Volokh Conspiracy: Constitutional and property law scholars amicus brief in Horne v. Dept. of Agriculture the raisin …

I am part of a group of constitutional and property law scholars who have filed an amicus brief in, Horne v. Dept. of Agriculture, an important Supreme Court case that will determine whether a federal program that forces owners to turn over large quantities of raisins to the government creates a taking that requires compensation under the Fifth Amendment. The brief is available here.

The Ninth Circuit court of appeals rejected the owners claim in large part because it concluded that the just compensation requirement of the Takings Clause affords less protection to personal [property] such as the raisins, than to real property (real property is the legal term for property in land).

Our brief points out what should have been obvious from the start: the text, history, and original meaning of the Takings Clause Fifth Amendment does not distinguish between real and personal property. The text specifically references private property generally, and is not limited to any particular type of property right. Nor does it indicate that one type is given less protection than another. Moreover, as we note, the desire to protect personal property against government requisitions was one of the main reasons why the Takings Clause and similar provisions in state constitutions were adopted in the first place. Modern Supreme Court precedent also makes clear that personal property is protected against uncompensated seizure, no less than real property.

The federal government also claims that there is no taking because the owners of the raisins benefit from the program that mandates their seizure. The purpose of the program is to artifically reduce the supply of raisins on the market, thereby creating a cartel that benefits producers. We point out that such benefits might reduce the amount of compensation the government owes. But it does not change the fact that a taking has occurred. Otherwise, the government could avoid paying full compensation in numerous other cases where property is taken by the state for purposes that might benefit the owners in some way. For example, if part of a coastal property is used by the government to build a military base, the owner may derive some benefit from the construction, because his remaining land may be more secure against attack. But that does not mean no taking has occurred, or that he is not entitled to full market value compensation.

The other signers include prominent academic experts on constitutional property rights, including my James Ely (Vanderbilt, author of The Guardian of Every Other Right: A Constitutional History of Property Rights), Nicole Garnett (Notre Dame), and my George Mason University colleague Adam Mossoff, among others.

Horne is one of the rare cases that that has gone to the Supreme Court twice. In 2013, the Court unanimously rejected the federal governments claim that the property owners should not even be allowed to present their Takings Clause argument in federal court without first paying some $483,000 in fines and pursuing various likely futile administrative remedies.

Ilya Somin is Professor of Law at George Mason University. His research focuses on constitutional law, property law, and popular political participation. He is the author of "The Grasping Hand: Kelo v. City of New London and the Limits of Eminent Domain" (forthcoming) and "Democracy and Political Ignorance: Why Smaller Government is Smarter."

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Volokh Conspiracy: Constitutional and property law scholars amicus brief in Horne v. Dept. of Agriculture the raisin ...

Volokh Conspiracy: Federal court rejects Third Amendment claim against police officers

Back in 2013, a lot of attention focused on a Third Amendment claim against Henderson, Nevada police officers. I wrote about the case here. The Third Amendment, which forbids the quartering of soldiers in private homes without the owners consent, is often the butt of jokes because it is so rarely litigated. But in this case, a Nevada family claimed that local police had violated the Amendment by forcibly occupying their home in order to gain a tactical advantage against suspected criminals in the neighboring house.

In this recent ruling, federal district court Judge Andrew Gordon dismissed the Third Amendment claim [HT: VC reader Sean Flaim]. Although it occurred several weeks ago, the ruling seems to have gotten very little attention from either the media or legal commentators outside Nevada. That is unfortunate, because the ruling raises important issues about the scope of the Third Amendment, and its applicability against state and local governments. A Here are the key passages from the opinion:

In the present case, various officers of the HPD and NLVPD entered into and occupied Lindas and Michaels home for an unspecified amount of time (seemingly nine hours), but certainly for less than twenty-four hours. The relevant questions are thus whether municipal police should be considered soldiers, and whether the time they spent in the house could be considered quartering. To both questions, the answer must be no.

