With Suleimani Assassination, Trump Is Doing the Bidding of Washington’s Most Vile Cabal – The Intercept

While the media focus for three years of the Trump presidency has centered around Russia collusion and impeachment, the most dangerous collusion of all was happening right out in the open the Trump/Saudi/Israel/UAE drive to war with Iran.

On August 3, 2016 just three months before Donald Trump would win the Electoral College vote and ascend to power Blackwater founder Erik Prince arranged a meeting at Trump Tower. For decades, Prince had been agitating for a war with Iran and, as early as 2010, had developed a fantastical proposal for using mercenaries to wage it.

At this meeting was George Nader, an American citizen who had a long history of being a quiet emissary for the United States in the Middle East. Nader, who had also worked for Blackwater and Prince, was a convicted pedophile in the Czech Republic and is facing similar allegations in the United States. Nader worked as an adviser for the Emirati royals and has close ties to Mohammed bin Salman, the Saudi crown prince.

There was also an Israeli at the Trump Tower meeting: Joel Zamel. He was there supposedly pitching a multimillion-dollar social media manipulation campaign to the Trump team. Zamels company, Psy-Group, boasts of employing former Israeli intelligence operatives. Nader and Zamel were joined by Donald Trump Jr. According to the New York Times, the purpose of the meeting was primarily to offer help to the Trump team, and it forged relationships between the men and Trump insiders that would develop over the coming months, past the election and well into President Trumps first year in office.

One major common goal ran through the agendas of all the participants in this Trump Tower meeting: regime change in Iran. Trump campaigned on belligerence toward Iran and trashing the Obama-led Iran nuclear deal, and he has followed through on those threats, filling his administration with the most vile, hawkish figures in the U.S. national security establishment. After appointing notorious warmonger John Bolton as national security adviser, Trump fired him last September. But despite reports that Trump had soured on Bolton because of his interventionist posture toward Iran, Boltons firing merely opened the door for the equally belligerent Mike Pompeo to take over the administrations Iran policyat the State Department. Now Pompeo is the public face of the Suleimani assassination, while for his part, the fired Bolton didnt want to be left out of the gruesome victory lap:

Trump, who had no idea who Qassim Suleimani was until it was explained to him live on the radio by conservative journalist Hugh Hewitt in 2015, didnt seem to need many details to know that he wanted to crush the Iranian state.

Much as the neoconservatives came to power in 2001 after the election of George W. Bush with the goal of regime change in Iraq, Trump in his bumbling way assembled a team of extremists who viewed him as their best chance of wiping the Islamic Republic of Iran off the map.

While Barack Obama provided crucial military and intelligence support for Saudi Arabias scorched earth campaign in Yemen, which killed untold numbers of civilians, Trump escalated that mass murder in a blatant effort to draw Iran militarily into a conflict. That was the agenda of the gulf monarchies and Israel, and it coincided neatly with the neoconservative dreams of overthrowing the Iranian government. As the U.S. and Saudi Arabia intensified their military attacks in Yemen, Iran began to insert itself more and more forcefully into Yemeni affairs, though Tehran was careful not to be tricked into offering this Trump/Saudi/UAE/Israel coalition a justification for wider war.

Protesters shout slogans against the United States and Israel as they hold posters with the image of top Iranian commander Qassim Suleimani, who was killed in a U.S. airstrike in Iraq, and Iranian President Hassan Rouhani during a demonstration in the Kashmiri town of Magam on Jan. 3, 2020.

Photo: Tauseef Mustafa/AFP/Getty Images

Assassination has been a central component of U.S. policy for many decades, though it has been whitewashed and normalized throughout history, most recently with Obamas favored term, targeted killings. The U.S. Congress has intentionally never legislated the issue of assassination. Lawmakers have avoided evendefiningthe word assassination. While every president since Gerald Ford has upheld an executive order banning assassinations by U.S. personnel, they have each carried out assassinations with little to no congressional outcry.

In 1976, following Church Committee recommendations regarding allegations of assassination plots carried out by U.S. intelligence agencies, Ford signed an executive order banning political assassination. Jimmy Carter subsequently issued a new order strengthening the prohibition by dropping the word political and extending it to include persons employed by or acting on behalf of the United States. In 1981, Ronald Reagan signed Executive Order 12333, which remains in effect today. The language seems clear enough: No person employed by or acting on behalf of the United States Government shall engage in, or conspire to engage in, assassination.

As I wrote in August 2017, reflecting on our Drone Papers series from two years earlier, The Obama administration, by institutionalizing a policy of drone-based killings of individuals judged to pose a threat to national security without indictment or trial, through secret processes bequeathed to our political culture,and thus to Donald Trump,a policy of assassination, in direct violation of Executive Order 12333 and, moreover, the Fifth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. To date, at least seven U.S. citizens are known to have been killed under this policy, including a 16-year-old boy. Only one American, the radical preacher Anwar al-Awlaki, was said to have been the intended target of a strike.

Theres no justification for assassinating foreign officials, including Suleimani.

While many Democratic politicians are offering their concerns about the consequences of Suleimanis assassination, they are prefacing it with remarks about how atrocious Suleimani was. Framing his assassination that way ultimately benefits the extremist cabal of foreign policy hawks who agitated for this very moment to arrive. Theres no justification for assassinating foreign officials, including Suleimani. This is an aggressive act of war, an offensive act committed by the U.S. on the sovereign territory of a third country, Iraq. This assassination and the potential for a war it raises are, unfortunately, consistent with more than half a century of U.S. aggression against Iran and Iraq.

For three years, many Democrats have told the country that Trump is the gravest threat to a democratic system we have faced. And yet many leading Democrats have voted consistently to give Trump unprecedented military budgets and surveillance powers.

Five months ago, California Democratic Rep. Ro Khanna offered an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act that would have prohibited this very type of action, but it was removed from the final bill. Any member who voted for the NDAA a blank check cant now express dismay that Trump may have launched another war in the Middle East, Khanna wrote on Twitter after Suleimanis assassination. My Amendment, which was stripped, would have cut off $$ for any offensive attack against Iran including against officials like Soleimani.

Trump is responsible for whatever comes next. But time and again, the worst foreign policy atrocities of his presidency have been enabled by the very politicians who claim to want him removed from office.

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With Suleimani Assassination, Trump Is Doing the Bidding of Washington's Most Vile Cabal - The Intercept

Federal, state court rulings on whether biometrics protected by Fifth Amendment get murky – Biometric Update

Because courts have ruled they are, and they arent, U.S. Supreme Court may be final arbiter

A recent 4 to 3 ruling by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court noticeably declined to address the matter of whether law enforcement and prosecutors can force a defendant to provide his or her bodily biometrics to unlock an electronic device as opposed to a password that is the equivalent of a persons thought, and thus protected by the Fifth Amendment.

However, in the case of the application by the federal government for a search warrant for a cellular telephone in United States v. Anthony Barrera, U.S. District Court for the Northeastern District of Illinois Eastern Division Magistrate Judge Sunil R Harjani issued a Memorandum of Opinion and Order that is in stark contrast to the Pennsylvania State Supreme Courts decision in that it differs by taking a declarative position on whether bodily biometrics can be construed to also be protected by the Fifth Amendment.

