moves slowly. Its not like someone files a case, and then there's a court order where they win, the next day. It's more like they win in the next decade. And we dont have a decade, he says.

Gregory believes in the courts. But he also says this issue must be tackled on multiple fronts. The attorneys taking on climate change litigation agree: it will take a movement, plus persuasive grandchildren, to finally push judges to rule in their favor.

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One Case At A Time, Lawyers Fight To Save The Planet - KALW

FBI takes over investigation of missing Kentucky woman five years after her disappearance – KETV Omaha

More than 150 state and federal law enforcement were deployed in Bardstown, Kentucky early Thursday morning following an announcement that the FBI is taking over a high-profile disappearance.FBI Louisville said it is now the lead investigative agency on the Crystal Rogers case.Rogers, 35, was reported missing by her mother five years ago; she hasn't been heard from since July 3, 2015. Two days later, her car was found abandoned with a flat tire on the Bluegrass Parkway with her keys, phone and purse still inside.Since the mother of five disappeared, the only suspect ever named has been her boyfriend at the time, Brooks Houck, with whom she shares a child. He has never been charged.Now, federal agents are stepping in to help get answers and are starting by searching Brooks' home and other properties. I have committed publicly and privately that delivering long-sought justice in Nelson County is the highest priority case of the United States Attorneys Office, said U.S. Attorney Russell Coleman in a news release. Todays efforts by our stalwart FBI, Internal Revenue Service and Kentucky State Police partners is a major step in honoring that promise. Law enforcement officers began executing nine federal search warrants early Thursday and will be conducting more than 50 interviews in Bardstown."By utilizing federal resources and expertise and by bringing a fresh perspective to the case, those responsible for Crystals disappearance will be brought to justice," the FBI said.So far, we know of three places where officers are searching Thursday: Brook Houck's home, his brother Nick Houck's home and the Houck family farm -- all of which have been searched before. The FBI has also launched a new website to help share information about Rogers' case: http://www.crystalrogerstaskforce.comThere is currently a $25,000 reward for information leading to her whereabouts, the FBI said. Since Rogers disappeared, her mother, Sherry Ballard, hasn't given up hope. More background on the investigationAuthorities believe Houck, her boyfriend, was the last person to see her alive. Within the first year of Rogers' disappearance, Brooks' brother, Nick Houck, was fired from the Bardstown Police Department for interfering with the investigation.Officials said Thursday they are conducting searches at both of their homes.Early on, friend and employee of Brooks Houck, Danny Singleton, faced 38 counts of perjury for lying to detectives during the investigation, but pleaded guilty to lesser charges of false swearing. At one point, investigators zeroed in on Houck's grandmother, Anna Whitesides. The state believed her car may have been used to dispose of Rogers' body. Whitesides, who had previously talked to investigators, later invoked her Fifth Amendment right, refusing to testify when called to court.Just about a year ago, a new detective took over the case when Det. Jon Snow left the Nelson County Sheriff's Department. Chief Deputy Joedy Gilliland then became the lead until the feds stepped in.Over a week ago, human remains were discovered near the border of Nelson and Washington County, and FBI in Virginia are investigating that. No word on if there is any connection to the Rogers case.

More than 150 state and federal law enforcement were deployed in Bardstown, Kentucky early Thursday morning following an announcement that the FBI is taking over a high-profile disappearance.

FBI Louisville said it is now the lead investigative agency on the Crystal Rogers case.

Rogers, 35, was reported missing by her mother five years ago; she hasn't been heard from since July 3, 2015. Two days later, her car was found abandoned with a flat tire on the Bluegrass Parkway with her keys, phone and purse still inside.

Since the mother of five disappeared, the only suspect ever named has been her boyfriend at the time, Brooks Houck, with whom she shares a child. He has never been charged.

Now, federal agents are stepping in to help get answers and are starting by searching Brooks' home and other properties.

I have committed publicly and privately that delivering long-sought justice in Nelson County is the highest priority case of the United States Attorneys Office, said U.S. Attorney Russell Coleman in a news release. Todays efforts by our stalwart FBI, Internal Revenue Service and Kentucky State Police partners is a major step in honoring that promise.

Law enforcement officers began executing nine federal search warrants early Thursday and will be conducting more than 50 interviews in Bardstown.

"By utilizing federal resources and expertise and by bringing a fresh perspective to the case, those responsible for Crystals disappearance will be brought to justice," the FBI said.

So far, we know of three places where officers are searching Thursday: Brook Houck's home, his brother Nick Houck's home and the Houck family farm -- all of which have been searched before.

This content is imported from Facebook.You may be able to find the same content in another format, or you may be able to find more information, at their web site.

The FBI has also launched a new website to help share information about Rogers' case: http://www.crystalrogerstaskforce.com

There is currently a $25,000 reward for information leading to her whereabouts, the FBI said.

Since Rogers disappeared, her mother, Sherry Ballard, hasn't given up hope.

This content is imported from Twitter.You may be able to find the same content in another format, or you may be able to find more information, at their web site.

More background on the investigation

Authorities believe Houck, her boyfriend, was the last person to see her alive. Within the first year of Rogers' disappearance, Brooks' brother, Nick Houck, was fired from the Bardstown Police Department for interfering with the investigation.

Officials said Thursday they are conducting searches at both of their homes.

Early on, friend and employee of Brooks Houck, Danny Singleton, faced 38 counts of perjury for lying to detectives during the investigation, but pleaded guilty to lesser charges of false swearing.

At one point, investigators zeroed in on Houck's grandmother, Anna Whitesides.

The state believed her car may have been used to dispose of Rogers' body. Whitesides, who had previously talked to investigators, later invoked her Fifth Amendment right, refusing to testify when called to court.

Just about a year ago, a new detective took over the case when Det. Jon Snow left the Nelson County Sheriff's Department. Chief Deputy Joedy Gilliland then became the lead until the feds stepped in.

Over a week ago, human remains were discovered near the border of Nelson and Washington County, and FBI in Virginia are investigating that. No word on if there is any connection to the Rogers case.

Go here to read the rest:

FBI takes over investigation of missing Kentucky woman five years after her disappearance - KETV Omaha

FBI takes over investigation of missing Kentucky woman five years after her disappearance – WBAL Baltimore

More than 150 state and federal law enforcement were deployed in Bardstown, Kentucky early Thursday morning following an announcement that the FBI is taking over a high-profile disappearance.FBI Louisville said it is now the lead investigative agency on the Crystal Rogers case.Rogers, 35, was reported missing by her mother five years ago; she hasn't been heard from since July 3, 2015. Two days later, her car was found abandoned with a flat tire on the Bluegrass Parkway with her keys, phone and purse still inside.Since the mother of five disappeared, the only suspect ever named has been her boyfriend at the time, Brooks Houck, with whom she shares a child. He has never been charged.Now, federal agents are stepping in to help get answers and are starting by searching Brooks' home and other properties. I have committed publicly and privately that delivering long-sought justice in Nelson County is the highest priority case of the United States Attorneys Office, said U.S. Attorney Russell Coleman in a news release. Todays efforts by our stalwart FBI, Internal Revenue Service and Kentucky State Police partners is a major step in honoring that promise. Law enforcement officers began executing nine federal search warrants early Thursday and will be conducting more than 50 interviews in Bardstown."By utilizing federal resources and expertise and by bringing a fresh perspective to the case, those responsible for Crystals disappearance will be brought to justice," the FBI said.So far, we know of three places where officers are searching Thursday: Brook Houck's home, his brother Nick Houck's home and the Houck family farm -- all of which have been searched before. The FBI has also launched a new website to help share information about Rogers' case: http://www.crystalrogerstaskforce.comThere is currently a $25,000 reward for information leading to her whereabouts, the FBI said. Since Rogers disappeared, her mother, Sherry Ballard, hasn't given up hope. More background on the investigationAuthorities believe Houck, her boyfriend, was the last person to see her alive. Within the first year of Rogers' disappearance, Brooks' brother, Nick Houck, was fired from the Bardstown Police Department for interfering with the investigation.Officials said Thursday they are conducting searches at both of their homes.Early on, friend and employee of Brooks Houck, Danny Singleton, faced 38 counts of perjury for lying to detectives during the investigation, but pleaded guilty to lesser charges of false swearing. At one point, investigators zeroed in on Houck's grandmother, Anna Whitesides. The state believed her car may have been used to dispose of Rogers' body. Whitesides, who had previously talked to investigators, later invoked her Fifth Amendment right, refusing to testify when called to court.Just about a year ago, a new detective took over the case when Det. Jon Snow left the Nelson County Sheriff's Department. Chief Deputy Joedy Gilliland then became the lead until the feds stepped in.Over a week ago, human remains were discovered near the border of Nelson and Washington County, and FBI in Virginia are investigating that. No word on if there is any connection to the Rogers case.

More than 150 state and federal law enforcement were deployed in Bardstown, Kentucky early Thursday morning following an announcement that the FBI is taking over a high-profile disappearance.

FBI Louisville said it is now the lead investigative agency on the Crystal Rogers case.

Rogers, 35, was reported missing by her mother five years ago; she hasn't been heard from since July 3, 2015. Two days later, her car was found abandoned with a flat tire on the Bluegrass Parkway with her keys, phone and purse still inside.

Since the mother of five disappeared, the only suspect ever named has been her boyfriend at the time, Brooks Houck, with whom she shares a child. He has never been charged.

Now, federal agents are stepping in to help get answers and are starting by searching Brooks' home and other properties.

I have committed publicly and privately that delivering long-sought justice in Nelson County is the highest priority case of the United States Attorneys Office, said U.S. Attorney Russell Coleman in a news release. Todays efforts by our stalwart FBI, Internal Revenue Service and Kentucky State Police partners is a major step in honoring that promise.

Law enforcement officers began executing nine federal search warrants early Thursday and will be conducting more than 50 interviews in Bardstown.

"By utilizing federal resources and expertise and by bringing a fresh perspective to the case, those responsible for Crystals disappearance will be brought to justice," the FBI said.

So far, we know of three places where officers are searching Thursday: Brook Houck's home, his brother Nick Houck's home and the Houck family farm -- all of which have been searched before.

This content is imported from Facebook.You may be able to find the same content in another format, or you may be able to find more information, at their web site.

The FBI has also launched a new website to help share information about Rogers' case: http://www.crystalrogerstaskforce.com

There is currently a $25,000 reward for information leading to her whereabouts, the FBI said.

Since Rogers disappeared, her mother, Sherry Ballard, hasn't given up hope.

This content is imported from Twitter.You may be able to find the same content in another format, or you may be able to find more information, at their web site.

More background on the investigation

Authorities believe Houck, her boyfriend, was the last person to see her alive. Within the first year of Rogers' disappearance, Brooks' brother, Nick Houck, was fired from the Bardstown Police Department for interfering with the investigation.

Officials said Thursday they are conducting searches at both of their homes.

Early on, friend and employee of Brooks Houck, Danny Singleton, faced 38 counts of perjury for lying to detectives during the investigation, but pleaded guilty to lesser charges of false swearing.

At one point, investigators zeroed in on Houck's grandmother, Anna Whitesides.

The state believed her car may have been used to dispose of Rogers' body. Whitesides, who had previously talked to investigators, later invoked her Fifth Amendment right, refusing to testify when called to court.

Just about a year ago, a new detective took over the case when Det. Jon Snow left the Nelson County Sheriff's Department. Chief Deputy Joedy Gilliland then became the lead until the feds stepped in.

Over a week ago, human remains were discovered near the border of Nelson and Washington County, and FBI in Virginia are investigating that. No word on if there is any connection to the Rogers case.