I hold that a municipal police officer is not a soldier for purposes of the Third Amendment. This squares with the purpose of the Third Amendment because this was not a military intrusion into a private home, and thus the intrusion is more effectively protected by the Fourth Amendment. Because I hold that municipal officers are not soldiers for the purposes of this question, I need not reach the question of whether the occupation at issue in this case constitutes quartering, though I suspect it would not.

This reasoning is very plausible and quite possibly correct. But it may too readily conclude that municipal police can never be considered soldiers for purposes of the Amendment. When the Amendment was enacted in 1791, there were virtually no professional police of the sort we have today. The distinction between military and law enforcement officials was far less clear than in the world of 2015. Moreover, many parts of the Bill of Rights were in part of inspired by abuses committed by British troops attempting to enforce various unpopular laws enacted by Parliament.

A second complicating factor is the increasing militarization of police forces in many parts of the country, which has resulted in cops using weapons and tactics normally associated with military forces. If a state or local government decides to quarter a SWAT team in a private home, it is not clear whether that is meaningfully different from placing a National Guard unit there.

In sum, Judge Gordon may well be right that the officers involved in this case are not plausibly considered soldiers under the Third Amendment. But he is too quick to conclude that no municipal police officer could ever qualify as such.

The issue of how long the soldiers (or militarized police) have to stay in a private home before their occupation of it qualifies as quartering is also a tough question. Without actually resolving the issue, Judge Gordon suspects that a 9 to 24 hour period is too short. I am not convinced. It seems to me that spending one night in the house does qualify as quartering, albeit for only a brief period. Just as the First Amendment covers even brief restrictions on freedom of speech and the Fifth Amendment requires compensation for the taking of even small amounts of private property, so the Third Amendment forbids even brief involuntary quartering of troops in private homes.

It is also worth noting that the Third Amendment is (along with the Seventh Amendment) one of the few parts of the Bill of Rights that has not yet been incorporated against state governments by the Supreme Court. Judge Gordon follows a 1982 Second Circuit decision in concluding that the Amendment does apply to state governments. I think that is almost certainly the right conclusion. Over the last few decades, leading scholars on different sides of the political spectrum have converged on the conclusion that the Fourteenth Amendment was originally understood to incorporate all of the individual rights protected by the Bill of Rights. It would be anomalous for courts to refuse to apply the Third Amendment to the states when almost all of the rest of the Bill of Rights does apply to them. A future Supreme Court decision on the subject would need to address the issue in more detail than Judge Gordon gives it here.

The difficult issues raised by the militarization of police forces suggest that it may be time to stop treating the Third Amendment as just a punchline for clever legal humor. Contrary to popular belief, there have been some egregious violations of the Amendment in the past, and we should not be too quick to assume such things wont recur.

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Volokh Conspiracy: Federal court rejects Third Amendment claim against police officers

Appeals court to hear sailor's case that pits military rules against 5th Amendment

WASHINGTON (Tribune News Service) Seaman Nancy L. Castillo was already in hot water with the Navy when she was busted near Bremerton, Wash., for suspected drunken driving.

What didnt happen next has now brought Castillos case all the way from Washingtons Kitsap County to the nations highest military court.

On Wednesday, in a dispute potentially important to myriad servicemembers, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces will consider whether the Navy can require sailors to self-report civilian criminal charges, despite the Fifth Amendments protection against self-incrimination.

The self-reporting requirement provides a real and appreciable danger of legal detriment, Castillos defense attorney, Navy Lt. Carrie E. Theis, argued in a brief, adding that it is reasonable for a service member to believe that disclosing would lead to incriminating evidence.

Theis, who declined to comment Tuesday, has some support for her argument, although in the end she may be going against the tide in a court respectful of military discipline.

In a 2009 case also involving an unreported drunken driving charge filed against an East Coast-based Navy enlisted man, a divided U.S. Navy-Marine Corps Court of Criminal Appeals concluded a self-reporting requirement covering alcohol arrests violated the Fifth Amendment.