As this analysis will show, this murky and ultimately unchartered judicial terrain of whether a persons physical biometrics can be compelled by law not withstanding Fifth Amendment protection against self-incrimination, will unquestionably and soon find its way to the U.S. Supreme Court. This issue will have too because of all the muddied legal rulings and arguments now in the collective judicial pipeline. And, depending on whether a judicial ruling upholds that a persons physical biometrics shall be duty-bound to be disclosed by a defendant as opposed to a password a thing in a persons mind that the Pennsylvania high court afforded constitutional protection the ramifications for biometrics as a trusted means for encrypting personal digital storage devices will be far-ranging, legal authorities agree.

Indeed. In January, U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California Judge Kandis Westmore ruled that requiring a suspect to unbolt an electronic data storage device by means of their biometrics would be a violation of their Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination.

If a person cannot be compelled to provide a passcode because it is a testimonial communication, a person cannot be compelled to provide ones finger, thumb, iris, face, or other biometric feature to unlock that same device, Kandis asserted in her judgement.

The government seeks the authority to compel any individual present at the time of the search to press a finger (including a thumb) or utilize other biometric features, such as facial or iris recognition, for the purposes of unlocking the digital devices found in order to permit a search of the contents as authorized by the search warrant. For the reasons set forth below, the court finds that the governments request runs afoul of the Fourth and Fifth Amendments, and the search warrant application must be DENIED, she ruled.

On October 24, 2018, a ruling on a Petition for writ of certiorari to the Circuit Court for the Seventeenth Judicial Circuit, Broward County, Florida, maintained that, (t)he state here seeks to force the minor to produce the passcode and iTunes password for an iPhone. To do so would be to compel testimonial communications in violation of the minors invocation of his Fifth Amendment rights Additionally, the trial court erred in relying on the foregone conclusion exception, as the requirements of that exception were not met. As such, we grant the minors petition for writ of certiorari and quash the order of the trial court.

However, the ruling concluded by noting, Finally, because I would conclude that the foregone conclusion doctrine cannot apply to compelled oral testimony, I would go no further. We need not address whether the forced decryption of a device would also violate the Fifth Amendment That question should be left for another case, one where the state has sought the forced decryption of a device as a remedy.

In the case of United States v. Anthony Barrera, though, Judge Harjani ruled that this court holds that compelling an individual to scan their biometrics, and in particular their fingerprints, to unlock a smartphone device neither violates the Fourth nor Fifth Amendment. Accordingly, the court has signed and authorized the governments warrant, including the authority to compel fingers and thumbs to be pressed on the iPhone home button in an attempt to unlock the device.

Harjani pointed out that fingerprinting is a search subject to the constraints of the Fourth Amendment even though fingerprinting represents a much less serious intrusion upon personal security than other types of searches and detentions. The courts Fourth Amendment inquiry in this case is thus straightforward: does probable cause support the search of the cell phone and the use of Barreras fingerprints to unlock the cell phone?

The search warrant in this case therefore meets the requirements of the Fourth Amendment, he ruled,

But, on the matter of the Fifth Amendment, Harjani was much more circumspect. He opined that, more complicated is the question of whether the forced fingerprint unlock of a cell phone implicates the Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution.

He stated that, Under the Fifth Amendment, the government shall not compel an individual in any criminal case to be a witness against him or herself Compelling communications or communicative acts can lead to an individual impermissibly bearing witness against him or herself. He cited Doe v. United States: Historically, the privilege was intended to prevent the use of legal compulsion to extract from the accused a sworn communication of facts which would incriminate him. Such was the process of the ecclesiastical courts and the Star Chamberthe inquisitorial method of putting the accused upon his oath and compelling him to answer questions designed to uncover uncharged offenses, without evidence from another source.

In the opening of his opinion, Harjani observed that consumers are more often than ever using their biometric information to unlock their smartphones and apps with a fingerprint or face scan. Likewise, the government is responding by seeking authority to compel a subject to use their biometrics to unlock devices found during the execution of a search warrant. Such a request triggers potential Fourth and Fifth Amendment considerations that are addressed herein. Because of the differing views about whether a fingerprint unlock warrant violates the Fifth Amendment among courts, and in particular in this district, the court has issued this opinion to explain its reasoning in this novel area in granting the governments application for a warrant

However, and what could potentially be problematic if just this case alone is taken to the highest court in the land, is that it, too, has a passcode component not just a biometric security lock the latter of which the Pennsylvania Supreme Court and U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California ruled is protected by the Fifth Amendment. If five unsuccessful attempts were made to unlock the defendants iPhone, the biometric unlock function would be disabled and a passcode required to unlock the device.

In another words, it would require a password the Pennsylvania high court and U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California have said cannot be compelled. As the California court noted, there are times when [a] device will not accept the biometric feature and require the user to type in the passcode to unlock the device, thereby invoking Fifth Amendment rights issues. However, the court took the attitude that, (i)t follows, however, that if a person cannot be compelled to provide a passcode because it is a testimonial communication, a person cannot be compelled to provide ones finger, thumb, iris, face, or other biometric feature to unlock that same device.

In the case of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania v. Joseph J. Davis, the court overturned a lower courts ruling in a child-pornography case that the defendant could be compelled to disclose his [64-character] password in order to allow the Commonwealth access to the defendants lawfully-seized, but encrypted, computer.

The Pennsylvania high court noted that the appellant had stated he could not remember his password, and that, even if he could, it would be like putting a gun to his head and pulling the trigger.

The appellant was charged with two counts of disseminating child pornography and two counts of criminal use of a communication device [a personal password protected computer].

On December 17, 2015, the Commonwealth filed with the Luzerne County Court of Common Pleas a pre-trial motion to compel the appellant to divulge the password to his HP 700 computer, but the appellant responded by invoking his right against self-incrimination. On January 14, 2016, the trial court conducted an evidentiary hearing at which several [state prosecutors] testified about the investigation supporting the seizure of the computer.

The state supreme courts majority stated that the trial court focused on the question of whether the [appellants self-admitted] encryption was testimonial in nature, and, thus, protected by the Fifth Amendment. The trial court opined that [t]he touchstone of whether an act of production is testimonial is whether the government compels the individual to use the contents of his own mind to explicitly or implicitly communicate some statement of fact.

And for that and other reasons that follow, we find that such compulsion is in violation of the Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitutions prohibition against self-incrimination, the supreme courts majority justices ruled, stating that, as his password exists in his mind, he cannot be compelled to remember the password or reveal it, as a persons thoughts and knowledge are at the core of the Fifth Amendment.

However, in a footnote, the majority courts ruling unmistakably left the barn door open as to whether law enforcement shall compel a person to unlock an electronic device using bodily biometrics, rather than a password memorized in a persons mind, or, in the eyes of the court, his constitutionally protected thoughts.

The Broward County, Florida, ruling, remember, was similar: We need not address whether the forced decryption of a device would also violate the Fifth Amendment

The Pennsylvania high court opined, though, that, (b)ecause we are dealing with a motion to require an individual to recall and disclose a memorized password to a computer, in essence, revealing the contents of ones own mind, we need not address the related, but distinct, area involving biometric features like fingerprints, thumbprints, iris scanning, and facial recognition, or whether the foregone conclusion rationale would be appropriate in these circumstances.