See original here:

FBI takes over investigation of missing Kentucky woman five years after her disappearance - WBAL Baltimore

FBI takes over investigation of missing Kentucky woman five years after her disappearance – WXII The Triad

More than 150 state and federal law enforcement were deployed in Bardstown, Kentucky early Thursday morning following an announcement that the FBI is taking over a high-profile disappearance.FBI Louisville said it is now the lead investigative agency on the Crystal Rogers case.Rogers, 35, was reported missing by her mother five years ago; she hasn't been heard from since July 3, 2015. Two days later, her car was found abandoned with a flat tire on the Bluegrass Parkway with her keys, phone and purse still inside.Since the mother of five disappeared, the only suspect ever named has been her boyfriend at the time, Brooks Houck, with whom she shares a child. He has never been charged.Now, federal agents are stepping in to help get answers and are starting by searching Brooks' home and other properties. I have committed publicly and privately that delivering long-sought justice in Nelson County is the highest priority case of the United States Attorneys Office, said U.S. Attorney Russell Coleman in a news release. Todays efforts by our stalwart FBI, Internal Revenue Service and Kentucky State Police partners is a major step in honoring that promise. Law enforcement officers began executing nine federal search warrants early Thursday and will be conducting more than 50 interviews in Bardstown."By utilizing federal resources and expertise and by bringing a fresh perspective to the case, those responsible for Crystals disappearance will be brought to justice," the FBI said.So far, we know of three places where officers are searching Thursday: Brook Houck's home, his brother Nick Houck's home and the Houck family farm -- all of which have been searched before. The FBI has also launched a new website to help share information about Rogers' case: http://www.crystalrogerstaskforce.comThere is currently a $25,000 reward for information leading to her whereabouts, the FBI said. Since Rogers disappeared, her mother, Sherry Ballard, hasn't given up hope. More background on the investigationAuthorities believe Houck, her boyfriend, was the last person to see her alive. Within the first year of Rogers' disappearance, Brooks' brother, Nick Houck, was fired from the Bardstown Police Department for interfering with the investigation.Officials said Thursday they are conducting searches at both of their homes.Early on, friend and employee of Brooks Houck, Danny Singleton, faced 38 counts of perjury for lying to detectives during the investigation, but pleaded guilty to lesser charges of false swearing. At one point, investigators zeroed in on Houck's grandmother, Anna Whitesides. The state believed her car may have been used to dispose of Rogers' body. Whitesides, who had previously talked to investigators, later invoked her Fifth Amendment right, refusing to testify when called to court.Just about a year ago, a new detective took over the case when Det. Jon Snow left the Nelson County Sheriff's Department. Chief Deputy Joedy Gilliland then became the lead until the feds stepped in.Over a week ago, human remains were discovered near the border of Nelson and Washington County, and FBI in Virginia are investigating that. No word on if there is any connection to the Rogers case.

More than 150 state and federal law enforcement were deployed in Bardstown, Kentucky early Thursday morning following an announcement that the FBI is taking over a high-profile disappearance.

FBI Louisville said it is now the lead investigative agency on the Crystal Rogers case.

Rogers, 35, was reported missing by her mother five years ago; she hasn't been heard from since July 3, 2015. Two days later, her car was found abandoned with a flat tire on the Bluegrass Parkway with her keys, phone and purse still inside.

Since the mother of five disappeared, the only suspect ever named has been her boyfriend at the time, Brooks Houck, with whom she shares a child. He has never been charged.

Now, federal agents are stepping in to help get answers and are starting by searching Brooks' home and other properties.

I have committed publicly and privately that delivering long-sought justice in Nelson County is the highest priority case of the United States Attorneys Office, said U.S. Attorney Russell Coleman in a news release. Todays efforts by our stalwart FBI, Internal Revenue Service and Kentucky State Police partners is a major step in honoring that promise.

Law enforcement officers began executing nine federal search warrants early Thursday and will be conducting more than 50 interviews in Bardstown.

"By utilizing federal resources and expertise and by bringing a fresh perspective to the case, those responsible for Crystals disappearance will be brought to justice," the FBI said.

So far, we know of three places where officers are searching Thursday: Brook Houck's home, his brother Nick Houck's home and the Houck family farm -- all of which have been searched before.

This content is imported from Facebook.You may be able to find the same content in another format, or you may be able to find more information, at their web site.

The FBI has also launched a new website to help share information about Rogers' case: http://www.crystalrogerstaskforce.com

There is currently a $25,000 reward for information leading to her whereabouts, the FBI said.

Since Rogers disappeared, her mother, Sherry Ballard, hasn't given up hope.

This content is imported from Twitter.You may be able to find the same content in another format, or you may be able to find more information, at their web site.

More background on the investigation

Authorities believe Houck, her boyfriend, was the last person to see her alive. Within the first year of Rogers' disappearance, Brooks' brother, Nick Houck, was fired from the Bardstown Police Department for interfering with the investigation.

Officials said Thursday they are conducting searches at both of their homes.

Early on, friend and employee of Brooks Houck, Danny Singleton, faced 38 counts of perjury for lying to detectives during the investigation, but pleaded guilty to lesser charges of false swearing.

At one point, investigators zeroed in on Houck's grandmother, Anna Whitesides.

The state believed her car may have been used to dispose of Rogers' body. Whitesides, who had previously talked to investigators, later invoked her Fifth Amendment right, refusing to testify when called to court.

Just about a year ago, a new detective took over the case when Det. Jon Snow left the Nelson County Sheriff's Department. Chief Deputy Joedy Gilliland then became the lead until the feds stepped in.

Over a week ago, human remains were discovered near the border of Nelson and Washington County, and FBI in Virginia are investigating that. No word on if there is any connection to the Rogers case.

Read this article:

FBI takes over investigation of missing Kentucky woman five years after her disappearance - WXII The Triad

If you work or travel to NYC, prepare to be stopped (Opinion) – New Jersey 101.5 FM Radio

New York City Mayor Warren Wilhelm Jr. (aka Bill de Blasio) announced Wednesday that the sheriff's department of NYC will be setting up checkpointsat tunnels, bridges and train stations to randomly stop people entering the city to see if they are coming from any of the "hot spot" states in the country. Those are 35 states where cases are higher than New York State at the current time.

Ironically, the governor of New York, Andrew Cuomo, threatened to sue the state of Rhode Island back in the spring when they were stopping cars with New York plates, because at the time New York State was a hotbed of the coronavirus. Irony, yes it's the Democrats' lifeblood.

They will be stopping every sixth or eighth car at random and asking where you're coming from when you try to enter by car at one of the tunnels or bridges. At Penn Station, they will be deploying "trackers" to ask random commuters where they've been and where they're staying. They won't bother to ask the homeless people and the junkies in the iconic transportation hub anything. The city officials already know they're from New York and are just there to shoot up and urinate on the walls and terrify innocent travelers.

What happened to probable cause to be stopped by police? You also have a Fifth Amendment right to say nothing and a Fourteenth Amendment right to travel freely. For the clowns in New York, like our Phil Murphy, the Bill of Rights "is above their pay grade." Bill di Blasio and Andrew Cuomo got elected because they spouted the same inane "progressive" drivel that got our governor elected here in New Jersey. Never mind that their policies destroy societies and economies. As long as they hit the right talking points on transgender rights and social justice, the brain-dead idiots who voted them in will keep them there ... if they can manage to survive living there. Many of them have already fled. Irony, there it is again.

The post above reflects the thoughts and observations of New Jersey 101.5 talk show host Dennis Malloy. Any opinions expressed are Dennis' own.

More from New Jersey 101.5:

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If you work or travel to NYC, prepare to be stopped (Opinion) - New Jersey 101.5 FM Radio

Yet another council member could get thrown out in San Antonio suburb roiled by divisive politics – San Antonio Express-News

The Leon Valley City Council has initiated another office forfeiture hearing against one of its members in the ongoing feud among leaders in this suburban community.

That makes three elected members now facing the possibility of getting ousted from the council.

Acting on concerns presented by City Manager Kelly Kuenstler, the council voted 4-1 Tuesday night to launch a hearing into the actions of Councilor Will Bradshaw under Section 3.12 of the City Charter.

Its the same proceeding that resulted in the removal last year of Councilor Benny Martinez.

Bradshaw, who opposed the removal of Martinez, is accused of engaging in a pattern of harassing the suburbs police and undermining the authority of the city manager in violation of the charter.

Its just the latest salvo in the pitched battle that has plagued Leon Valley for more than a year. The council already has approved investigations for those types of hearings for two other council members, Donna Charles and Mayor Chris Riley, over the release of internal city documents.

And Charles and Councilor Monica Alcocer, who voted to remove Martinez, are the subject of recall elections in November.

In regard to Bradshaw, Kuenstler presented videos to the council showing Bradshaw questioning the arrest of Olen Yarnell, the citys former zoning chairman, after a late-night council meeting June 4.

After addressing the council that night, Yarnell, 79, was arrested on an assault warrant and handcuffed in the City Hall foyer outside the council chambers and taken to Bexar County Jail.

Yarnells arrest was related to a complaint filed more than a year earlier by Councilor Monica Alcocer, 78, who alleged he had aggressively grabbed her shoulder after a long council meeting in May 2019.

Police Chief Joe Salvaggio said Yarnell was given a chance to provide a statement, but exercised his Fifth Amendment right to decline. The case was filed and an arrest warrant was issued.

On ExpressNews.com: Leon Valley grapples with COVID-19

Salvaggio has said at least two police officers witnessed Bradshaw berating the arresting officer, Assistant Chief David Gonzalez, and comparing the officers to the Minneapolis police charged in the May 25 death of George Floyd.

As part of her presentation, Kuenstler submitted body camera recording from officers on the scene. One of them shows Bradshaw shouting at Gonzalez at the entrance of City Hall at about 1:30 a.m. June 5.

Youre the problem with this country. Youre the problem. Youre the guys that are kneeling on peoples necks. Im sorry but this is disgusting. This is disgusting, Bradshaw, wearing a face mask, is seen telling Gonzalez in the video.

The incident is the latest clash between Salvaggio and Bradshaw, who has accused Leon Valley police of using gestapo tactics in towing vehicles with expired registration and other operations, as well as overzealous enforcement of social-distancing rules for businesses in response to COVID-19.

In a July 10 letter to Kuenstler, Salvaggio alleged a pattern of harassment, negative stereotyping and creating a hostile work environment by Bradshaw, a political ally of Mayor Chris Riley.

Leon Valley resident William Johnson, who saw Yarnells arrest, spoke in defense of Bradshaw while addressing the council Tuesday.

I was stunned and speechless, Johnson said. Its understandable for someone to get emotional and vocal in that situation.

But another resident, Evan Bohl, said Bradshaw crossed a line that night.

He acted like someone who didnt understand his role in our community, Bohl said.

Kuenstler said the city has maintained order in the police force during her administration, firing two police officers for inappropriate remarks. But she said the Police Department has been treated unfairly by some citizens, including Bradshaw, who has an obligation as a council member to respect professional boundaries. He violated the charter by not going through the manager to level a complaint about the police, she said.

These videos are indicative of a council member violating the charter. And Im asking you to help me stop this, Kuenstler told the council. Im at my wits end. I dont know what to do any more. Were doing our jobs. And were constantly getting pushback and harassed.

Bradshaw countered that hes been targeted by Kuenstler and Salvaggio for trying to expose fraud, abuse, waste of city funds by our chief of police and our city manager.

And then a complaint was filed against me. Is that not retaliatory? Is that not, Im getting too close? Im pointing out whats going on in the city, so weve got to get rid of Councilor Bradshaw, and weve got to do it quickly, because we cant have this? he asked rhetorically.

On ExpressNews.com: Hearing could result in Leon Valley mayors forfeiture

Wednesday, Bradshaw said he plans to file a lawsuit against the city.

I hope people can see the pattern of oppression going on in Leon Valley, he said. The council majority continues targeting citizens and officials who do not share their views. It is dangerous to democracy.

Kuenstler has announced plans to leave Leon Valley to pursue other opportunities on Sept. 30. In February, the council supported a plan for Salvaggio to serve as interim city manager until a permanent replacement for Kuenstler could be found.

Scott Huddleston covers Bexar County government and the Alamo for the San Antonio Express-News. To read more from Scott, become a subscriber. shuddleston@express-news.net | Twitter: @shuddlestonSA

Originally posted here:

Yet another council member could get thrown out in San Antonio suburb roiled by divisive politics - San Antonio Express-News

TikTok and the Law: A Primer (In Case You Need to Explain Things to Your Teenager) – Lawfare

Editor's note: A response from a reader prompted the author to amend this post to note an alternative pathway that might support IEEPA sanctions without need to issue a fresh national emergency declaration. The new paragraph appears below in bold, italicized font.

TikTok is in serious trouble, and teenagers across the land are demanding answers about the legal frameworks at issue. Well, maybe they are not exactly focused on the legal issues. But in case you are, heres an explainer.