The Navy-Marine Corps court noted that a self-reporting rule demands the revelation, directly or indirectly, of facts relating a service member to an offense. The higher-ranked U.S. Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces also struck down the rule concerning alcohol offenses, although not on constitutional grounds.

The appellate court could also on Wednesday try to resolve Castillos case without digging deep into the Fifth Amendment.

Navy Secretary Ray Mabus, a former governor of Mississippi, issued new regulations in July 2010. Sailors must now report the basic civilian charges, but not all the factual details. For doing so, they receive Navy immunity unless military investigators independently obtain evidence.

Arrest records are not covered by the Fifth Amendment privilege, Marine Corps Capt. Matthew H. Harris wrote in a brief for the Navy, adding that the fact that (Castillo) was arrested and charged, by itself, could never form the basis for prosecution against her.

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Appeals court to hear sailor's case that pits military rules against 5th Amendment

Former sailor fights Navy rules on civilian offenses

WASHINGTON Machinists Mate Fireman Nancy L. Castillo was already in hot water with the Navy when she was busted near Bremerton, Wash., for suspected drunken driving.

What didnt happen next has now brought Castillos case all the way from Washingtons Kitsap County to the nations highest military court.

On Wednesday, in a dispute potentially important to myriad service members, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces will consider whether the Navy can require sailors to self-report civilian criminal charges, despite the Fifth Amendments protection against self-incrimination.

The self-reporting requirement . . . provides a real and appreciable danger of legal detriment, Castillos defense attorney, Navy Lt. Carrie E. Theis, argued in a brief, adding that it is reasonable for a service-member to believe that disclosing would lead to incriminating evidence.

Theis, who declined to comment Tuesday, has some support for her argument, although in the end she may be going against the tide in a court respectful of military discipline.

In a 2009 case also involving an unreported drunken driving charge filed against an East Coast-based Navy enlisted man, a divided U.S. Navy-Marine Corps Court of Criminal Appeals concluded a self-reporting requirement covering alcohol arrests violated the Fifth Amendment.

The Navy-Marine Corps court noted that a self-reporting rule demands the revelation, directly or indirectly, of facts relating a service member to an offense. The higher-ranked U.S. Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces also struck down the rule concerning alcohol offenses, although not on constitutional grounds.

The appellate court could also on Wednesday try to resolve Castillos case without digging deep into the Fifth Amendment.

Navy Secretary Ray Mabus, a former governor of Mississippi, issued new regulations in July 2010. Sailors must now report the basic civilian charges, but not all the factual details. For doing so, they receive Navy immunity unless military investigators independently obtain evidence.

Arrest records are not covered by the Fifth Amendment privilege, Marine Corps Capt. Matthew H. Harris wrote in a brief for the Navy, adding that the fact that (Castillo) was arrested and charged, by itself, could never form the basis for prosecution against her.

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Former sailor fights Navy rules on civilian offenses

Kelly Clarkson Dishes on Justin Guarini, Miley Cyrus on 'Watch What Happens Live'

Kelly Clarkson is hardly shy when it comes to how candid she'll get in an interview. So when she sat down on Thursday night's Watch What Happens Live, with a glass of wine, the "Heartbeat Song" singer was characteristically real.

She and host Andy Cohen shared a few laughs during a game of "Plead the Fifth" on the late-night Bravo talk show. Needless to say, Clarkson didn't use her Fifth Amendment rights during the conversation.

Kelly Clarkson's Response After Online Bullying? 'I'm Awesome!'

Cohen first asked the singer about her 2013 tweet during which she referred to "#pitchystrippers" during that year's VMAs.

"I never said Miley Cyrus. The fact that I tweeted 'pitchy stripper' and people said Miley Cyrus is not my problem," she said. "I'm just saying. I never said Miley Cyrus, my man. Everyone else said Miley Cyrus. I'm not saying who it was."

Kelly Clarkson Q&A: The Pop Superstar on 'Piece By Piece,' Recording While Pregnant & Bringing a Crib on Her Tour Bus

Additionally, Clarkson was open about her past dating fellow season one American Idol contestant Justin Guarini, who first confirmed their past as a couple last year.