The court further noted that, The dissent[ing opinion], however, makes much of the potential for inconsistent results in future cases involving these types of biometric passwords. Yet, not only are these communications not before our Court, it is the United States Supreme Court that long ago has created the dichotomy between physical and mental communication. See Holt, 218 U.S. at 252-53 (the prohibition of compelling a man in criminal court to be witness against himself is a prohibition of the use of physical or moral compulsion to extort communications from him, not an exclusion of his body as evidence when it may be material).

The court also cited, Doe II, 487 U.S. at 210 n.9., which found the expression more like be[ing] forced to surrender a key to a strong box containing incriminating documents than it is like be[ing] compelled to reveal the combination to [petitioners] wall safe).

The lower court had ruled, though, that compelling disclosure of the password did not violate the defendants Fifth Amendment rights because of statements he had made to police during questioning. Its 64 characters and why would I give that to you, Davis told the law enforcement investigators in response to their requesting his password. We both know whats on there. Its only going to hurt me. No fucking way Im going to give it to you, Davis said.

Consequently, the prosecutors argued that the legal doctrine known as the foregone conclusion exception, legalized the required admission by Davis of his password. The doctrine, however, originally pertained to only compelled production of paper documents, and therefore Fifth Amendment protections against self-incrimination did not apply when the government previously was aware of the existence, the location, and the password-protected content of the information prosecutors wanted from the computer.

The lower-court agreed with the prosecutors legal interpretation that the foregone conclusions principle meant that the password was required to be divulged, because the exception, pursuant to earlier U.S. Supreme Court precedent, meant that the password was indistinguishable to other physical material goods, and did not reveal the contents of Daviss mind.

In the Florida case, the ruling was similar: (t)wo passcodes stand in the way of the state accessing the contents of a phone alleged to belong to a minor. The state sought, and the trial court agreed, to compel the minor to provide two passcodes, finding that the act of producing the passcodes is not testimonial because the existence, custody, and authenticity of the passcodes are a foregone conclusion. We disagree. The minor is being compelled to disclose the contents of his own mind by producing a passcode for a phone and a password for an iTunes account. Further, because the state did not show, with any particularity, knowledge of the evidence within the phone, the trial court could not find that the contents of the phone were already known to the state and thus within the foregone conclusion exception. We grant the minors petition for writ of certiorari and quash the trial courts order compelling the disclosure of the two passcodes.

The [Pennsylvania] court rightly rejects the governments effort to create a giant, digital-age loophole undermining our time-tested Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination, said the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) senior staff attorney Brett Max Kaufman, in a statement following the Pennsylvania Supreme Courts decision. To which he added, (t)he government has never been permitted to force a person to assist in their own prosecution, and the courts should not start permitting it to do so now simply because encrypted passwords have replaced the combination lock We applaud the courts decision and look forward to more courts to follow in the many pending cases to be decided next.

Kaufman said the Pennsylvania high courts ruling delivers an unambiguous meaning to other courts, but leaves the door open as to how other courts may consider the unaddressed matter of whether an encrypted device was biometrically protected.

In its majority ruling, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court stated that, (a)s part of its analysis, the trial court looked to the foregone conclusion exception to the Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination as articulated by the United States Supreme Court in Fisher v. United States, 425 U.S. 391, 409 (1976). The court noted the rationale underlying this doctrine is that an act of production does not involve testimonial communication if the facts conveyed are already known to the government, such that the individual adds little or nothing to the sum total of the governments information. Trial Court Opinion quoting Fisher offered that for this exception to apply, the government must establish its knowledge of (1) the existence of the evidence demanded; (2) the possession or control of the evidence by the defendant; and (3) the authenticity of the evidence.

The high court added that, by applying the foregone conclusion exception, the trial court found that, in the case at bar, the computer located in appellants residence had hard-wired Internet access only; appellant admitted it was TrueCrypt encrypted; that he was the only user, and he was the only one who knew the password; appellant indicated to [investigators] that we both know what is on there, and stated that he would die in prison before giving up the password; and that the Commonwealth knew with a reasonable degree of certainty that child pornography was on the computer.

Based upon these facts, the states highest court lucidly held, the trial court determined that the information the Commonwealth sought from appellant was a foregone conclusion, in that the facts to be conveyed by appellants act of production of his password already were known to the government. As, according to the trial court, [the] appellants revealing his password would not provide the Commonwealth with any new evidence, and would simply be an act that permitted the Commonwealth to retrieve what was already known to them, the foregone conclusion exception was satisfied. Thus, on June 30, 2016, the trial court granted the Commonwealths motion and directed [the] appellant to supply the Commonwealth with any passwords used to access the computer within 30 days.

Davis filed an interlocutory appeal.

A three-judge panel of the Superior Court, however, affirmed the original Commonwealth v. Davis decision. That decision was then appealed to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, whose recent ruling enables the colossal uncertainty to be raised judicially about whether Fifth Amendment protections apply to a persons biometrics in similar cases.

Like the trial court, the Superior Court found that, to qualify for the Fifth Amendment privilege, a communication must be testimonial, the supreme court stated, noting that the Superior Court observed that the question of whether compelling an individual to provide a digital password was testimonial in nature was an issue of first impression for the court. Building upon the trial courts analysis, the Superior Court explained that the Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination is not violated when the information communicated to the government by way of a compelled act of production is a foregone conclusion. The court reasoned that the foregone conclusion exception provides that an act of production does not involve testimonial communication where the facts conveyed already are known to the government and set forth the applicable three-prong test, citing Fisher.

But, the states final judicial arbiter stated, by applying the foregone conclusion exception, the Superior Court, contrary to the trial court, focused on the password itself, and reasoned that the Commonwealth established the computer could not be opened without the password, that the computer belonged to appellant and the password was in his possession, and that this information was self-authenticating i.e., if the computer was accessible upon entry of the password, the password was authentic.

Further, the Commonwealths Supreme Court stated, the lower superior court noted that multiple jurisdictions have held that the governments knowledge of the encrypted documents or evidence that it sought to compel did not need to be exact, and determined that, based on the [investigators] forensic investigation, as well as appellants own statements to the [investigators] while in custody, there was a high probability that child pornography existed on his computer. Thus, the superior court concluded that the trial court did not err in holding that the act of providing the password in question was not testimonial in nature and that [the] appellants Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination would not be violated by compelling him to disclose the password.

The narrow legal question that was put before the Pennsylvania Supreme Court was this: May [the appellant] be compelled to disclose orally the memorized password to a computer over his invocation of privilege under the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and Article I, [S]ection 9, of the Pennsylvania Constitution?

The majority of the states high court stated in their ruling that, (o)ur analysis begins with the United States Constitution. The Self-Incrimination Clause of the Fifth Amendment provides [n]o person shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself This privilege not only applies to a defendant in a criminal trial, but in any other proceeding, civil or criminal, formal or informal, where the answers might incriminate [the speaker] in future criminal proceedings, citing Minnesota v. Murphy.

The Pennsylvania Supreme Court clarified, however, that, (t)he United States Supreme Court has not rendered a decision directly addressing whether compelling a person to disclose a computer password is testimonial. In a series of foundational, but somewhat complex, cases, however, the high court has discussed whether the act of production of documents may be testimonial for purposes of the Fifth Amendment.