1. What is TikTok, and why is it in the news?

Never used TikTok? It is an acquired taste, but it is addictively entertaining once you acclimate to it. In brief, its a video-hosting app for user-generated content. Its a bit like a social-media-inflected Youtube in that sense.

But the videos on TikTok are almost entirely super-short (15 second) amateur clips, with lots of content made by and for teens (at least thats how it is in the US market; Im less sure if the same is true in other major TikTok markets). Like any other social-media app featuring user-generated content, most of the clips are less-than-compelling, but theres plenty of brilliant stuff too (Im particularly attached to the clips where a teen pretends to be a dad spouting clichs at his family during a road trip, every word of which Ive actually spouted at my family during a road trip).

So whats the problem? TikTok is owned by ByteDance, a Chinese company that is subject to Chinas laws and other forms of coercion. This has given rise to two lines of concern.

First, there is a concern about the user data TikTok collects and the prospect that Beijing can access that data. Like plenty of other social-media apps, TikToks terms of service authorize it to collect a remarkable amount of data from its users. Because TikTok is subject to Chinese law, the theory goes, the company can readily be compelled by the government to cooperate in providing access to that data (on a targeted or even a bulk basis).

TikTok argues that this is not the case because data from U.S. users remains exclusively in TikToks servers located in America. Im in no position to weigh in on whether that description is strictly true, still less whether data localization in this case would actually preclude remote access by TikTok personnel outside the United States. But Im merely trying to convey the nature of this concern, not resolve its merits. Separately, there also is a line of concern about whether TikTok employs content-moderation policies and practices that serve the preferences of the Communist Party of China. Again, Im not trying to adjudicate the merits of that critique.

Against this backdrop, there have been rumors afoot for some time that the Trump administration might take some action to knock TikTok out of the U.S. market. Now those rumors have evolved into specific warnings of looming action. This Sunday morning, for example, Treasury Secretary Mnuchin expressly stated that TikTok cannot stay in the current format because it risks sending back information on 100 million Americansthe president can either force a sale or the president can block the app.

If your teenager is showing a sudden interest in the separation of powers or other legal matters, this is probably why.

2. Can the executive branch force ByteDance to sell TikTok?

Yes. The relevant legal framework here involves the executive branchs interagency Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States, better known by its acronym CFIUS. Heres a recent Congressional Research Service report if you want to dive deep on the committee. If you just want to explain the situation to your teenager, though, here are the key points:

It is true that the president has no inherent, unilateral authority to create legally-binding rules relating to foreign investment in the United States. The Constitution confers authority over foreign commerce on Congress, not the executive branch. But Congress can and has delegated that authority to the president in various ways. And in 1988, Congress did exactly that in the so-called Exon-Florio Amendment to the Defense Production Act. CFIUS had been around for more than a decade at this point, but this amendment gave it real teeth. The amendment conferred on the President the authority to prohibit mergers, acquisitions, or takeovers that threaten national security (and, by extension, the CFIUS review process would now have leverage to impose conditions on such transactions to ameliorate national security concerns). The statutory framework for CFIUS review has expanded in various ways since then, but thats the key thing to understand: Congress has indeed delegated to the President authority to ban such transactions if the executive branch makes the requisite findings.

None of which would be relevant here, of course, unless at some point there is (or was) a corporate transaction subject to CFIUS review.

Well, there was one a little while ago. TikTok (then called music.ly) was bought by ByteDance in 2018 for nearly $1 billion. Of course, music.ly like ByteDance was a Chinese company. So you might think that CFIUS would have no say over that acquisition. But youd be wrong. For purposes of CFIUS review, a covered U.S. business is any entity that engages in interstate commerce in the United Stateseven if that entity is a foreign corporation. (See 31 CFR 800.252(a) (a US businessmeans any entity, irrespective of the nationality of the persons that control it, engaged in interstate commerce in the United States)). Music.ly may have been a foreign corporation at the time of its acquisition, then, but it had a robust U.S. presence and certainly qualified under this rule.

ByteDance didnt seek approval from CFIUS at the time of the acquisition, no doubt because few if any involved in the deal perceived it as having national security implications. But as TikToks popularity in the United States exploded, and as the two lines of concern described above began spiking over the past year, the picture began to look quite different. And becauseCFIUS authority extends to retroactive review of prior transactions, it was no surprise when CFIUS opened such a review of the ByteDance-music.ly deal in November 2019.

So what happens if CFIUS concludes that ByteDance should not have been allowed to acquire the business now known as TikTok? That situation has arisen many times over the past few years, and the answer normally is that the acquiring entity must divest itself of the acquired entityor else cease operations in the United States. The same may well be on the verge of happening here, plainly.

3. Can ByteDance litigate such a determination?

Only to a limited extent, and they are not likely to win in the end.

In general, CFIUS orders (like other actions under the Defense Production Act) are not subject to judicial review, at least according to the statute. But the D.C. Circuit has construed that statutory prohibition not to apply to constitutional claims that might be made. As Raffaela Wakeman explained for Lawfare in 2014, the D.C. Circuits Ralls decision approved a procedural due process challenge brought by a Chinese company when CFIUS issued a retroactive divestment order involving the companys acquisition of four American companies. (See Ralls Corp. v. Comm. On Foreign Inv. in US, 758 F.3d 296 (D.C. Cir. 2014)). The decision rejected the argument that CFIUS determinations are entirely immune from judicial review when there is a constitutional challenge at stake, and also rejected the argument that CFIUS determinations should be treated as political questions outside the purview of the courts. Further, the court held that the Fifth Amendment requires that the subject of such orders must be given the chance to confront at least the unclassified evidentiary basis for the CFIUS determination and to present their own evidence.

Has ByteDance had such an opportunity over the past 8 months, as the currently-pending CFIUS review has progressed? Im not in a position to know, but I strongly suspect that they have. The review has gone on for quite some time, and that may well reflect an ongoing process of evidentiary disclosures and submissions. In short: ByteDance may well be in the midst of receiving all the process that is due to it. Of course, ByteDance could still sue, objecting that it deserved more process than it got and that the ultimate CFIUS determination was arbitrary despite the process that was given. Im doubtful, however, that they will prevail on either dimension. Sooner or later, in other words, the litigation would run its course and the divestiture order would probably still stand.

4. But theres also much talk about a simple ban on TikTok. Is that just wishful thinking by parents, or is that a thing the President can do?

Yes, its a real thing, thanks to the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). But its complicated.

IEEPA is another example of Congress delegating to the executive branch an aspect of its constitutional control over foreign commerce. Think of it as a general pre-delegation of authority to impose embargoes as well as more-targeted sanctions against foreign entitiesbacked by criminal law sanctionsfor a broadly-defined array of circumstances in which the president determines that U.S. national interests are at stake. (For a deep-ish dive into IEEPA, check out Episode 133 of the National Security Law Podcast). When the president wants to use this authority, he first must issue a public proclamation of a national emergency on a particular situation or subject, under the National Emergencies Act. This opens the door to using IEEPA itself. Under IEEPA, the president (or the executive branch entity acting on the presidents behalf through a further delegation) can investigate, regulate or simply prohibitthat is, banan array of activities involving a sanctioned entity (including payments, notably) and can freeze the assets of that entity (thereby prohibiting all dealings with the foreign entitys interests in those assets). Sometimes this authority is exercised by the president only to the extent of creating a specific sanctions regime, with the actual sanctioning of particular entities to be done at a later date (if it is done at all). At other times, the creation of the sanctions regime is accompanied by at least an initial set of designations of specific entities.

So, can the president sanction ByteDance, and thereby have the effect of banning TikTok within the United States?

The answer is yes, though it might be necessary for the president to make a new national emergency declaration that fits with this unusual scenario. The closest fit among the current national emergencies (and their corresponding IEEPA sanctions frameworks) is probably the one for malicious cyber-enabled activities, which President Obama proclaimed in 2015s Executive Order 13694 (and which he updated in 2016 in Executive Order 13757). But the fit is not strong. That framework plainly was motivated by a desire to respond to malicious foreign hacking (especially from China, to be sure), and despite some loose language it is difficult to read it in a way that would encompass a situation in which the underlying concern is that a foreign company (1) has customer data that it might provide to a foreign government or (2) might employ content-moderation policies hostile to U.S. interests.

[As noted above, the following paragraph was added in response to reader feedback on the original post.]

An alternative possibility is that the administration might assert that this situation falls within the scope of Executive Order 13873 (Executive Order on Securing the Information and Communications Technology and Services Supply Chain), from May 2019. EO 13873, which was inspired by concerns about Huawei and ZTE, opens with the requisite emergency declaration, stating that

the unrestricted acquisition or use in the United States of information and communications technology or services designed, developed, manufactured, or supplied by persons owned by, controlled by, or subject to the jurisdiction or direction of foreign adversaries augments the ability of foreign adversaries to create and exploit vulnerabilities in information and communications technology or services, with potentially catastrophic effects, and thereby constitutes an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security, foreign policy, and economy of the United States. (emphasis added)

Invoking IEEPA, EO 13873 then proceeds to prohibit transactions involving such technologies where the transaction was initiated, is pending, or will be completed after the date of this order [May 2019, though only if the Secretary of Commerce (in consultation with other officials) makes a finding that the technology or service in question is associated with an entity subject to the jurisdiction or direction of a foreign adversary and that the situation entails an undue risk of (a) sabotage of information and communication services in the US, (b) catastrophic effects on US critical infrastructure or the digital economy, or (c) otherwise poses an unacceptable risk to US national security. That third conditiona broad catchallcould plausibly be pushed, perhaps, to encompass the TikTok scenario. But note that the EO by its own terms applies only to transactions initiated on or after May 2019. This is too late to encompass ByteDances acquisition of music.ly, plainly. That said, one path the Trump administration might now choose would be to supplement EO 13837, building off its existing declaration of a national emergency in order to establish a distinct, additional IEEPA sanctions regime. This would spare the White House from the minor trouble of the first step identified in the next paragraph below.]

Accordingly, if the President wants to ban TikTok directly, he probably will need to announce a fresh national emergency, with a tailored focus on foreign government access to data flows that have U.S. person information, foreign government influence on content moderation policies, or both. This he certainly could do, and it could be that this is in the drafting process as you read this. But there are complications, not least of which is the question whether a sanctions system premised on foreign government access to U.S. person data based on U.S. persons using a foreign companys services would complicate the formulation of a strong U.S. government response to the European Court of Justicesrecent Schrems II decision.

5. Fine, so he can ban it. But its on millions of phones in the US already. What would actually happen?

The next question is how such a sanction would play out in the unusual case of a social-media app that already resides on the phones of millions of Americans.

As an initial matter, its clear that TikTok would no longer be made available by US companies like Apple and Google through their app stores. But that leaves all the millions of existing users; what about them, given that the vast majority are unlikely to delete the app off their phones?

It wont matter, for several reasons. First, if the president sanctions the company in the manner outlined above, TikTok could no longer maintain its servers or any other operations or property inside the United States; it will have to operate entirely from foreign locations beyond the reach of IEEPA leverage, which is to say: from China. Of course, it could continue to feed content to U.S. users from there. But what content would that be? TikTok depends on user-generated content, and the U.S. customer base depends largely (though not entirely) on the popularity of users who might no longer feel free to post to TikTok. That certainly will be true for high-profile US-based TikTok creators and celebrities with massive TikTok followings. And when Charli DAmelio and others drop out in favor of whatever might turn out to be the next big platform, theyll take their audience with them.

Ok, thats all for now. If I can talk my kids into showing me how, maybe Ill post a TikTok summary of all this tomorrow. Unless its illegal by then.

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TikTok and the Law: A Primer (In Case You Need to Explain Things to Your Teenager) - Lawfare

Would a government-backed social credit scoring system like China’s ever fly in the US? – ABA Journal

Business of Law

By Rich Acello

August 1, 2020, 12:45 am CDT

Illustration by Sara Wadford/Shutterstock

Among the casualties of COVID-19 was the planned 2020 rollout of the Chinese social credit system.