"We didn't date during Idol," Clarkson clarified. "We did date. I feel like we weren't dating through the movie [From Justin to Kelly]. We did date a little bit. I think any two people who were thrown together that much... guy, girl, you put 'Timeless,' that song from From Justin to Kelly, you can't fight it!"

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Kelly Clarkson Dishes on Justin Guarini, Miley Cyrus on 'Watch What Happens Live'

Bill of Rights in Action: Due Process of Law – 1971 Educational Film – S88TV1 – Video


Bill of Rights in Action: Due Process of Law - 1971 Educational Film - S88TV1
An open-ended film in which lawyers present their arguments concerning the due process of law clause of the fifth amendment during a hearing to reinstate a s...

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Bill of Rights in Action: Due Process of Law - 1971 Educational Film - S88TV1 - Video

Bill of Rights in Action: The Privilege Against Self-Incrimination – 1972 Educational Film – S88TV1 – Video


Bill of Rights in Action: The Privilege Against Self-Incrimination - 1972 Educational Film - S88TV1
A legal argument in a futuristic setting in which a "Truth Machine" extracts past actions by reading minds. The film explains that the Fifth amendment protec...

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Bill of Rights in Action: The Privilege Against Self-Incrimination - 1972 Educational Film - S88TV1 - Video

Due Process of Law, Bill of Rights in Action – 1971 Social Guidance – Val73TV – Video


Due Process of Law, Bill of Rights in Action - 1971 Social Guidance - Val73TV
An open-ended film in which lawyers present their arguments concerning the due process of law clause of the fifth amendment during a hearing to reinstate a s...

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Due Process of Law, Bill of Rights in Action - 1971 Social Guidance - Val73TV - Video

Facing criminal investigations, Cylvia Hayes asserts Fifth Amendment rights in hopes of keeping emails private

Cylvia Hayes is asserting her constitutional right against self-incrimination in an attempt to block the release of work-relatedemails she sent from her personal accounts.

Hayes asserted that right in a lawsuit filed Thursday against The Oregonian/OregonLive in Marion County Circuit Court. She has been under a state order to turn the emails over to the news organization.

That order is one of the several legal fronts on which Hayes and her fiance, former Gov. John Kitzhaber, are battling. The couple is the target of a joint investigation by the FBI and the IRS, which have sought records from 11 state agencies and organizations, and a separate state criminal investigation.

The lawsuit is the only legal remedy open to Hayes to escape complying with Oregon Attorney General Ellen Rosenblum's order that she turn over the emails.

The Oregonian/OregonLive first requested that Kitzhaber's office provide Hayes' state-related emails as questions arose last October about her consulting work and her roles as first lady and as a volunteer policy adviser to Kitzhaber. His staff repeatedly said it was working on complying with the request, but said in January it had no access to Hayes' records.

Rosenblum subsequently granted a petition from the news organization that she order Hayes to provide the records. Rosenblum ruled Feb.12 that Hayes was a public official subject to the Oregon Public Records Law.

As first lady and a volunteer policy adviser, Hayes regularly communicated with state employees and agency leaders through two personal email accounts and one from her Bend-based consulting business, 3E Strategies. In court filings she said she wasn't issued a state email account because she wasn't an employee.

Hayes and her attorney, Whitney Boise, argued in the lawsuit the same point they had made with Rosenblum - that Hayes is not subject to the state public records law because she is not a public official.

Rosenblum concluded otherwise, writing that she was persuaded that the former first lady earned public official status from her "extensive, high-level involvement in the executive branch of Oregon's state government."

The order noted that Hayes had said she asked for a state email but was ineligible without employee status.

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Facing criminal investigations, Cylvia Hayes asserts Fifth Amendment rights in hopes of keeping emails private

Cylvia Hayes claims right against self-incrimination to block emails as feds scrutinize Kitzhaber fiancee

Cylvia Hayes has claimed her constitutional Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination while suing to block release of emails related to her state-related activities.