The Commonwealth Supreme Court did, however, emphasize that the U.S. Supreme Court, in a particular case before it, had determined that the Fifth Amendment privilege was applicable where defendants were required to produce incriminating evidence, and that the act of producing even unprivileged evidence could have communicative aspects rendering it testimonial and entitled to Fifth Amendment protection.

After citing a litany of U.S. Supreme Court and other case law, the Pennsylvania high court ruled that, (f)rom this foundational law we can distill certain guiding principles. First, the Supreme Court has made, and continues to make, a distinction between physical production and testimonial production. As made clear by the court, where the government compels a physical act, such production is not testimonial, and the privilege is not recognized.

Writing for the majority in in the courts ruling, Justice Debra Todd stated that, (b)ased upon these cases rendered by the United States Supreme Court regarding the scope of the Fifth Amendment, we conclude that compelling the disclosure of a password to a computer, that is, the act of production, is testimonial. Distilled to its essence, the revealing of a computer password is a verbal communication, not merely a physical act that would be nontestimonial in nature.

Thus, Todd noted, (t)here is no physical manifestation of a password, unlike a handwriting sample, blood draw, or a voice exemplar. As a passcode is necessarily memorized, one cannot reveal a passcode without revealing the contents of ones mind. Indeed, a password to a computer is, by its nature, intentionally personalized and so unique as to accomplish its intended purposekeeping information contained therein confidential and insulated from discovery.

So, she stated, Here, under United States Supreme Court precedent, we find that the Commonwealth is seeking the electronic equivalent to a combination to a wall safethe passcode to unlock [the] appellants computer. The Commonwealth is seeking the password, not as an end, but as a pathway to the files being withheld. As such, the compelled production of the computers password demands the recall of the contents of [the] appellants mind, and the act of production carries with it the implied factual assertions that will be used to incriminate him. Thus, we hold that compelling [the] appellant to reveal a password to a computer is testimonial in nature, and protected by the Fifth Amendment.

Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF) Senior Staff Attorney Andrew Crocker, who had filed an Amicus Curiae brief with the court, said in a statement that, (t)his ruling is vital because courts must account for how constitutional rights are affected by changes in technology. We store a wealth of deeply personal information on our electronic devices. The government simply should not put individuals in the no-win situation of choosing between disclosing a passwordand turning over everything on these devicesor instead defying a court order to do so.

Because your passcode is stored in your head and your biometrics are not, prosecutors have long argued that police can compel a suspect into unlocking a device with their biometrics, which they say are not constitutionally protected, ZDNet noted. But, the court did not address biometrics.

ACLU of Pennsylvania Peter Goldberger, who argued the appellants position before the state supreme court, said in a statement that, (t)he fundamental issue in this case is the right of every person who is investigated by the police to avoid self-incrimination by remaining silent and keeping their personal thoughts private. The state and federal constitutions promise that people accused of crimes have the right to defend their own liberty. They are under no obligation to assist the police or prosecutors in building a case against them by divulging their innermost thoughts. With this ruling, the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania has reaffirmed fundamental privacy rights, against the wishes of government agents who advocated for a radical transformation of our criminal justice system.

In its concluding statement in the commonwealth supreme courts majority ruling, Todd noted, however, that, (w)e appreciate the significant and ever-increasing difficulties faced by law enforcement in light of rapidly changing technology, including encryption, to obtain evidence. However, unlike the documentary requests under the foregone conclusion rationale, or demands for physical evidence such as blood, or handwriting, or voice exemplars, information in ones mind to unlock the safe to potentially incriminating information does not easily fall within this exception. Indeed, we conclude the compulsion of a password to a computer cannot fit within this exception.

It was in a footnote to this concluding statement that Todd appraised in a cautionary tone the issue of compelling a physical biometric unlocking of a device remains open to further interpretation by another court.

In their joint Amici Curiae brief to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court on behalf of the states of Utah, Arkansas, Georgia, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Montana, Nebraska, Oklahoma, and Texas Attorneys General stated the appellant misapprehends the object of the Fifth Amendment, and adopting his reasoning would render States incapable of executing many lawfully obtained warrants.

These states top law enforcers posited that the Fifth Amendment privilege against self- incrimination does not shield against compulsory submission to tests that are merely physical or produce evidence that is only physical in nature, such as fingerprints, measurements, voice or handwriting exemplars, or physical characteristics or abilities. In this respect, biometrics are akin to a suspect being forced to put on a shirt, or to give a blood sample, a handwriting exemplar, or a voice recording.

In citing United States v. Hubbell, the states brief propounded that, even though the act may provide incriminating evidence, a criminal suspect may be compelled to put on a shirt, to provide a blood sample or handwriting exemplar, or to make a recording of his voice. This further shows the breadth of the lead opinions sweep.

The states further posed that, (a)s the top law enforcement officials of their respective jurisdictions, amici States Attorneys General have a strong interest in aiding this courts decision.

The California case earlier this year complicated matters even further. The court noted that the government seeks an order that would allow agents executing this warrant to compel any individual, who is found at the subject premises and reasonably believed by law enforcement to be a user of the device, to unlock the device using biometric features [but] This request is overbroad, explaining that there are two suspects identified in the affidavit, but the request is neither limited to a particular person nor a particular device.

Thus, the court finds that the application does not establish sufficient probable cause to compel any person who happens to be at the subject premises at the time of the search to provide a finger, thumb, or other biometric feature to potentially unlock any unspecified digital device that may be seized during the otherwise lawful search.

The ruling then added: Furthermore, the governments request to search and seize all digital devices at the subject premises is similarly overbroad. The government cannot he permitted to search and seize a mobile phone or other device that is on a non-suspects person simply because they are present during an otherwise lawful search.

But then the court said, (w)hile the warrant is denied, any resubmission must be limited to those devices reasonably believed by law enforcement to be owned or controlled by the two suspects identified in the affidavit, again as have other judicial rulings left the question of whether only the suspect or suspects devices open to compelled biometric unlocking.

Indeed, the court found that, (e)ven if probable cause exists to seize devices located during a lawful search based on a reasonable belief that they belong to a suspect, probable cause does not permit the government to compel a suspect to waive rights otherwise afforded by the Constitution, including the Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination. The Fifth Amendment provides that no person shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself The proper inquiry is whether an act would require the compulsion of a testimonial communication that is incriminating.

And its here, the court cautioned, that the issue is whether the use of a suspects biometric feature to potentially unlock an electronic device is testimonial under the Fifth Amendment, emphasizing that the challenge facing the courts is that technology is outpacing the law, and that in recognition of this reality, the United States Supreme Court recently instructed courts to adopt rules that take account of more sophisticated systems that are already in use or in development.

So, the matter of whether law enforcement, prosecutors or even the courts can in the future compel a defendant to provide his or her physical biometric to unlock an electronic device which is not password protected remains up in the air. In all likeliness, just such a case will be before a court somewhere, and probably sooner rather than latter, as law enforcement and prosecutors clearly posited in their amici to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, whose ruling that a password in someones mind is protected by the Fifth Amendment, but that the clearly cloudy question of whether a persons bodily biometric has not been established by case law.