In development for years and already in use in several Chinese cities, the social credit system is a way for the government to use the capabilities of cellphones to monitor, track, observe and ultimately judge Chinese citizens as they go about their daily lives. The system uses both carrots and sticks to reward and punish behavior. Donating blood or other community activities might rate a carrot, but bad behavior could prevent the offender from taking trips on high-speed trains or airplanes or engaging in e-commerce.

Thanks to Chinas restrictive internet policies, most functions of Chinese society can be conducted on a few apps, including the ubiquitous WeChat, and all of this is discoverable by the government.

However, COVID-19 forced the government to push the pause button. According to reports, the government had to assure individuals and businesses that tax defaults or other things that would ordinarily dent ones credit would not be held against them while the pandemic raged on.

Nevertheless, observers of the rapid rise of China are intrigued by the system and wonder if it would fly in the U.S.

There are arguably pieces of it in place alreadynotably the credit rating system, which uses computer-stored data to assign consumers a credit score regardless of whether theyve requested it.

Additionally, selling platforms such as eBay require a net positive or neutral score; social media platforms can shut down posters for abusive behavior; and ride-share services can exclude riders with low ratings.

In a society where users already routinely use social media to shame others for behaviors that offend them, what could go wrong?

Plenty, according to Jay Stanley, senior policy analyst for the Speech, Privacy and Technology Project of the American Civil Liberties Union. The concept of taking credit scores and applying it to other areas of life is ominous, he says.

Experts who spoke to the ABA Journal agree there would be massive constitutional obstacles for any centralized credit scoring system.

Stanley points to constitutional protections in the Fifth Amendment for due process, and Fourth Amendment protections against unreasonable searches and seizures.

Ben Winters calls a potential U.S. social credit system a solution to a problem that doesnt exist. Photo by Joy Asico.

However, Dean Cheng, an Asian Studies Center senior research fellow within the Davis Institute for National Security and Foreign Policy at the Heritage Foundation, argues such a system would run afoul of the First, Fourth and Fifth Amendments.

Ben Winters, an attorney for the Washington, D.C.-based Electronic Privacy information Center, calls a potential U.S. social credit system a solution to a problem that doesnt exist and agrees with Cheng and Stanley that the Constitution would rule out such a centralized system.

Additionally, there are cultural reasons why such a system might fly in China but not here.

Because the Chinese have been under a dictatorship for 70 years, they have very little expectations of privacy, Cheng points out.

Dean Cheng: Because the Chinese have been under a dictatorship for 70 years, they have very little expectations of privacy. Photo courtesy of Heritage Foundation.

Meanwhile, Winters adds: In China, cameras show if youre jaywalking, and with 100% enforcement, you could say efficiencies will be achieved in law enforcement. But in America, with constitutional rights and civil rights laws, there are protections against that type of thing. However, Winters cautions that these protections must be accompanied by a meaningful enforcement mechanism, which this country lacks, underlying the need for comprehensive data legislation and protection.

But what about a system that is driven by private businesses and industries?

Cheng doubts it is in any businesss commercial interests to undertake the project. And if such a system arose, participation in the platforms that support it are optional.

I dont have a Facebook or Twitter account because I choose not to, he says. I never bought or sold anything on eBay, either. You can choose to participate or not.

However, Stanley disagrees, arguing that opting out in order to maintain privacy becomes less meaningful over time. Try living a normal life without a credit card, he says.

This article first appeared in the August/September 2020 issue of the ABA Journal under the headline Whats Your Score? Some U.S businesses already require consumers to maintain a certain social credit score, but a government-sponsored system is unlikely.

Whats Your Score? August-September,contained a quote from Ben Winters, an attorney for the Washington, D.C.-based Electronic Privacy information Center, about constitutional rights and protections against governmental surveillance. The quote has been clarified to emphasize that these protections lack a sufficient enforcement mechanism.

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Would a government-backed social credit scoring system like China's ever fly in the US? - ABA Journal

Governor violated both federal and state Constitutions – Fallbrook / Bonsall Villlage News

Californias governor suspended the rights of property owners to receive rents for the use of their property, a violation of the Fifth Amendment of the Constitution and a violation of the state of California Constitution property rights.

This action took place in February. Many tenants discontinued paying their rent even if they could afford it given that it was announced by the governor that they didnt have to pay.

The governor also took it upon himself to suspend unlawful detainers and foreclosures until 90 days after the lockdown was ended. This date was supposed to be July 29, 2020. It of course did not happen, and California is in lockdown again compounding the damage to the small property owner who worked and saved to provide for their families and for retirement.

For a property owner to have absolutely no use, benefit or control of their property in my mind constitutes an eminent domain action and is not tenable under the law.

Citing the Fifth Amendment, the owners entitlement to the value of the property is, accordingly, a property right protected by the Takings clause of the Constitution and perhaps also by the federal Takings clause of the Fifth Amendment.

Owners were not given fair notice nor was just compensation provided to the owners of the property that has essentially been taken by the state of California

It would appear that all owners that have been deprived of these rights have just cause to proceed against the governor and the state of California.

Much damage has been caused by this across the board mandate and much will never be recovered. There is rampant abuse by tenants, and there is no recourse under the state mandate.

This mandate has now been extended again, and now it appears that there is no way forward until next year. It creates a strong movement to sell any rental properties especially those owned by small landlords in California. Thus, there will be a dramatic decrease in rental properties available and an increase in rents for those units that do become available.

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Governor violated both federal and state Constitutions - Fallbrook / Bonsall Villlage News

Fifth Amendment Integrity Restoration – The Highland County Press

By U.S. Sen. Mike CrapoR-Idaho

Requiring Americans to prove their property should not have been taken by the government, rather than the government proving guilt, undermines our system of justice. Commonsense restraints must be instituted to protect against civil asset forfeiture abuses. I am again backing legislation to address problems with civil asset forfeiture.

According to a March 2017 U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) Inspector General report, the Department seized more than $28 billion over the past ten years via asset forfeiture. Despite the staggering sum collected during that period, the report found that the DOJ does not collect data to measure how often seizures and forfeitures advance or relate to criminal investigations.

I joined in reintroducing S. 4074 the Fifth Amendment Integrity Restoration (FAIR) Act, led by Senator Rand Paul (R-Kentucky).

This legislation would better protect property owners from wrongful property seizures and decrease potential monetary incentives for agencies to seize assets. I have co-sponsored this legislation in multiple congresses because it would put the burden of proof where it should be on the government, not innocent Americans. The government would have to prove the assets were used to facilitate criminal activity. Importantly, to address unjust incentives, the legislation would require proceeds from the disposition of seized property to be deposited in the General Fund of the U.S. Treasury, instead of going to the agencies seizing property.

Reintroduction of this legislation builds on ongoing efforts to end forfeiture abuses. This includes urging the DOJ to reform its asset forfeiture practices. For example, in a 2017 letter to the DOJ, fellow senators and I requested the retraction of the Departments expansion of its use of civil asset forfeiture writing, Civil forfeiture does not reflect the fundamental principle of innocent until proven guilty that is vital to our nations criminal justice system.

Law enforcement can confiscate property from individuals without ever giving them a day in court, and it does so with increasing regularity. . . . In 2014 alone, the federal government took more cash and property from Americans than burglars did. I also joined fellow senators in urging our colleagues in the Senate to deny the use of federal funding for expanding DOJs civil asset forfeiture program.

Additionally, the U.S. Supreme Court applied constitutional restrictions to state civil asset forfeiture actions in a 2019 decision determining the Eighth Amendment, our Constitutions protection against excessive fines, applies to the states. The Court found that excessive fines undermine other liberties. This is a step in the right direction as it pertains to protecting property rights, but civil asset forfeitures may still be subject to abuse.

The Fifth Amendment to our Constitution clearly states that no person shall be deprived of life liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation.

As civil forfeiture and other reforms are discussed in the overall context of rebuilding the lost confidence in many institutions designed for the purposes of keeping communities safe, I continue to maintain that the vast majority of law enforcement officers are hard-working Americans who put their lives on the line every day to keep our communities safe.

Unfortunately, we have seen several instances of horrific and inexcusable conduct by some very bad actors under the guise of law enforcement. Reforms are needed. I will continue to work with my colleagues in Congress and the Administration to end civil forfeiture abuses and continue to support legislation to improve and reform policing practices, accountability and transparency.

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Fifth Amendment Integrity Restoration - The Highland County Press

Litigating the Federal Government’s Conduct in Portland Protests – Lawfare

Editors Note: Its possible there is some litigation missing from this roundup. Please email the editors or the author at [emailprotected] with any relevant litigation missing from this summary. This page was last updated on July 28, 2020.

On June 26, President Trump announced an Executive Order instructing the Attorney General to prioritize investigations and prosecutions for the desecration of monuments, memorials and statues and for several other departments, including Homeland Security, to provide personnel to assist with protecting such monuments. Acting Secretary of Homeland Security Chad Wolf responded by preparing 2,000 federal agentsincluding Border Patrol agents, Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers and Coast Guard personnelto assist the Federal Protective Service, the agency charged with protecting federal property.

Soon after, reports began to surface of federal agents in Portland, Oregon pulling protestors into unmarked vehicles, refusing to identify themselves and using indiscriminate and violent tactics against protestors and neutral observers alike. Several lawsuits have been initiated against the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and other government agencies in response to these events. What follows is a run-through of litigation surrounding the federal governments activity in Portland. While additional litigation has been filed against state and local authorities in Portland, this roundup includes only lawsuits against the federal government. These cases raise a wide range of constitutional and statutory claims, from more standard claims of violations of the First, Fourth and Fifth Amendments, the Administrative Procedure Act and civil rights violations under 42 U.S.C. 1983 to more innovative claims under the Tenth Amendment, the Federal Vacancies Reform Act and the Appointments Clause.

Woodstock et al v. City of Portland et al (3:20-cv-01035)

On June 28, the ACLU of Oregon and Braunhagey & Borden LLP brought a class-action lawsuit in the U.S. District Court for the District of Oregon against the City of Portland on behalf of journalists and legal observers who were allegedly targeted and attacked by law enforcement. The named plaintiffs are The Portland Mercury, a newspaper and media company, as well as individual journalists and legal observers. U.S. District Judge Michael H. Simon granted a temporary restraining order (TRO) against the City of Portland and officers of the Portland Police Bureau on July 2.

On July 17, following President Trumps Executive Order and the subsequent deployment of federal officers to Portland, plaintiffs amended their complaint adding DHS and the U.S. Marshals Service as defendants and seeking to enjoin DHS, the Marshals and their agents from assaulting news reporters, photographers, legal observers, and other neutrals who are documenting Defendants violent response to protests over the murder of George Floyd. The suit sought a TRO and preliminary injunction, as well as declaratory relief and monetary damages. The amended complaint includes allegations that federal agents shot photographer Lewis-Rolland with impact munitions 10 times as he filmed and photographed them and that local police struck independent attorney and legal observer Kat Mahoney with a truncheon across the back, where the words ACLU LEGAL OBSERVER are emblazoned on her vest.

On July 23, Judge Simon granted a TRO enjoining the defendants for 14 days from arresting, threatening to arrest, seizing any photographic or recording equipment or press passes from or using physical force against any person whom they know or reasonably should know is a Journalist or Legal Observer unless the officers have probable cause. The order also exempts journalists and legal observers from an officers order to disperse.

Rosenblum v. John Does 1-10 et al (3:20-cv-01161)

On July 17, Oregon Attorney General Ellen Rosenblum brought suit in the U.S. District Court for the District of Oregon on behalf of the State of Oregon, its agencies and its citizens under the doctrine of parens patriaea type of standing that allows state attorneys general to litigate on behalf of their state citizensagainst DHS, Customs and Border Protection, the Marshals, and Federal Protective Service. The complaint alleged that federal law enforcement officers in military fatigues had been driving around downtown Portland in unmarked vehicles and detaining protestors. It also included specific allegations of the arrest of Mark Pettibone, who was allegedly confronted by armed men dressed in camouflage who took him off the street, pushed him into a van, put him into a cell and read his rights but did not tell him why he was arrested or provide him with a lawyer. He was later released with no paperwork, citation or record of the arrest. The suit consists of claims of violations of the First Amendment rights of Oregonians to protest racial inequality, violations of citizens Fourth and Fifth Amendment rights against unreasonable seizures and violations of due process, and a claim of public nuisance, as well as requested injunctive and declaratory relief.