In a lawsuit filed Thursday against The Oregonian/OregonLive in Marion County Circuit Court, the fiance of former Gov. John Kitzhaber also repeatsearlier assertions that she is not a public official.

In an earlier public records order, Attorney General Ellen Rosenblumrejected Hayes' arguments in ordering her to release the records. The order responded to a petition by The Oregonian/OregonLive under the state's public records law.

In her lawsuit, her lawyer, Whitney Boise, adds a new argument. "Under the Oregon and United States constitutions, ordering Ms. Hayes to provide documents that are related to the conduct of public business compels her to admit that responsive emails exist, are in her control, and authenticate that the email relates to state business, violating her right against self-incrimination ... Ms. Hayes' constitutional rights supersede the Oregon Public Records Law."

Invoking Hayes' right against self-incrimination suggests there is a plausible argument that the information could be used as a link in a chain of evidence against her, said Tung Yin, a criminal law expert who teaches at Lewis & Clark Law School. But it doesn't necessarily mean the emails contain "smoking guns"

-- Nick Budnick and Laura Gunderson nbudnick@oregonian.com lgunderson@oregonian.com 503-294-5083 503-221-8378 @nickbudnick @LGunderson

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Cylvia Hayes claims right against self-incrimination to block emails as feds scrutinize Kitzhaber fiancee

Hayes goes to court to block release of emails

Former first lady Cylvia Hayes is asking a court to block release of her emails in response to a Jan. 29 public records request made by The Oregonian newspaper.

Hayes asserted her Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination in a court document filed Wednesday, Feb. 25, and stated that her Constitutional rights supercede Oregon public records law.

The complaint filed by Hayes attorney in Marion County Circuit Court also restated many of her previous arguments against the records release, which the Oregon Department of Justice rejected early this month. It included the claim that Hayes was never a public official and therefore her emails are not subject to the states public records law.

According to Hayes attorney, Whitney P. Boise, Any functions Hayes performed for the state were unpaid and largely advisory or ceremonial in nature. Hayes is engaged to marry former Gov. John Kitzhaber and for most of Kitzhabers third term, Hayes served as an unpaid adviser on state energy and economic development policy. Kitzhaber resigned Feb. 18 amid state and federal criminal investigations into allegations that Hayes used her position for financial gain.

Private email accounts

The Oregonian newspaper sought Hayes emails concerning state business received or sent by Hayes after Jan. 1, 2011. The newspaper also requested emails specifically containing the phrase first lady or the acronym FLO that Hayes sent, received or was copied.

Hayes used several private email accounts to correspond with public employees regarding state policy, travel arrangements and her private consulting business. She never had a state email account, and instead used a Gmail account with the signature Cylvia Hayes First Lady State of Oregon.

On Feb. 12 the Oregon attorney generals office ordered Hayes to turn over the emails, after The Oregonian filed a petition seeking the records. Hayes opposed that petition and argued that she was not a public official and thus not subject to Oregon public records laws. Deputy Attorney General Frederick M. Boss rejected that argument.

It is clear that Ms. Hayes worked extensively on government matters, and did at least some of that work by email, Boss wrote in the Feb. 12 order.

Records already released to the Pamplin Media Group/EO Media Group Capital Bureau and other news organizations have revealed Hayes directed the work of state employees, including at least one executive level employee.

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Hayes goes to court to block release of emails

Nita Farahany: In the future, could brain imaging be used as legal evidence?

(Jon Olav Eikenes via Flickr | http://bit.ly/1BOh016 Rights information: http://bit.ly/NL51dk)

Brain imaging can already pull bits of information from the minds of willing volunteers in laboratories. What happens when police or lawyers want to use it to pry a key fact from the mind of an unwilling person?

Will your brain be protected under the Fourth Amendment from unreasonable search and seizure?

Or will your brain have a Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination?

These are issues the United States Supreme Court is going to have to resolve, said Nita Farahany, a professor of law and philosophy at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina, who specializes in bioethical issues.