That undoubtedly did not go unnoticed by the states prosecutors and other, prosecuting attorneys who now unquestionably appreciate the necessity of having to articulate reasoning for compelling biometrics as it seems was unambiguously proffered between the lines of the Pennsylvania Supreme Courts ruling.

But, as Harjani stated in his ruling, (t)oday, technology has provided citizens with shortcuts to entering passcodes by utilizing biometric features. The question, then, is whether a suspect can be compelled to use his finger, thumb, iris, or other biometric feature to unlock a digital device.

Testimony is not restricted to verbal or written communications. Acts that imply assertions of fact can constitute testimonial communication for the purposes of the Fifth Amendment, he declared.

The U.S. Supreme Court undoubtedly awaits one or another of these cases to be brought before it, and will ultimately have to settle the question.

access management | biometric data | biometrics | data protection | encryption | law enforcement | legal | mobile device | passwords | United States

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Federal, state court rulings on whether biometrics protected by Fifth Amendment get murky - Biometric Update

What Were the Biggest Stories in Massachusetts for 2019? – NBC10 Boston

2019's biggest stories in Massachusetts played out in the courtroom.

Dozens of wealthy and privileged parents some of them Hollywood stars were ensnared in a nationwide college admissions bribery scandal. A judge tossed a sexual assault case against actor Kevin Spacey after his accuser refused to testify.

The state's highest court upheld Michelle Carter's manslaughter conviction for sending her suicidal boyfriend a barrage of text messages urging him to kill himself. Pharmaceutical company executives were found guilty of bribing doctors to prescribe a highly addictive opioid. And Massachusetts' attorney general launched fresh legal challenges to the Trump administration's immigration policies.

In-depth news coverage of the Greater Boston Area.

A look back at those and other top stories:

COLLEGE BRIBERY

Federal prosecutors dubbed it "Operation Varsity Blues," and the scope was staggering: affluent and influential parents indicted for paying bribes to rig their children's test scores or get them admitted to elite universities as recruited athletes. "Desperate Housewives" star Felicity Huffman pleaded guilty and served two weeks in prison, but "Full House" actress Lori Loughlin and her fashion designer husband maintained their innocence and are expected to stand trial in 2020.

KEVIN SPACEY

Prosecutors dropped a criminal case against Kevin Spacey alleging he groped an 18-year-old man at a Nantucket bar in 2016. The "House of Cards" actor's accuser invoked his Fifth Amendment right not to testify about text messages from the night of the alleged encounter. Los Angeles prosecutors later tossed a separate sexual battery charge against Spacey after the accuser in that case died.

TEXTING SUICIDE

The state's highest court upheld Michelle Carter's 2017 involuntary manslaughter conviction in the suicide death of her despondent boyfriend, to whom she had sent insistent text messages urging him to take his own life, and the state Parole Board denied her request for early release. Carter's lawyers maintain her texts were free speech and have appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, which hasn't yet decided whether it will take up the case.

OPIOID KICKBACK SCHEME

A jury convicted a pharmaceutical company founder of racketeering conspiracy for paying doctors millions in bribes to prescribe his company's highly addictive fentanyl spray even using a stripper-turned-sales-rep to give a physician a lap dance. Convicted along with John Kapoor, the 76-year-old former chairman of Insys Therapeutics, were four other ex-employees of the Chandler, Arizona-based company and the former exotic dancer.

TAKING TRUMP TO COURT

Massachusetts' Democratic attorney general, Maura Healey, and the state chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union mounted fresh legal challenges of the Trump administration's tough policies on immigration. Lawsuits in federal court in Boston highlighted some detainees' need for medical treatment and the government's strict cap on the number of refugees fleeing disaster and strife abroad.

INDICTED MAYOR

Jasiel Correia had seemed almost bulletproof. In March, voters in Fall River reelected the embattled mayor after he was charged in 2018 with defrauding investors in an app he developed to bankroll a lavish lifestyle. But Correia's political good fortunes ran out federal authorities indicted the 27-year-old for allegedly stealing hundreds of thousands of dollars from marijuana companies. In November, voters unceremoniously threw him out of office.

2020 FREE-FOR-ALL

Continuing Massachusetts' tradition of producing presidential candidates, U.S. Sen. Elizabeth Warren jumped into the race for the Democratic nomination early, followed by U.S. Rep. Seth Moulton, who exited in August. Much later, former governor Deval Patrick, the state's first black governor, declared his candidacy. Ex-Gov. William Weld, a Republican, launched a challenge to President Donald Trump. And Democratic congressman Joe Kennedy III, a grandson of Robert F. Kennedy, announced a primary run against U.S. Sen. Edward Markey.

PILGRIM NUCLEAR PLANT

Nearly half a century after it began generating electricity, the Pilgrim nuclear power plant permanently shut down. Environmentalists had clamored for decades for the closure of the state's only remaining reactor. The decommissioning of the complex in Plymouth, which came online in 1972, left Seabrook in New Hampshire and Millstone in Connecticut as New England's only still-operating commercial nuclear plants.

MENTHOL, R.I.P.

Responding to growing concerns about the health effects of vaping, Massachusetts became the first state to ban flavored tobacco and nicotine vaping products. Anti-smoking groups hailed the ban, which restricts the sale and consumption of flavored vaping products and will do the same for menthol cigarettes starting June 1, 2020. It came after Republican Gov. Charlie Baker declared a public health emergency and imposed a temporary ban.

AGAINST ALL ODDS

Massachusetts' third casino, Encore Boston Harbor, opened in the gritty suburb of Everett after months of uncertainty. Las Vegas-based Wynn Resorts' glitzy $2.6 billion complex had been beset by legal troubles and a failed attempt to sell the complex to rival MGM Resorts. Encore features a 671-room bronzed-toned hotel tower, a gambling floor with 3,100 slot machines and 231 table games, and 15 bars and restaurants.

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What Were the Biggest Stories in Massachusetts for 2019? - NBC10 Boston

Tax Laws: Can You Take The Fifth With The IRS? – International Business Times

If you watch Law and Order or many other TV shows, you already know something about Miranda warnings and taking the Fifth. The police have to Mirandize you, and even in court, you can say, I refuse to answer on the grounds that I may incriminate myself. There are limits of course, but most people think these rights are fundamental, acrossevery alleged crime. But does it work with taxes and the IRS?Not usually.

Many people find that a shock. Remember theIRS official Lois Lerner, who ran the IRS unit accused of targeting conservatives some years back? She didnt want to answer questions about alleged IRS targeting.As a result, she took the Fifth. Congress held her in contempt, but the governmentdeclined to prosecute her. It was all a controversial episode. Private taxpayers arent usually so lucky when it comes to their own tax returns and investigations.

In fact, merely invoking the Fifth in a tax case can invite penalties or get the IRS looking more harshly at you. Lets start with tax returns themselves. You have to file them and you have to report your income.Way back in 1927, the Supreme Court considered a man whorefused to file a tax return, claiming that to do so would incriminate him. InU.S. v. Sullivan, the Supreme Court said that itwas too bad if disclosing illegal income opened him up to prosecution.