On July 24, U.S. District Court Judge Michael Mosman denied the states motion for a broad temporary restraining order that would have required federal officers to identify themselves and placed some limitations on their ability to make arrests, finding that the state lacked standing.

Western State Center, Inc. et al v. U.S. Department of Homeland Security et al (3:20-cv-01175)

On July 21, Western State Center (WSC), a public benefit corporation, First Unitarian Church of Portland, a religious nonprofit corporation, an individual legal observer Sara Eddie and Oregon State Representatives Karin A. Power and Janelle Bynum brought suit in the U.S. District Court for the District of Oregon against DHS, Customs and Border Protection, Federal Protective Service, and the Marshals. The complaint describes its purpose as to stop the federal government . . . from depriving Portlanders of the right to be policed solely by those the Constitution permits, and who are accountable to Portlanders and Oregonians and to vindicate the First Amendment rights of a church whose religious practice includes activism and protest in the face of injustice. The complaint alleges that unconstitutional overreach by federal law enforcement has restrained the plaintiffs from exercising their First Amendment rights, violated plaintiffs Fourth Amendment rights and encroached on powers reserved to the State of Oregon in violation of the Tenth Amendment. The plaintiffs seek injunctive and declaratory relief. The case is currently assigned to U.S. Magistrate Judge Jolie A. Russo.

Paul v. Trump et al (3:20-cv-01188)

On July 21, Jeff Paul filed a complaint in the U.S. District Court for the District of Oregon against Donald Trump, Chad Wolf, and John Does 1-100 after Paul was allegedly beaten by federal agents during a Black Lives Matter protest in downtown Portland. He stayed overnight for treatment in the emergency room. The complaint alleged violations of Pauls First Amendment right to freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and freedom to petition the government; violations of his Fourth Amendment rights by using excessive physical force and chemical agents; threatened violations of his First and Fourth Amendment rights and a conspiracy to deprive him of his civil rights in violation of 42 U.S.C. 1983. The plaintiff seeks monetary damages and declaratory and injunctive relief. The case is currently assigned to U.S. Magistrate Judge Stacie F. Beckerman.

Wise et al v. City of Portland et al (3:20-cv-01193)

On July 22, Perkins Coie and the ACLU of Oregon brought a lawsuit in the District Court of Oregon on behalf of individual protest medics against the City of Portland, DHS, the U.S. Marshals Service and individual officers. The complaint is brought by four protest medics who typically display large red crosses on their clothing and provide medical services to demonstrators, including: distributing eye wash and eye wipes to protestors in anticipation of tear gas attacks, offering personal protective equipment so that protestors can observe COVID-19 physical distancing protocols, ensuring that protestors remain adequately hydrated and fed, and rendering direct care when police injure protestors. The plaintiffs allege that officers have intentionally targeted and retaliated against protest medics and injured the individual plaintiffs, including shooting rubber bullets at a medic providing aid to a protester on a bench. The complaint includes civil rights claims under 42 U.S.C. 1983; First Amendment violations; Fourth Amendment violations due to excessive force, false arrest and unreasonable seizure and an Administrative Procedure Act claim that the federal officers conduct in implementing the Executive Order to protect federal monuments and property was arbitrary and capricious. Plaintiffs seek monetary damages and declaratory and injunctive relief. The case has been assigned to U.S. District Court Judge Karin J. Immergut.

Dont Shoot Portland et al v. Chad Wolf et al (1:20-cv-02040)

On July 27, Dont Shoot Portland, Wall of Moms and individual organizers filed suit against DHS, Customs and Border Protection, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, the Federal Protective Service, DOJ, the Marshals and their respective agency leadership in the U.S. District Court for the District of Oregon. The complaint alleges violations of the APA by violation of 40 U.S.C. 1315 and by arbitrary and capricious agency action; violation of plaintiffs First Amendment rights to speech, assembly and petition; violation of plaintiffs Fourth Amendment rights against unreasonable seizure and, in the alternative; violation of plaintiffs Fifth Amendment due process rights; violation of the APA by violation of the Constitution; violation of the Appointments Clause (U.S. Const. art. II, 2, cl. 2), unlawful appointment under 6 U.S.C. 112-113 and/or the Federal Vacancies Reform Act and violation of the APA 5 U.S.C. 706(2). The plaintiffs, a diverse group of women-founded organizations and individual women in Portland, Oregon, who are leading, participating, and standing in solidarity with historic lawful protests against police brutality and in support of Black Lives Matter, request declaratory and injunctive relief. The case has been assigned to U.S. District Court Judge Christopher R. Cooper.

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Litigating the Federal Government's Conduct in Portland Protests - Lawfare

Founding-Era Antislavery and the Overheated Freakout Over Tom Cottons History of Slavery – National Review

(Pixabay)

As John McCormack notes, Tom Cotton may have been awkward in his phrasing, but there is nothing shocking in saying of slavery, As the Founding Fathers said, it was the necessary evil upon which the union was built, but the union was built in a way, as Lincoln said, to put slavery on the course to its ultimate extinction. Jonathan Chait writes:

Cotton seems not to be saying that slavery was necessary in order to get slave owners to accept the union, but that it was necessary to the development of our country. Here, oddly enough, he is recapitulating one of the most important errors in the 1619 Project itself.

There are two ways to read necessary: that slavery was necessary to build the country, or that tolerating the pre-existing institution was necessary because nationwide abolition was politically and perhaps economically and socially infeasible in 1776 or 1787. I agree with Chait that the 1619 Project is off-base in claiming the former; I do not read Cotton as saying that, and the people who are jumping on him over this are, it appears, just people who already hate Tom Cotton.

The formulation that slavery was tolerated as a necessary evil at the time of the Founding, and that the Founders expected (overoptimistically) that it was on an inevitable path to extinction, is a fairly standard one, and mostly an accurate way of putting the more complicated story of Founding-era slavery and anti-slavery into a nutshell. It most accurately captures the views of the Virginia Founders (such as Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and George Mason), who saw slavery as wrong unlike John C. Calhoun and his followers in a later generation, who framed it as a positive good but were unwilling or unable to face the effort to end it. It also accurately captures the view of anti-slavery delegates to the Constitutional Convention, who concluded that it was not worth breaking up the new nation in a vain effort to force the South to abandon slavery immediately.

Was the Constitution designed to put slavery on the course to its ultimate extinction? Here is where things get much more historically contested, but there is much to be said for Lincolns view. While it was the expressed hope of some of its Framers that the institution would be set on that path, the Constitution did not arm the federal government to do so. The new federal government was empowered only to ban the slave trade (as it did in 1807), ban slavery in new, federally administered territory (as it did immediately in 1787, and again to an extent in 1820 and 1850), and ban slavery in the District of Columbia (as it never did before the Civil War). Abolition would, under the Constitution, have to come state by state.

That process seemed underway in 1787: While slavery was legal in every colony before the Revolution, five of the thirteen states had banned slavery under the Articles of Confederation between 1780 and 1784, as did Vermont (then an independent republic) in its 1777 constitution. Even Virginia, after passing a voluntary-manumission law in 1782, had a serious legislative debate in 1785 over abolition. The one directly pro-slavery provision of the new Constitution, which was not in the Articles of Confederation the fugitive slave clause was added only because, when the Articles were drafted in 1776, there were no free states for slaves to escape to.

As Sean Wilentz details in his deeply researched book No Property In Man, the Framers were very careful to preserve the space for states to abolish slavery, and to refer to slaves at all points in the document as people, not property. One example illustrates how the Constitution protected anti-slavery. The Founders were deeply concerned with the sanctity of private property and private contracts. A significant impetus for the Constitutional Convention was debtors revolts and resulting state laws repudiating contracts.

One of the significant restrictions the Constitution placed on states was the first clause of Article I, Section 10: No State shall . . . pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts. Among other things, the Contracts Clause stood as an obstacle to states immediately freeing indentured servants, who had entered into a relationship of servitude of their own free will (however exploitative) for a period of years. They could agree, in order to repay debts, to extend their term of service. States could ban new contracts of this nature, but they could not free people from previously entered contracts.

Slaves were different: They had not consented to be slaves, they were legally treated as property in the same way a horse or a dog was property, and they were bound for life, not for a fixed term. The Fifth Amendment, added in 1791, protected property rights against the federal government, which could not take a mans property without just compensation or without due process of law. But unlike contracts, states were not in any way restricted from taking property not until the Fourteenth Amendment, passed after the national abolition of slavery. What that meant, in practice, was that a state could destroy property rights in slaves by recognizing the slaves as free citizens without offending the Constitution.

That mattered a great deal in New York and New Jersey, the two Northern states that still had significant slave populations in 1787. The abolition of slavery in those two states took place in 1799 and 1804. In both states, there was fierce resistance by slaveholders, who argued that their property rights were being violated. Had the federal Constitution protected property in the way that it protected contracts, abolition in New York and New Jersey would have been impossible.

As it turned out, unfortunately, those were the last dominoes to fall. New free states would be admitted, but no existing state would abolish slavery again until the Civil War not even Delaware, where free black citizens outnumbered slaves ten to one by 1860. The Founders optimism was misplaced. But they did have a plan; it just didnt work out the way they expected.

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Founding-Era Antislavery and the Overheated Freakout Over Tom Cottons History of Slavery - National Review

Victoria Hannan unpacks the many meanings of love – Sydney Morning Herald

Hannan has, she says, long been fascinated by the idea that we are compelled to believe that love has to take certain forms, be it romantic or familial love or simply strong friendships. But things dont always turn out the way we expect, often taking on different shapes, and its then that we often feel we have failed or at least are not very good at it.

"But with this story I wanted to explore an unconventional love story and that the love you find in a friendship can often be longer lasting or more important than romantic love or at least serve a different purpose. They should all complement each other and they can all change and evolve over your life too," she says. "I think theres something quite powerful in understanding that love doesnt have to be one thing."

We initially meet Mina expressing love in what Hannan calls a very conventional way. "But every so often she is reconsidering what that idea of love is and towards the end she gets real shock news from her mother and everything is completely blown out of the water."

When Mina returns home, she turns to her best friend Kira for support; re-encounters another old friend; and finally learns the secret at the heart of her mothers life.

Hannan had herself been living in London for 10 years and writing copy at an agency and working as a freelance photographer. But for the entire time, she had wondered what would be the nature of the phone call that would bring her dashing back to Australia. (In the end it was her fathers diagnosis with Parkinsons.)

One day she went to a karaoke party and one of her friends sang the Beach Boys song Kokomo: "Off the Florida Keys, theres a place called Kokomo / Thats where you want to go to get away from it all/ Bodies in the sand, tropical drink melting in your hand/ Well be falling in love to the rhythm of a steel drum band/ Down in Kokomo."

She was struck by the lyrics and subsequently discovered that far from a tropical paradise, Kokomo was actually an unprepossessing town in Indiana notable for its now-demolished gas tower, a significant crime rate and a Starbucks outlet destroyed by a tornado a few years ago.

"I was fascinated by this idea that we readily and happily believe things to be truths and often dont challenge them. When those two ideas the push and pull (of leaving and staying) and the challenge of who we think people are and who they actually are came together, Kokomo really started to form in my mind."

And she was intrigued by the all-too-common tendency for people to ignore the inescapable fact that their mothers had lives, desires and ideas of their own before they had children.

When Mina returns to Australia, she goes on a rapid voyage of discovery that brings her to what Hannan calls rock bottom.

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"Thats the point where she knows she finally has to talk to her mother. They can dance around it no longer because shes so unsatisfied by all these encounters shes had and what she is really missing is an understanding of her relationship with her mother and how her mothers relationships have affected her."

Hannan is another Australian novelist who has done time in advertising think Carey, Courtenay and, more recently, Robbie Arnott. She found it well-paid but creatively unfulfilling and, at times, morally compromising. She turned to fiction because she wanted to write something on her own terms.

"I felt incredibly lucky to be able to work and write for a living every day and I became so much better at my craft because of it. Robbie Arnott is right about the discipline: you go to work, you have a brief you have to meet, you write a certain number of words to a very strict deadline. I have carried some of that discipline over to my fiction writing, so I have a kind of crazy spreadsheet or word-count targets that I like to hit every day."