Those legal choices are likely decades away, in part because the exacting, often finicky process of functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) could be thwarted if a reluctant person so much as swallowed at the wrong time. Also, a brain exam couldnt be admitted in court unless it worked well enough to meet the legal standards for scientific evidence.

Still, the progress being made in brain decoding is so intriguing that legal scholars and neuroscientists couldnt resist speculating during a law and memory session earlier this month at the annual conference of the American Association for the Advancement of Science in San Jose, California.

Our brains are constantly sorting, storing and responding to stimuli. As researchers figure out exactly where and how the brain encodes information, the fMRI also becomes a tool that can decode that information. The fMRI can identify the portions of the brain that are active, based on the increased quantity of freshly oxygenated blood they draw. Already, brain decoding can perform a version of that old magicians trick guess what card someone is looking at with better than 90 percent accuracy, University of California, Berkeley neuroscientist Jack Gallant told the group.

Farahany predicts that like most new science, brain decoding will break into the courtroom for the first time through a cooperative witness, someone who wants to use it to advance his or her case.

Stanford University law professor Henry Greely, who moderated the Feb. 13 law and memory session, suggested that a court might be especially open to novel techniques during the sentencing hearing in a death penalty case.

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Nita Farahany: In the future, could brain imaging be used as legal evidence?

Charlottesville Commonwealth's Attorney files nolle prosequi motion against Jesse Matthew

NEWS Dave Chapman says city, county prosecution violates Fifth Amendment by Caelainn Carney and Will Marshall | Feb 12 2015 | 19 hours ago

Charlottesville Commonwealths Attorney Dave Chapman filed a motion of nolle prosequi Tuesday in the case against Jesse Matthew and the disappearance and murder of second-year College student Hannah Graham, thereby handing the prosecution over to Albemarle County Commonwealths Attorney Denise Lunsford.

The motion, which represents a prosecutors willing decision not to pursue charges before the defendant goes to trial or receives a verdict, was filed in order to comply with the Double Jeopardy Clause of the Fifth Amendment.

The clause stipulates that a defendant cannot be tried for the same offense more than once. Specifically, the same evidence cannot be used to try a person repeatedly for a specific crime.

According to the motion filed with the General District Court in Charlottesville, the citys Commonwealths Attorney requested the charge be dropped because Matthew has already been charged with abduction with intent to defile in Albemarle County.

The prosecution of [Mr. Matthew] for [the pending charge] is duplicative and likely to become barred by the Double Jeopardy Clause of the Fifth Amendment, the motion states.

Chapman said the court jurisdictions overlapped between Albemarle and Charlottesville because Matthew was originally charged in Charlottesville, but Grahams body was later found in a field in Albemarle County.

Chapman said trying Matthew in Albemarle was a way of consolidating the relevant evidence and charges in a way that is preferable for the Commonwealth.

[It is] both efficient and appropriate in terms of the law and the justice process, he said.

Miriam Dickler, director of communications for the City of Charlottesville, said this kind of motion is fairly standard. She said there was never a charge for homicide or murder in the City of Charlottesville and the jurisdiction where remains are found is usually the one that takes the case.

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Charlottesville Commonwealth's Attorney files nolle prosequi motion against Jesse Matthew

"Fifth Amendment" Defined & Explained – Free Legal Forms …

PREMIUM LEGAL RESOURCES LEGAL FORMS ASK A LAWYER

'No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb, nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation.'

The Fifth Amendment 'can be asserted in any proceeding, civil or criminal, administrative or judicial, investigatory or adjudicatory; and it protects against any disclosures which the witness reasonably believes could be used in a criminal prosecution or could lead to other evidence that might be so used.' Kastigar v. U.S., 406 U.S. 441, 44-45 ('72). A reasonable belief that information concerning income or assets might be used to establish criminal failure to file a tax return can support a claim of Fifth Amendment privilege. See U.S. v. Rendahl, 746 F.2d 553, 55-56 (9th Cir.'84).