Even a criminal must file tax returns and pay taxes. After all, that is how they got Al Capone. You have to file a tax return, and you have to do it accurately.What if the IRS asks you questions you are afraid to answer? Answering IRS questions in an audit or investigation can be nerve-wracking.Do not speakup without your lawyer present, and ask your lawyer whatis fair to discuss. ButclaimingFifth Amendment protection in tax cases can be a mistake.

One of the biggest issues involves books and records. You have to keep them in order to fulfill your tax filing obligations. You even have to keep bank account records for accounts outside the U.S. Undisclosed offshore bank accounts can qualify as money laundering. So, if the IRS asks you if you have any foreign bank accounts, can you take the Fifth?

You can, but it probably wont help. Even if you claim the Fifth, the IRS can hand you an information document request to produce your records.You can refuse, but the IRS will issue a summons. If you refuse to answer that, the IRS will take you to court, whichwill probably order you to comply.But, doesnt your constitutional right to take the Fifth trump the IRS?

Not always. Ironically, you can refuse totalk, but youcannotrefuse to produce the documents. Your own private papers are personal records, and if they might incriminate you, they are protected by the Fifth Amendment.But the Required Records doctrinesays youmusthand over documents no matter how incriminating.The government requires you to keep certain records, and the government has a right to inspect them.

TheIRS and prosecutors have exploited this rule.It can mean thatpleading the Fifth in response to a subpoena for foreign account records can cause even more trouble than claiming it on your tax returns.Required records are those where the reporting has a regulatory purpose, where a person must customarily keep the records the record-keeping scheme requires him to keep, and the records have public aspects.

In the case of foreign bank records particularly, the courts uniformly deny Fifth Amendment protection.Numerous courts haveallgiven the IRS a free pass, rulingthat no Fifth Amendment protection applies.Despite repeated requests, the U.S. Supreme Court has been unwilling to hear this issue.

So, is it likely that the Fifth Amendment will be much help on your taxes? Not really. In most cases, a tax audit is civil and there is little risk that it will become criminal. However, just think about this: a majority of criminal tax cases come directly out of civil tax cases. The IRS civil auditors refer a case to the IRS Criminal Investigation Division. The IRS civil auditor will not tell you this is occurring, so the first time you hear about it, your case may have gone from bad to worse. That means having a lawyer and being careful can be wise.

Robert W. Wood is a tax lawyer and managing partner at Wood LLP. He can be reached at Wood@WoodLLP.com.

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Tax Laws: Can You Take The Fifth With The IRS? - International Business Times

The lies and distortions by the hatchet men at Fusion GPS – Washington Examiner

Glenn Simpson and Peter Fritsch tried to keep the American people in the dark as long as possible. For most of 2017, the founders of Fusion GPS hid the truth about the origins of their now-infamous dossier on President Trump. The real story behind their fight to keep its partisan funding a secret is very different from the version the journalists-for-rent tell in their recent book, Crime in Progress. I know, because I was there.

They smear me, and my former boss, Sen. Chuck Grassley, who was chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee. Then they paint themselves as victims of ruthlessly partisan McCarthyite tactics. The irony is rich, given that these former journalists collected a million bucks from one political party to accuse the other of acting as agents of Russia.

The dossier they peddled ignited hysteria about alleged traitors in our government more than anything else has since Joe McCarthys Enemies from Within speech nearly 70 years ago. Unlike traditional opposition research, the dossier relied on anonymous foreign sources to allege an international criminal conspiracy between the Trump campaign and the Russian government. Two independent reviews have since gutted its sensational claims.

The report by the Justice Departments independent inspector general exposed how the FBI improperly used the dossier to justify domestic spying (a Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act warrant). The IG made it clear that the dossier was clearly unreliable. Special counsel Robert Mueller was unable to find sufficient evidence to charge a single American with the dossiers collusion conspiracy despite two years, $32 million, 500 witnesses, and 2,800 subpoenas-worth of additional investigation.

Like the dossier itself, Fusions attempt to defend its work in Crime in Progress cannot withstand scrutiny. It devotes a chapter to denouncing Grassley for asking inconvenient questions about Fusion and the dossier. The essentially fictitious story casts Simpson as Captain America":

Working to protect the republic at all costs from a Manchurian Candidate, with the First Amendment as his only shield, Simpson battles Congressional persecutors who were trashing the Bill of Rights by subpoenaing his bank to learn who funded the dossier.

Fusions founders target me, as then-counsel to Grassley, for supposedly pulling the strings that led to outing their secret. They had promised never to reveal who bankrolled the project. Why? Their book concedes a more strategic reason to stonewall: They wanted to control the larger political narrative.

As they write in Crime in Progress: If it came out too soon that the dossier had been paid for by the Clinton Campaign, that revelation would allow the Republicans to depict [Christopher] Steeles work as a partisan hit job. It was a fact that Fusion managed to keep secret for nearly 11 months after the dossier became public.

During those 11 months, Fusions clients denied their involvement, and Fusion fought to keep anything from coming to light that would contradict those denials. Grassley tried to learn more about the dossiers claims and Fusions involvement. Fusions founders claim they would have been willing to explain their past work without a protracted battle if Grassley had simply approached Fusion in good faith and asked.

Actually, we tried. When I called Simpson, he immediately refused to talk. He lawyered up. Hes also one of only two people who refused to cooperate with the inspector general. Without voluntary cooperation, prying any information loose would prove to be a challenge. Absent a full committee vote, no subpoena could be issued without Ranking Member Sen. Dianne Feinsteins agreement. Contrary to Fusions caricature of our efforts as hyperpartisan, we adopted those new rules in early 2017 to strengthen the committees hand in what we expected would be bipartisan oversight work during the Trump administration.

Feinstein was initially willing to question Fusion, but bipartisan efforts to look into the dossier and its allegations soon disappeared. In the beginning, she co-signed document requests to Fusion, which its founders misrepresent in their book as ominous partisan threats solely from Grassley. Feinstein also agreed to subpoena Simpson to testify at a public hearing in the summer of 2017, but he refused to appear, citing his Fifth Amendment rights. We later negotiated a limited voluntary interview in private, where he refused to answer questions on many topics, including who funded the dossier.

Feinstein increasingly began to resist any dossier-related line of inquiry. At the time, Grassley and his staff were unaware the Democratic National Conventions law firm had funded the dossier or that that a former Feinstein staffer, Daniel Jones, had privately claimed to the FBI that he raised $50 million from seven to 10 wealthy donors primarily in New York and California. That money reportedly funds Fusions ongoing post-election efforts to vindicate the dossier. Its unclear how much Feinstein and her staff knew about this at the time.

Grassley played it straight. He supported the Mueller investigation and bucked his own GOP leadership in the Senate to shepherd a bipartisan bill protecting Muellers independence through his committee. He worked to conduct vigorous oversight and ask tough questions of everyone, even threatening to subpoena Trumps son to ensure Democrats had an unlimited opportunity to question him on the record. Of course, Fusions narrative omits this evidence of good faith.

The House Intelligence Committee subpoenaed Fusions bank records, and in late October 2017, its clients fessed-up to funding the dossier after it became clear they were going to lose in court. New York Times senior White House correspondent Maggie Haberman wrote, Folks involved in funding this lied about it, and with sanctimony, for a year. A nonpartisan, nonprofit organization complained to the Federal Election Commission that campaign disclosures falsely described payments to Fusion for opposition research as legal services.