When I ask whether Jack, the character Mina is intimately involved with in the opening, is based on a real person he plays a significant albeit distant role in Kokomo she says she has to plead the fifth amendment.

"A lot of those advertising stories have come from real things I either heard about or witnessed in my agency life in London. Id better not say which ones are true because I might get in trouble, but theres definitely some truth in them."

Hannan grew up in Adelaide. "I feel like the two places where we spent most of the time as a family were the library and the art gallery and maybe the botanical gardens. I used to get so bored at the time, but now Im incredibly grateful that my mum would drag us around to those places."

Her mother apparently knew her daughter was going to be a writer when Hannan was only five: "It took me a lot longer to work that out. Maybe shes just saying that now because its happened."

I wondered whether writing Kokomo had changed Hannan. She concedes she did use it to work out her own ideas about love.

"Weve all made mistakes in love and try to understand how those mistakes have made us who we are and how they affect how we love other people too. I think I just became more grateful for the love that I do have in my life, whether thats my family or my friends and it has just made me start to think differently about what I do actually want and need."

Kokomo is published by Hachette at $32.99. Victoria Hannan is a guest at the online Melbourne Writers Festival, August 7-16. mwf.com.au

Jason Steger is Books Editor at The Age and The Sydney Morning Herald

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Victoria Hannan unpacks the many meanings of love - Sydney Morning Herald

Durango man battled COVID-19. Now hes fighting health restrictions – The Journal

Jaime McMillan just overcame a six-week battle with COVID-19, but hes worried health restrictions are now more of a menace to individual liberties and commerce than the virus is to public health.

The only instrument we have to protect individuals liberties is the Constitution. And you cant protect the health and safety of people by doing a shortcut around the Constitution, and this is coming from someone whos survived COVID-19, McMillan said in a phone interview.

The Fifth Amendment, he said, protects people from being deprived of property without due process of the law or without just compensation.

Health restrictions in place by the state, the citys mask ordinances and even guidance from local public health agencies, McMillan says, are now skirting with legal jeopardy as essentially governmental takings from private businesses without compensation and eventually are likely to be challenged in court.

McMillan, a former constitutional law professor, said governmental takings arent confined to eminent domain. The law also protects people and businesses from regulatory takings stemming from enforcement of laws.

I think that the federal government can defend itself because you know, whatever you think about the relief packages, weve printed something like $5 trillion for relief, he said, but when you look at the health restrictions on restaurants from the state, when you look at the mask ordinance by the city, no ones considered compensation.

While McMillan, 53, who battled COVID-19 for six weeks in March and April, said the discussions might seem academic, the problem is festering and getting more serious with each business, like The Palace Restaurant, which has announced it will close its doors.

Theres a click economy and a brick economy, and were in danger of losing our brick economy, he said.

The problems with COVID-19 health restrictions are particularly severe in small towns dependent on small businesses, said McMillan, a Durango investment adviser and former candidate for City Council.

The problem in a rural community like Durango, is theres a big difference in the ability of small businesses to withstand this versus a national chain. Walmart can withstand a diminution of sales that a small business cant. And it seems our governments in the name of public health dont recognize that disparity.

The chance of any lawsuit emerging from a Durango small business or even a Colorado small businesses might be remote, but McMillan believes some small businesses across the nation are likely to challenge COVID-19 health restrictions as takings under the Fifth Amendment.

I think peoples patience will run out at some point. Is anybody going to file a lawsuit? Well, most people dont have the legal knowledge, the time or the budget, but there will be a lawsuit somewhere.

parmijo@durangoherald.com

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Durango man battled COVID-19. Now hes fighting health restrictions - The Journal

From Frying Pan to Fire: Strategic Issues When Reimbursement Disputes Turn Into Criminal Investigations – JD Supra

Early on the morning of June 13, 2017, over one hundred federal agents raided facilities across southern California belonging to behavioral health provider Sovereign Heath. The agents provided search warrants indicating that they were seeking evidence of fraudulent billing and kickbacks. The items sought suggested a potential connection to a civil lawsuit that Sovereign had filed against insurer Health Net for bad faith denial of insurance claims, as well as cross-claims for fraud and kickbacks that Health Net had filed in response. Sovereign eventually collapsed. On May 5, 2020, it filed a federal racketeering lawsuit against Health Net, its parent company Centene Corp., and several of Health Nets outside counsel, accusing them of providing false information to the government in order to induce the investigation and force Sovereign out of business. Dual Diagnosis Treatment Center, Inc., et al. v. Centene Corp., et al., Case No. 2:20-cv-04112 (C.D. Cal.).

While perhaps a dramatic example, the Sovereign case is hardly the only one in recent years in which a private insurer has allegedly encouraged law enforcement to pursue a provider, sometimes while the insurer and provider are engaged in a dispute. For example, beginning in 2016, insurers sued several dialysis providers for paying kickbacks through a charity, while a related DOJ investigation was underway. In October 2018, Blue Cross Blue Shield of Tennessee confirmed that it was cooperating with the Department of Justice in the prosecution of various individuals and companies allegedly involved in a $174 million telemedicine fraud against private insurers. And earlier this month, the Eleventh Circuit affirmed the convictions of two Alabama doctors for defrauding private insurers and others; a Blue Cross Blue Shield employee testified in the trial as a government witness. See United States v. Ruan, Case No. 17-12653.

Criminal cases involving commercial health insurers often proceed in parallel with civil litigation between the payer and provider. In some cases, the payer asserts an overpayment and initiates litigation including fraud claims. In others, the provider sues for non-payment or underpayment, and the insurer either defends or countersues by alleging fraud. However the dispute arises, insurers have become increasingly aggressive in referring fraud claims to law enforcement agencies, including DOJ, in connection with the civil litigation. Often, these referrals are made through the insurers Special Investigative Units and counsel, sometimes with the hope of gaining additional leverage in the dispute. As in any situation featuring overlapping criminal and civil cases, such collaborations between insurers and prosecutors are rife with strategic and procedural landmines for both sides.

One of these critical issues that often arises for the provider in the civil case is whether to assert the Fifth Amendment and refuse to testify. If a provider does so in federal civil court, it can result in the judge or jury drawing adverse inferences that can be devastating to the providers case. Even in the state courts of California or other jurisdictions that prohibit such adverse inferences, asserting the self-incrimination privilege can make it harder for the provider to introduce helpful evidence. But waiving the Fifth Amendment and testifying can provide valuable fodder for the government in the criminal case, which may prove even more dangerous. For that reason, the provider may seek a stay of the civil case until the criminal matter is completed, which may delay resolution of the payment issue but can avoid the self-incrimination dilemma.

On the other side of the coin, the civil proceeding may offer the provider certain advantages in the criminal case. In particular, civil litigation allows for much broader discovery than is generally afforded to criminal defendants. A provider facing parallel cases can use depositions, document requests, and other discovery devices to pin down testimony from key witnesses, extract exculpatory admissions, and obtain documents useful for his defense, all of which might be unavailable in a criminal case. For that reason, the provider might choose risk defeat in the civil case by not pursuing a stay, while the government might instead ask to suspend the civil proceeding. In other cases, the government may not seek a stay, but instead ask the court for a protective order barring discovery of witnesses communications with the government, or other information the disclosure of which could undermine the criminal investigation. See State Compensation Ins. Fund v. Drobot, 2016 WL 3546583 (C.D Cal. Feb. 29, 2016).

The government and payer, too, must be careful in pursuing a coordinated attack. Courts have held that the government may not secretly use a civil proceeding to obtain information for a criminal case. See United States v. Stringer, 521 F.3d 1189 (9th Cir. 2008). In other cases, they have found that the governments excessive direction of a private actors dealings with a criminal defendant render that private actor a government agent, whose actions can violate the defendants constitutional rights. See United States v. Connolly, et al., Case No. 16-cr-370 (S.D.N.Y.) If the government and insurer appear to be working too closely, and one seems to be taking too much direction from the other, a court could find misconduct or perhaps order additional discovery from the insurer in a criminal case. At a minimum, close involvement between the two could provide a line of defense in the criminal case regarding the bias or improper motives of the government. A similar defense was successful in the recent acquittal of a Fitbit executive on criminal trade secrets charges apparently prompted by a competing companys advocacy.

Like anyone who provides information to law enforcement, insurers referring matters to the government must also be both scrupulously accurate and reasonably thorough in their disclosures. If an insurer give false or misleadingly incomplete evidence to the government in order to persuade it to pursue charges against a provider in order to gain a litigation advantage, it could be subject to a claim of malicious prosecution, or even criminal false statements charges under 18 U.S.C. 1001. Such allegations of false accusations provided part of the basis of Sovereign Healths RICO lawsuit against Health Net, discussed above.

While civil disputes and criminal investigations may sometimes mix, particularly in the case of provider-insurer reimbursement disputes, they raise both the stakes and the complexity in both proceedings. Navigating such parallel proceedings requires careful planning and counsel with experience in both the civil and criminal realms.

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From Frying Pan to Fire: Strategic Issues When Reimbursement Disputes Turn Into Criminal Investigations - JD Supra

In defense of the softball interview – Columbia Journalism Review

Dr. Marc Siegel (right) interviews Donald Trump. Screenshot via YouTube

When it came to asking the president about his mental soundness last week, which Fox News reporter extracted the more revealing answer?

First up was Chris Wallace, the tough Fox News Sunday anchor, who said this about the Montreal Cognitive Assessment test that Trump so proudly passed: I took the test too when I heard that you passed it, said Wallace. Its notwell, its not the hardest test. They have a picture, and it says, Whats that? And its an elephant.

A few days later, Dr. Marc Siegel, Fox Newss medical commentator, asked Trump about the same topic, but framed his inquiry this way: Presidential health, or health of the candidate, is going to be on the table. Ive seen a lot about your health, being in good health. What do you think should come outregarding Vice President Biden?

Wallaces question may have been more emotionally satisfying, but it was Siegela commentator prone to adulation of Trumpwho got the more telling answer: a six-minute meander through Trumps thicket of self-diagnosis, during which the president mentioned China, Russia, Ukraine, judicial appointments, the Twenty-fifth Amendment, and, most notably, his ability to recite a string of five words while under observation by medical experts. The camera, trained mostly on Trump, occasionally cut to Siegel, who smiled sweetly and nodded understandingly, barely uttering a word as the president repeated Person, woman, man, camera, TV four times.

After Siegels interview went viral, he went on Tucker Carlsons show to explain his interviewing style: Thats been asked of me a lot: Why didnt you interrupt him on the cognitive question? Well, I was brought up not to interrupt people. Its a sign of respect.

THE MEDIA TODAY: The logistical and ethical challenges of sports reporters restart

Softball questions arent considered a standard part of the journalistic canon. Journalists lionize reporters like Chris Wallaces father, Mike, who once asked the Ayatollah Khomeini how he felt about being called a lunatic, or Oriana Fallaci, whose brutal interview of Henry Kissingerwould become, in his words, the single most disastrous conversation I have ever had with any member of the press.

Theres an important difference between a softball question and the dear-leader sycophancy that a TV personality like Foxs Maria Bartiromo demonstratesmost recently in May, when she asked Trump, Ive never seen anybody take a punch and then get right back up and keep punching. I mean, where does this resilience come from?

None of this means that reporters should avoid difficult questions; theyre essential for many stories. But occasionally, a hard question puts the presidentor someone of his egoon the defensive, while the gentle one prods him to be more candid than he intended.

Two days after the Siegel interview, Trump was back before the cameras at the White House, this time being interviewed by Dave Portnoy, the founder of Barstool Sports. Portnoy can be causticas well as misogynistic and racistbut at the White House, he became a tail-wagging puppy, seeking Trumps approval in return for a morsel or two. And it worked.

After beginning the interview by praising Trump because he didnt fall for an Ali G interview years ago, Portnoy then asked the president how the country can close the divide. It seems like half the country hates the other half. How do we bring it together?

Trumps answer: Success. The best employment numbers in the history of our country. Best stock market weve ever had. Everybody was making a lot of moneyand then China sent us this horrible, bad present.

Portnoys question is as easy as it gets for politicians, most of whom would gush a paean to American history and vow to bring the country together. Not Trump. He cant countenance the idea that the chasm goes beyond the stock or job market to issues of equity, racial justice, or pandemic responses.