The only way the Fifth Amendment can be asserted as to testimony is on a question-by-question basis. Rendahl, 746 F.2d at 555, citing with approval U.S. v. Bell, 448 F.2d 40, 42 (9th Cir.'71) (Fifth Amendment challenge premature on appeal from enforcement order; appellant must present himself for questioning after enforcement and as to each question elect to raise or not to raise the defense).

The appropriate device for compelling answers to incriminating questions is a government grant of use immunity. See Sharp, 920 F.2d at 1172.

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Fifth Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland – Wikipedia …

The Fifth Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland removed from the constitution a controversial reference to the "special position" of the Roman Catholic Church as well as recognition of certain other named religious denominations. It was effected by the Fifth Amendment of the Constitution Act, 1972 which was approved by referendum on 7 December 1972 and signed into law on 5 January 1973.

In drafting the Irish constitution in 1936 and 1937, amon de Valera and his advisers chose to reflect what had been a contemporary willingness by constitution drafters and lawmakers in Europe to mention and in some ways recognise religion in explicit detail. This contrasted with many 1920s constitutions, notably the Irish Free State Constitution of 1922, which, following the secularism of the initial period following the First World War, simply prohibited any discrimination based on religion or avoided religious issues entirely.

De Valera, his advisers (Fr. John Charles McQuaid, the future Archbishop of Dublin), and the men who put words to de Valera's concepts for the constitution (John Hearne and Mchel Grobhtha) faced conflicting demands in his drafting of the article on religion.

De Valera's solution was Article 44. In contemporary terms, it marked a defeat for conservative Catholics, and Pope Pius XI explicitly withheld his approval from it:

Though perceived in retrospect as a sectarian article, Article 44 was praised in 1937 by leaders of Irish Protestant churches (notably the Church of Ireland Archbishop of Dublin) and by Jewish groups. Conservative Catholics condemned it as "liberal".

When the contents of Article 44 were put to Pope Pius XI by Cardinal Eugenio Pacelli (then Cardinal Secretary of State, later Pope Pius XII), the pope stated in diplomatic language: "We do not approve, nor do we not disapprove we will remain silent".[citation needed] It was said that the Vatican was privately more appreciative of the constitution, and Pius XII later praised it.[1]

By 1972 an article once condemned by critics as liberal and indeed by some as offensive to Catholicism, had come to be seen as out of place, dated, and potentially discriminatory to Protestants. The "special position" of the Catholic Church had granted to that church, albeit in an undefined manner, was a special status that was out of step with post-Vatican II Catholic thinking on the relationships between the churches. The Protestant churches, though they had declined in adherents, were more outspoken and willing to express their unhappiness than they had been in the Ireland of the 1920s and 1930s, when many were fearful that criticism of the Irish state would be seen as criticism of Irish independence and so implicitly a preference for the British regime that had ruled Ireland before 1922.

In addition, in the rapprochement between Northern Ireland and what was by then known as the Republic of Ireland, many southerners perceived the "special position" as a barrier between a north-south relationship and even a potential source of discrimination against minorities. In addition the explicit recognition of certain denominations was seen as unnecessary because of the provisions Article 44.2, which contains guarantees of freedom of worship and against religious discrimination. Though the changes shown above are those made to the English-language version of the constitution, constitutionally it is the Irish text that takes precedence.

This Fifth Amendment was introduced by the Fianna Fil government of Jack Lynch and supported by every other major political party. The Catholic Church did not voice any objection to the amendment, but it was opposed by some conservative Catholics. Some leading members of the Church of Ireland and the Jewish Community said during the campaign that while they appreciated the Article's recognition of their existence (and in the case of the Jewish Community, their right to exist, in contrast to anti-Jewish laws in other states) in 1937, it was no longer needed in the 1970s and had lost its usefulness.

The referendum on the amendment occurred on the same day as the referendum on the Fourth Amendment which lowered the voting age to eighteen. The Fifth Amendment was approved by 721,003 (84.4%) in favour and 133,430 (15.6%) against.

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Fifth Amendment of the Constitution of Ireland - Wikipedia ...