During the court battle, Fusion unleashed a blizzard of filings in which it piled on new allegations of supposed congressional misconduct. The court rejected all of them.

One of the failed tactics that Fusion considered central was to argue that the House Intelligence Committee learned Fusion had an account at TD Bank from someone in Grassleys staff and to imply that was somehow improper. While it is true that we had asked about the bank during Simpsons voluntary interview on the Senate side, it is false to claim, as Fusion does, that we learned the banks name from his confidential interview and that the information was unavailable elsewhere.

Anyone reading the transcript (p. 17-18) can see that committee staff already knew the banks name and mentioned it first. Fusions attorney did not ask how we learned it, and we wouldnt have answered if he had. The committee protects whistleblowers and confidential sources, just as the press does. Fusion had apparently made little effort to keep its banks name confidential up to that point. Not only did Simpson voluntarily confirm it when asked, but we also had reason to believe he listed it on invoices to clients, so it was hardly a state secret.

Casting aspersion on the congressional investigators who forced the truth about the dossiers funding into the open is no more effective in Fusions book than it was in the court proceedings. In the end, its merely a distraction from the bigger issues with the dossiers unreliability, which go far beyond the partisan motives of its sponsors.

Although the special counsel and inspector general reports dealt devastating blows to its credibility, Simpson and Fritsch still maintain in their book that time will tell whether the dossier deserves to take its place among documents that have bent the course of history, such as the Pentagon Papers or the Warren Report. A more apt analogy might be the phony list of traitors hyped by McCarthy. But, unlike the Americans targeted in the dossier, a few of McCarthys victims actually were colluding with the Russians.

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The lies and distortions by the hatchet men at Fusion GPS - Washington Examiner

Kevin Spacey posts video in what appears to be bizarre Christmas Eve tradition – NBC News

Kevin Spacey posted a video asking people to be kinder on Tuesday in what appears to be a Christmas Eve tradition for the actor, who has been accused of sexually assaulting men.

Spacey, 60, once again took on the accent and mannerisms of Frank Underwood, the character he played in the Netflix series "House of Cards," in a minute-long message posted to YouTube titled "KTWK." The actor has kept a relatively low-profile since a felony sexual assault case against him was dropped in July.

You didnt really think I was going to miss the opportunity to wish you a Merry Christmas, did you? Spacey said.

He then goes on to say that he's had a "pretty good year" and made recent changes in his life, inviting the audience to join him. Spacey encouraged the audience to embrace civility and kindness going forward.

"The next time someone does something you dont like, you can go on the attack," Spacey said. "But you can also hold your fire and do the unexpected. You can kill them with kindness."

Let our news meet your inbox. The news and stories that matters, delivered weekday mornings.

An attorney for Spacey did not immediately respond to our request for comment from NBC News.

The bizarre Christmas Eve video is not unprecedented, as Spacey posted a similar one last year with the title "Let Me Be Frank." In the 2018 clip, Spacey hinted at the sexual assault allegations against him and the decision Netflix made in killing off his character.

Despite all the poppycock, the animosity, the headlines, the impeachment without a trial. Despite everything," he said in 2018. "Despite even my own death, I feel surprisingly good and my confidence grows each day that soon enough you will know the full truth.

Spacey was first publicly accused of sexual misconduct in 2017 by "Rent" actor Anthony Rapp.

Rapp said in an interview with BuzzFeed that Spacey climbed on top of him in a bedroom at a 1986 party in New York, when Rapp was only 14 years old.

The "House of Cards" actor said in a statement at the time that he didn't remember the alleged incident involving Rapp but apologized "for what would have been deeply inappropriate drunken behavior." Spacey also publicly addressed his sexuality, coming out as an openly gay man.

Since then, other accusations of sexual misconduct by Spacey prompted investigations in both Los Angeles and London.

The Los Angeles District Attorney's office declined to press charges against Spacey in two cases, citing statute of limitations in one instance. Spacey's accuser in the second case died in September.

British authorities reportedly questioned Spacey in May regarding allegations against him in the United Kingdom, according to Variety. The investigation has not resulted in charges and appears to be ongoing.

It does not appear that Spacey has ever publicly directly addressed the accusations from London or Los Angeles.

Spacey was recently facing criminal charges in Nantucket, Massachusetts, after a former anchor for Boston WCVB-TV said her son was groped by Spacey in a bar when he was 18. Spacey pleaded not guilty and denied any wrongdoing in the case.

Prosecutors dropped the case in July when Spacey's accuser invoked his Fifth Amendment rights after being questioned about his role in the deleting of text messages from a phone key to the case.

Doha Madani is a breaking news reporter for NBC News.

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Kevin Spacey posts video in what appears to be bizarre Christmas Eve tradition - NBC News

Weapons charges against Attleboro man dismissed after key witness invokes 5th – The Sun Chronicle

ATTLEBORO Weapon charges against an alleged Bloods gang member accused of selling a stolen handgun to another man have been dismissed after the key witness refused to testify at trial.

William Hancock, 32, was arrested on Aug. 15, 2018 after police raided his home at 36 Trepanier St. in South Attleboro and a house in Rhode Island, and charged him with five firearms offenses.

But prosecutors asked a judge to dismiss the case in Attleboro District Court after Jeffrey S. Sek, 21, of Attleboro, invoked his Fifth Amendment constitutional right to not incriminate himself.

Sek is serving time for robbing two teenagers in Attleboro, including one with the stolen .25 caliber handgun, in addition to other crimes, according to court records.

A judge previously threw out other evidence stemming from the raid on Hancocks home in Attleboro after he determined there was no probable cause to issue the search warrant.

Drug and weapons charges are pending against Hancock in Providence Superior Court, which are related to the search of his home in Johnston.

No weapon was found in Attleboro, but police say they seized a loaded .357 caliber semiautomatic and drugs in Rhode Island.

David Linton may be reached at 508-236-0338.

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Weapons charges against Attleboro man dismissed after key witness invokes 5th - The Sun Chronicle

Due Process :: Fifth Amendment — Rights of Persons :: US …

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.

Annotations

It is now the settled doctrine of this Court that the Due Process Clause embodies a system of rights based on moral principles so deeply imbedded in the traditions and feelings of our people as to be deemed fundamental to a civilized society as conceived by our whole history. Due Process is that which comports with the deepest notions of what is fair and right and just.421 The content of due process is a historical product422 that traces all the way back to chapter 39 of Magna Carta, in which King John promised that [n]o free man shall be taken or imprisoned or disseized or exiled or in any way destroyed, nor will we go upon him nor send upon him, except by the lawful judgment of his peers or by the law of the land.423 The phrase due process of law first appeared in a statutory rendition of this chapter in 1354. No man of what state or condition he be, shall be put out of his lands or tenements nor taken, nor disinherited, nor put to death, without he be brought to answer by due process of law.424 Though Magna Carta was in essence the result of a struggle over interest between the King and his barons,425 this particular clause over time transcended any such limitation of scope, and throughout the fourteenth century parliamentary interpretation expanded far beyond the intention of any of its drafters.426 The understanding which the founders of the American constitutional system, and those who wrote the Due Process Clauses, brought to the subject they derived from Coke, who in his Second Institutes expounded the proposition that the term by law of the land was equivalent to due process of law, which he in turn defined as by due process of the common law, that is, by the indictment or presentment of good and lawful men . . . or by writ original of the Common Law.427 The significance of both terms was procedural, but there was in Cokes writings on chapter 29 a rudimentary concept of substantive restrictions, which did not develop in England because of parliamentary supremacy, but which was to ower in the United States.