As their chat nears its end, Portnoy displays some self-awareness about what hes doing. I feel like so many interviews, theyre always coming from an agenda, positive or negativethey come at you hard, you just come back harder. People say, Is it presidential, is it not? And you just do your thing.

Softball questions dont always work. In March, as the pandemic was shuttering candidates indoors, CNNs Brooke Baldwin tossed this hanging slider to Biden:

Really your strength is in traveling around the country and connecting with people, right. Connecting with voters. Looking them in the eye, a hug, handshake. Especially in these crucial months before the election. And you cant do any of that right now. Mr. Vice President, does that worry you?

Biden parried that one with ease: No, it doesnt worry me. The thing that worries me is whether we get this under control.

An occasional bonus with softball interviews is the surprise shown by reporters when they realize that the guest just unexpectedly delivered actual news. That happened in 2018, when the Stormy Daniels story was gaining steam, and Foxs Sean Hannity hosted Trump lawyer Rudy Giuliani.

Hannity asked about Fusion GPS, a private investigative firm, and the dossier compiled by Christopher Steele on Trumps presidential campaign. For some reason, Giuliani turned the discussion to the $130,000 hush paymentthe one that Trump had denied being involved with. He tells Hannity, That money was not campaign money, sorry. Im giving you a fact that you dont know. Its not campaign money. No campaign finance violation. They funneled it through a law firm, and the president repaid it.

Hannity seemed taken aback by Giulianis candor. Oh, I didnt know that he did. Neither did the rest of the country, until the presidents lawyer blurted it out, to one of his favorite interviewers.

ICYMI: A new media neighborhood for an emerging world

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In defense of the softball interview - Columbia Journalism Review

"It’s the decent thing to do" – News – La Junta Tribune Democrat

Three patients of Pioneer Health Care Center in Rocky Ford who tested positive for COVID-19 (one test is awaiting confirmatory results) have died, Crowley / Otero Health Departments Director Rick Ritter told the Tribune-Democrat Friday. Ritter said the health department gives its condolences to their families.

"Any time this happens we are certainly sorry that they lost a loved one," Ritter said.

COVID-19 cases in Otero County totaled 36 as of Saturday, according to Colorado Public Health and Environment, although Ritter said in a news release that numbers reflected by the state were not up to date. In the same statement, Ritter confirmed that three coronavirus patients at Pioneer Health Care Center in Rocky Ford had died and at the nursing home two staff and a total of 13 patients tested positive for the novel coronavirus. Ritter noted that results of confirmatory tests for some patients were still awaiting results as of Saturday.

Following Gov. Jared Polis's executive order mandating mask use in indoor public facilities July 16, businesses and services have had to crack down on enforcing mask use. Although many businesses and public buildings have posted signs alerting prospective patrons to their mandated enforcement of mask use, others have posted notices that state they will not enforce mask use.

In some instances, the notices make questionable references to the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act, the 4th and 5th Amendments, or other facets of the U.S. Constitution or U.S. law.

Thaxton's Market in Fowler, for example, posted a sign in their window that read, "Due to HIPPA and the 4th Amendment, we cannot legally ask you what your medical condition is."

The sign continued to state that store employees would assume anyone entering without a mask was exempted from the statewide mandate. The Tribune-Democrat called Thaxton's Market last week to inquire about the store policy, but it did not hear back in time for publication.

Arkansas Valley Lumber outside Rocky Ford stirred up controversy when a sign it had posted in its entrance made rounds across local social media groups. The sign declared Arkansas Valley Lumber was no longer a public company and would only accept business from "United States citizens that believe in their constitutional right of freedom from oppression."

A day later, Arkansas Valley Lumber apologized on its official Facebook page and clarified that it would not discriminate against anyone, although it maintained that it would not enforce the use of masks.

Ritter isn't sold on Thaxton's claims or those of others, however.

"There's a lot of information I'm just going to come out and say it disinformation out there," said Ritter.

Ritter noted the statewide mask order makes exemptions for people with health conditions that complicate their breathing, such as asthma or COPD.

But contrary to what some businesses are claiming, a store is not legally prevented from offering patrons masks, nor is a store prohibited from asking someone who claims to have a medical condition that prevents mask use what that condition is, according to attorney to Otero County Nathan Schultz.

"I've seen a lot of people saying they're not going to ask about masks due to HIPPA," said Schultz. "The Fourth Amendment, then one store that says they're not going to ask about masks because of the Fifth Amendment. HIPPA is designed to protect information from covered entities, like doctors and hospitals, from disseminating that information without a release. That has absolutely no bearing on a grocery store. The Fourth Amendment and Fifth Amendment, both, any time you're trying to claim you have constitutional protection, there has to be government action."

Schultz agreed it was possible that some business owners might have conflated HIPPA with the American Disabilities Act, which prohibits discrimination based on disability. But even the American Disabilities Act allows for what Schultz called reasonable inquiry if someone doesn't have an obvious disability.

"I think the stores still have the duty to ask someone to wear a mask," Schultz said. "If they're saying they don't cause of health reasons, you can ask what the health reason is because then the store needs to establish what reasonable accommodations they can make."

Schultz said allowing someone to not wear a mask would probably not be a reasonable accommodation. Instead, though, a store could implement curbside service in such an instance, Schultz suggested.

Schultz said seeing misinformation circulate on social media has been frustrating. Counter to more claims from those opposed to mask use saying the governor's mandate was unlawful or does not have the same effect as law, Gov. Polis's executive order carries the full weight of law, Schultz said.

"Earlier this week, the public health order 20-31 came out, also mandating masks. Public health orders are enforceable by local law enforcement under 25-1-506," said Schultz. "Those can be punished civilly, they can do it administratively where they can pull your business license, or they can do it criminally up to a first degree misdemeanor."

Otero County Sheriff Shawn Mobley said his office will not enforce the mask mandate. Mobley referenced his short staffed department and ongoing criminal investigations. Schultz said he thinks Mobley's decision is okay, but that he was angered by sheriffs from other counties who claimed Polis's law was unconstitutional or did not carry legal weight.

Bent County Sheriffs Office also said in a joint statement with Bent County Public Health that the sheriffs office there would not be enforcing the mask mandate, although they did not provide additional reasoning with their statement.

Otero County will try to utilize civil and administrative means to regulate the mask mandate as opposed to pursuing criminal charges, Schultz said, noting it doesn't do anyone any good to start jailing more people right now.

Another piece of disinformation Schultz wanted to address was that of masks versus the size of COVID-19 particles. Schultz made the distinction that the novel coronavirus that causes COVID-19 is not airborne in the stirctest sense: The viruss primary mode of transmission from host to host is through respiratory particles in other words, spit.

"I'm still seeing a lot of misinformation about the cloth masks themselves," Schultz said. "A lot of people are pointing out micron sizes and all that. This virus has never been airborne, it's transferred through saliva droplets. So the cloth mask does nothing to protect the wearer, it's designed to protect the community from the wearer. So if everyone's wearing a mask, the saliva's less likely to spread to others.

In other words, posts on social media claiming that cloth masks dont stop COVID-19 from passing through them are missing the point, because COVID-19 travels primarily in much larger respiratory droplets that are stopped by a cloth face covering.

Health Director Rick Ritter stressed that many businesses have been compliant with the mask order and that the health department receives numerous calls daily from people looking to improve the safety of their establishments.

Ritter said hes seen people be dismissive of social distancing guidelines and mask use because they dont believe others are taking it seriously.

"To the people saying, 'Well nobody's doing it," that's absolutely wrong," said Ritter. "And that is disrespecting the businesses that are working hard to do what's right, to protect customers, employees, and this is not a hard thing to do, my gosh, we put on pants to cover our lower torso, we put on shirts, and that's not a violation of our constitutional rights.

"If I went out naked on the street, and you can print this, the police would be called. If I said, You can't make me put on pants, that's against my constitutional right to be naked, that wouldn't cut any ice. We're just covering our face and if somebody says, Well you put on pants for decency's sake, I say you put on a mask for decency's sake because you're protecting others.

"A mask is primarily worn to protect others, and that's what I'm saying. These cloth masks, if we all wear them like we're supposed to, it's a kindness to others, it's a consideration for others, and we're going to reduce risk."

Schultz added the health department is working around the clock to try to achieve the best outcome for the community.

Tribune-Democrat reporter Christian Burney can be reached by email at cburney@ljtdmail.com. Help support local journalism by subscribing to the La Junta Tribune-Democrat at lajuntatribunedemocrat.com/subscribenow.

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"It's the decent thing to do" - News - La Junta Tribune Democrat

From Frying Pan to Fire: Strategic Issues When Reimbursement Disputes Turn Into Criminal Investigations – Lexology

Early on the morning of June 13, 2017, over one hundred federal agents raided facilities across southern California belonging to behavioral health provider Sovereign Heath. The agents provided search warrants indicating that they were seeking evidence of fraudulent billing and kickbacks. The items sought suggested a potential connection to a civil lawsuit that Sovereign had filed against insurer Health Net for bad faith denial of insurance claims, as well as cross-claims for fraud and kickbacks that Health Net had filed in response. Sovereign eventually collapsed. On May 5, 2020, it filed a federal racketeering lawsuit against Health Net, its parent company Centene Corp., and several of Health Nets outside counsel, accusing them of providing false information to the government in order to induce the investigation and force Sovereign out of business. Dual Diagnosis Treatment Center, Inc., et al. v. Centene Corp., et al., Case No. 2:20-cv-04112 (C.D. Cal.).

While perhaps a dramatic example, the Sovereign case is hardly the only one in recent years in which a private insurer has allegedly encouraged law enforcement to pursue a provider, sometimes while the insurer and provider are engaged in a dispute. For example, beginning in 2016, insurers sued several dialysis providers for paying kickbacks through a charity, while a related DOJ investigation was underway. In October 2018, Blue Cross Blue Shield of Tennessee confirmed that it was cooperating with the Department of Justice in the prosecution of various individuals and companies allegedly involved in a $174 million telemedicine fraud against private insurers. And earlier this month, the Eleventh Circuit affirmed the convictions of two Alabama doctors for defrauding private insurers and others; a Blue Cross Blue Shield employee testified in the trial as a government witness. See United States v. Ruan, Case No. 17-12653.

Criminal cases involving commercial health insurers often proceed in parallel with civil litigation between the payer and provider. In some cases, the payer asserts an overpayment and initiates litigation including fraud claims. In others, the provider sues for non-payment or underpayment, and the insurer either defends or countersues by alleging fraud. However the dispute arises, insurers have become increasingly aggressive in referring fraud claims to law enforcement agencies, including DOJ, in connection with the civil litigation. Often, these referrals are made through the insurers Special Investigative Units and counsel, sometimes with the hope of gaining additional leverage in the dispute. As in any situation featuring overlapping criminal and civil cases, such collaborations between insurers and prosecutors are rife with strategic and procedural landmines for both sides.

One of these critical issues that often arises for the provider in the civil case is whether to assert the Fifth Amendment and refuse to testify. If a provider does so in federal civil court, it can result in the judge or jury drawing adverse inferences that can be devastating to the providers case. Even in the state courts of California or other jurisdictions that prohibit such adverse inferences, asserting the self-incrimination privilege can make it harder for the provider to introduce helpful evidence. But waiving the Fifth Amendment and testifying can provide valuable fodder for the government in the criminal case, which may prove even more dangerous. For that reason, the provider may seek a stay of the civil case until the criminal matter is completed, which may delay resolution of the payment issue but can avoid the self-incrimination dilemma.

On the other side of the coin, the civil proceeding may offer the provider certain advantages in the criminal case. In particular, civil litigation allows for much broader discovery than is generally afforded to criminal defendants. A provider facing parallel cases can use depositions, document requests, and other discovery devices to pin down testimony from key witnesses, extract exculpatory admissions, and obtain documents useful for his defense, all of which might be unavailable in a criminal case. For that reason, the provider might choose risk defeat in the civil case by not pursuing a stay, while the government might instead ask to suspend the civil proceeding. In other cases, the government may not seek a stay, but instead ask the court for a protective order barring discovery of witnesses communications with the government, or other information the disclosure of which could undermine the criminal investigation. See State Compensation Ins. Fund v. Drobot, 2016 WL 3546583 (C.D Cal. Feb. 29, 2016).

The government and payer, too, must be careful in pursuing a coordinated attack. Courts have held that the government may not secretly use a civil proceeding to obtain information for a criminal case. See United States v. Stringer, 521 F.3d 1189 (9th Cir. 2008). In other cases, they have found that the governments excessive direction of a private actors dealings with a criminal defendant render that private actor a government agent, whose actions can violate the defendants constitutional rights. See United States v. Connolly, et al., Case No. 16-cr-370 (S.D.N.Y.) If the government and insurer appear to be working too closely, and one seems to be taking too much direction from the other, a court could find misconduct or perhaps order additional discovery from the insurer in a criminal case. At a minimum, close involvement between the two could provide a line of defense in the criminal case regarding the bias or improper motives of the government. A similar defense was successful in the recent acquittal of a Fitbit executive on criminal trade secrets charges apparently prompted by a competing companys advocacy.

Like anyone who provides information to law enforcement, insurers referring matters to the government must also be both scrupulously accurate and reasonably thorough in their disclosures. If an insurer give false or misleadingly incomplete evidence to the government in order to persuade it to pursue charges against a provider in order to gain a litigation advantage, it could be subject to a claim of malicious prosecution, or even criminal false statements charges under 18 U.S.C. 1001. Such allegations of false accusations provided part of the basis of Sovereign Healths RICO lawsuit against Health Net, discussed above.

While civil disputes and criminal investigations may sometimes mix, particularly in the case of provider-insurer reimbursement disputes, they raise both the stakes and the complexity in both proceedings. Navigating such parallel proceedings requires careful planning and counsel with experience in both the civil and criminal realms.

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From Frying Pan to Fire: Strategic Issues When Reimbursement Disputes Turn Into Criminal Investigations - Lexology

"It’s the decent thing to do" – News – Ag Journal

Three patients of Pioneer Health Care Center in Rocky Ford who tested positive for COVID-19 (one test is awaiting confirmatory results) have died, Crowley / Otero Health Departments Director Rick Ritter told the Tribune-Democrat Friday. Ritter said the health department gives its condolences to their families.

"Any time this happens we are certainly sorry that they lost a loved one," Ritter said.

COVID-19 cases in Otero County totaled 36 as of Saturday, according to Colorado Public Health and Environment, although Ritter said in a news release that numbers reflected by the state were not up to date. In the same statement, Ritter confirmed that three coronavirus patients at Pioneer Health Care Center in Rocky Ford had died and at the nursing home two staff and a total of 13 patients tested positive for the novel coronavirus. Ritter noted that results of confirmatory tests for some patients were still awaiting results as of Saturday.

Following Gov. Jared Polis's executive order mandating mask use in indoor public facilities July 16, businesses and services have had to crack down on enforcing mask use. Although many businesses and public buildings have posted signs alerting prospective patrons to their mandated enforcement of mask use, others have posted notices that state they will not enforce mask use.

In some instances, the notices make questionable references to the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act, the 4th and 5th Amendments, or other facets of the U.S. Constitution or U.S. law.

Thaxton's Market in Fowler, for example, posted a sign in their window that read, "Due to HIPPA and the 4th Amendment, we cannot legally ask you what your medical condition is."

The sign continued to state that store employees would assume anyone entering without a mask was exempted from the statewide mandate. The Tribune-Democrat called Thaxton's Market last week to inquire about the store policy, but it did not hear back in time for publication.

Arkansas Valley Lumber outside Rocky Ford stirred up controversy when a sign it had posted in its entrance made rounds across local social media groups. The sign declared Arkansas Valley Lumber was no longer a public company and would only accept business from "United States citizens that believe in their constitutional right of freedom from oppression."

A day later, Arkansas Valley Lumber apologized on its official Facebook page and clarified that it would not discriminate against anyone, although it maintained that it would not enforce the use of masks.

Ritter isn't sold on Thaxton's claims or those of others, however.

"There's a lot of information I'm just going to come out and say it disinformation out there," said Ritter.

Ritter noted the statewide mask order makes exemptions for people with health conditions that complicate their breathing, such as asthma or COPD.

But contrary to what some businesses are claiming, a store is not legally prevented from offering patrons masks, nor is a store prohibited from asking someone who claims to have a medical condition that prevents mask use what that condition is, according to attorney to Otero County Nathan Schultz.

"I've seen a lot of people saying they're not going to ask about masks due to HIPPA," said Schultz. "The Fourth Amendment, then one store that says they're not going to ask about masks because of the Fifth Amendment. HIPPA is designed to protect information from covered entities, like doctors and hospitals, from disseminating that information without a release. That has absolutely no bearing on a grocery store. The Fourth Amendment and Fifth Amendment, both, any time you're trying to claim you have constitutional protection, there has to be government action."

Schultz agreed it was possible that some business owners might have conflated HIPPA with the American Disabilities Act, which prohibits discrimination based on disability. But even the American Disabilities Act allows for what Schultz called reasonable inquiry if someone doesn't have an obvious disability.

"I think the stores still have the duty to ask someone to wear a mask," Schultz said. "If they're saying they don't cause of health reasons, you can ask what the health reason is because then the store needs to establish what reasonable accommodations they can make."

Schultz said allowing someone to not wear a mask would probably not be a reasonable accommodation. Instead, though, a store could implement curbside service in such an instance, Schultz suggested.

Schultz said seeing misinformation circulate on social media has been frustrating. Counter to more claims from those opposed to mask use saying the governor's mandate was unlawful or does not have the same effect as law, Gov. Polis's executive order carries the full weight of law, Schultz said.

"Earlier this week, the public health order 20-31 came out, also mandating masks. Public health orders are enforceable by local law enforcement under 25-1-506," said Schultz. "Those can be punished civilly, they can do it administratively where they can pull your business license, or they can do it criminally up to a first degree misdemeanor."

Otero County Sheriff Shawn Mobley said his office will not enforce the mask mandate. Mobley referenced his short staffed department and ongoing criminal investigations. Schultz said he thinks Mobley's decision is okay, but that he was angered by sheriffs from other counties who claimed Polis's law was unconstitutional or did not carry legal weight.

Bent County Sheriffs Office also said in a joint statement with Bent County Public Health that the sheriffs office there would not be enforcing the mask mandate, although they did not provide additional reasoning with their statement.

Otero County will try to utilize civil and administrative means to regulate the mask mandate as opposed to pursuing criminal charges, Schultz said, noting it doesn't do anyone any good to start jailing more people right now.

Another piece of disinformation Schultz wanted to address was that of masks versus the size of COVID-19 particles. Schultz made the distinction that the novel coronavirus that causes COVID-19 is not airborne in the stirctest sense: The viruss primary mode of transmission from host to host is through respiratory particles in other words, spit.

"I'm still seeing a lot of misinformation about the cloth masks themselves," Schultz said. "A lot of people are pointing out micron sizes and all that. This virus has never been airborne, it's transferred through saliva droplets. So the cloth mask does nothing to protect the wearer, it's designed to protect the community from the wearer. So if everyone's wearing a mask, the saliva's less likely to spread to others.

In other words, posts on social media claiming that cloth masks dont stop COVID-19 from passing through them are missing the point, because COVID-19 travels primarily in much larger respiratory droplets that are stopped by a cloth face covering.

Health Director Rick Ritter stressed that many businesses have been compliant with the mask order and that the health department receives numerous calls daily from people looking to improve the safety of their establishments.

Ritter said hes seen people be dismissive of social distancing guidelines and mask use because they dont believe others are taking it seriously.

"To the people saying, 'Well nobody's doing it," that's absolutely wrong," said Ritter. "And that is disrespecting the businesses that are working hard to do what's right, to protect customers, employees, and this is not a hard thing to do, my gosh, we put on pants to cover our lower torso, we put on shirts, and that's not a violation of our constitutional rights.

"If I went out naked on the street, and you can print this, the police would be called. If I said, You can't make me put on pants, that's against my constitutional right to be naked, that wouldn't cut any ice. We're just covering our face and if somebody says, Well you put on pants for decency's sake, I say you put on a mask for decency's sake because you're protecting others.

"A mask is primarily worn to protect others, and that's what I'm saying. These cloth masks, if we all wear them like we're supposed to, it's a kindness to others, it's a consideration for others, and we're going to reduce risk."

Schultz added the health department is working around the clock to try to achieve the best outcome for the community.

Tribune-Democrat reporter Christian Burney can be reached by email at cburney@ljtdmail.com. Help support local journalism by subscribing to the La Junta Tribune-Democrat at lajuntatribunedemocrat.com/subscribenow.

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"It's the decent thing to do" - News - Ag Journal

Watershed White Collar Decision? Assessing the Impact of U.S. v. Connolly One Year Later – JD Supra

A year ago, the talk of the white collar bar was the decision in United States v. Connolly, 2019 WL 2120523 (S.D.N.Y.). Presiding over the case in the Southern District of New York on May 2, 2019, Judge Colleen McMahons decision discussed the boundaries between the role of independent counsel and the government in internal investigations and led some to speculate that it might fundamentally alter how companies conduct internal investigations, particularly as it pertains to cooperating witnesses.

In 2010, Deutsche Bank retained a law firm to conduct an internal investigation into its role in London Inter-bank Offered Rate (LIBOR) manipulation, which was under investigation by the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC), Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the Department of Justice (DOJ). From the beginning, the government made clear to independent counsel that it expected regular updates on the internal investigation. The firm met the governments expectations and provided detailed, weekly updates, and allegedly interviewed specific individuals at the governments request. One such individual was Gavin Black. Black later claimed he had no choice but to agree to the interview, as he was forced to choose between termination by Deutsche Bank and cooperating with the investigation.

The information developed during the firms investigation eventually was submitted to the government in a White Paper, which laid out the findings and what amounted to a roadmap of a case against Deutsche Bank. Deutsche Bank later entered into a deferred prosecution agreement, earning extensive cooperation credit for the breadth of information provided to the government.

In 2016, a grand jury indicted Black on charges of wire fraud, conspiracy to commit wire fraud, and bank fraud in connection with the LIBOR manipulation. Before trial, Black argued that his statements to investigators could not be used against him because they were compelled by the government. The government did not end up using his statements at trial. Black was convicted and then challenged the conviction. Black argued that the banks independent counsel compelled him to answer their questions and, because of its close working relationship with the government, the government in essence compelled his statements in violation of his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination. Black argued that his prosecution was predicated on and infected by those statements because the firm and the government relied on his statements for investigatory leads.1 Judge McMahon agreed that the statements were compelled by conduct attributable to the government. Nevertheless, Judge McMahon upheld the conviction on the basis that the government did not use his statements and they had no effect on the course of events leading to his indictment and conviction.2

Despite the fact that the conviction was ultimately upheld, this ruling sent shockwaves through the white collar bar. In seminar after seminar, panelists questioned whether the decision changed how to seek out information during an internal investigation and, perhaps more importantly, how to coordinate with the government while seeking cooperation credit on behalf of corporate targets.3 Legal publications have suggested the decision could lead to meaningful changes and a shift in the way companies conduct internal investigations.

So far, Connolly has not turned out to be such a watershed decision. To date, no other court has reached the same conclusion Judge McMahon reached in Connolly concerning statements given by an employee in an internal corporate investigation. To the contrary, other courts have rejected similar arguments.4 And, corporate targets have continued to coordinate with the government in order to seek cooperation credit. The government has continued to demand such cooperation. Although there is no doubt that cooperation with federal enforcement authorities remains a thorny issue, the Connolly decision has not materially impacted this balancing act.

Cooperation with federal authorities can yield substantial concessions and benefits in reaching a resolution. The Justice Manual, which guides the Department of Justices enforcement principles, contains an entire section on The Value of Cooperation. At the same time, though, the goal of the independent investigation should be to uncover the truth and identify a root cause so that a company can make the right decisions about remediation and, yes, even whether to cooperate with the government. Ultimately, while there can be value to cooperation, the goal is not simply to act at the governments behest. Skilled white collar practitioners, including former prosecutors and enforcement attorneys, are well-positioned to avoid the pitfalls of interacting with the government and guiding clients through the attendant challenges.

FOOTNOTES

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Watershed White Collar Decision? Assessing the Impact of U.S. v. Connolly One Year Later - JD Supra