The term law of the land was early the preferred expression in colonial charters and declarations of rights, which gave way to the term due process of law, although some state constitutions continued to employ both terms. Whichever phraseology was used, the expression seems generally to have occurred in close association with precise safeguards of accused persons, but, as is true of the Fifth Amendment here under consideration, the provision also suggests some limitations on substance because of its association with the guarantee of just compensation upon the taking of private property for public use.428

Scope of the Guaranty.Standing by itself, the phrase due process would seem to refer solely and simply to procedure, to process in court, and therefore to be so limited that due process of law would be what the legislative branch enacted it to be. But that is not the interpretation which has been placed on the term. It is manifest that it was not left to the legislative power to enact any process which might be devised. The article is a restraint on the legislative as well as on the executive and judicial powers of the government, and cannot be so construed as to leave Congress free to make any process due process of law by its mere will.429 All persons within the territory of the United States are entitled to its protection, including corporations,430 aliens,431 and presumptively citizens seeking readmission to the United States,432 but States as such are not so entitled.433 It is effective in the District of Columbia434 and in territories which are part of the United States,435 but it does not apply of its own force to unincorporated territories.436 Nor does it reach enemy alien belligerents tried by military tribunals outside the territorial jurisdiction of the United States.437

Early in our judicial history, a number of jurists attempted to formulate a theory of natural rightsnatural justice, which would limit the power of government, especially with regard to the property rights of persons.438 State courts were the arenas in which this struggle was carried out prior to the Civil War. Opposing the vested rights theory of protection of property were jurists who argued first, that the written constitution was the supreme law of the State and that judicial review could look only to that document in scrutinizing legislation and not to the unwritten law of natural rights, and second, that the police power of government enabled legislatures to regulate the use and holding of property in the public interest, subject only to the specific prohibitions of the written constitution. The vested rights jurists thus found in the law of the land and the due process clauses of the state constitutions a restriction upon the substantive content of legislation, which prohibited, regardless of the matter of procedure, a certain kind or degree of exertion of legislative power altogether.439 Thus, Chief Justice Taney was not innovating when, in the Dred Scott case, he pronounced, without elaboration, that one of the reasons that the Missouri Compromise was unconstitutional was that an act of Congress that deprived a citizen of the United States of his liberty or property, merely because he came himself or brought his property into a particular territory of the United States, and who had committed no offence against the laws, could hardly be dignified with the name of due process of law.440 Following the war, with the ratification of the Fourteenth Amendments Due Process Clause, substantive due process interpretations were urged on the Supreme Court with regard to state legislation. First resisted, the arguments came in time to be accepted, and they imposed upon both federal and state legislation a firm judicial hand that was not to be removed until the crisis of the 1930s, and that today in non-economic legislation continues to be reasserted.

It may prevent confusion, and relieve from repetition, if we point out that some of our cases arose under the provisions of the Fifth and others under those of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. Although the language of those Amendments is the same, yet as they were engrafted upon the Constitution at different times and in widely different circumstances of our national life, it may be that questions may arise in which different constructions and applications of their provisions may be proper.441 The most obvious difference between the two Due Process Clauses is that the Fifth Amendment clause as it binds the Federal Government coexists with other express provisions in the Bill of Rights guaranteeing fair procedure and non-arbitrary action, such as jury trials, grand jury indictments, and nonexcessive bail and fines, as well as just compensation, whereas the Fourteenth Amendment clause as it binds the states has been held to contain implicitly not only the standards of fairness and justness found within the Fifth Amendments clause but also to contain many guarantees that are expressly set out in the Bill of Rights. In that sense, the two clauses are not the same thing, but, insofar as they impose such implicit requirements of fair trials, fair hearings, and the like, which exist separately from, though they are informed by, express constitutional guarantees, the interpretation of the two clauses is substantially, if not wholly, the same. Save for areas in which the particularly national character of the Federal Government requires separate treatment, this books discussion of the meaning of due process is largely reserved for the section on the Fourteenth Amendment. Finally, some Fourteenth Amendment interpretations have been carried back to broaden interpretations of the Fifth Amendments Due Process Clause, such as, for example, the development of equal protection standards as an aspect of Fifth Amendment due process.

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Due Process :: Fifth Amendment -- Rights of Persons :: US ...

US Government for Kids: Fifth Amendment

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From the Constitution

Here is the text of the Fifth Amendment from the Constitution:

"No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation."

The Grand Jury

The first part of the amendment talks about a grand jury. The grand jury is a jury that decides if a trial should be held. They look at all the evidence and then decide if a person should be charged with a crime. If they decide there is enough evidence, then they will issue an indictment and a regular trial will be held. The grand jury is only used in cases where the punishment for the crime is severe such as life in prison or the death sentence.

Double Jeopardy

The next section protects the person from being tried for the same crime more than once. This is called double jeopardy.

Perhaps the most famous part of the Fifth Amendment is the right to not testify against yourself during a trial. This is often called "taking the fifth." The government must present witnesses and evidence to prove the crime and cannot force someone to testify against themselves.

You've probably heard the police on TV say something like "you have the right to remain silent, anything you say or do may be used against you in a court of law" when they arrest someone. This statement is called the Miranda Warning. Police are required to tell people this before they question them as part of the Fifth Amendment. It reminds citizens that they don't have to testify against themselves.

The amendment also states that a person has a right to "due process of law." Due process means that any citizen charged with a crime will be given a fair trial that follows a defined procedure through the judicial system.

The last section says that the government can't take a person's private property without paying them a fair price for it. This is called eminent domain. The government can take your property for public use, but they have to pay you a fair price for it.

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US Government for Kids: Fifth Amendment

Federal court demands the military turn over secret documents about the trans military ban – LGBTQ Nation

The U.S. District Court for the Western District of Washington has ordered the Department of Defense to hand over documents related to Donald Trumps transgender military ban including those which would explain his rationale for the ban.

Its unclear whether the Trump administration will contest the order.

Related:Military leaders are lining up to oppose Trumps attacks on HIV+ service members

The court order came in response to Karnoski v. Trump, an August 27, 2017 lawsuit filed on behalf of Ryan Karnoski, a transgender social worker from a military family who wanted to join the military but is now forbidden by Trumps ban. The lawsuit also lists several other transgender military members as plaintiffs and was filed by Lambda Legal and the Modern Military Association of America (formerly known as OutServe-SLDN and the American Military Partners Association).

The lawsuit alleges that Trumps trans military ban was made without any meaningful deliberative process and was directly contrary to the considered judgment of the military and violates equal protection and due process guarantees of the Fifth Amendment and the free speech guarantee of the First Amendment [without] any compelling, important, or even rational justification.

In a statement, about the new district court order, Lambda Legal Counsel Peter Renn said, We look forward to the court shining a light onto what the government has fought very hard to hide. There is no cloak big enough to hide the deficiencies of the Pentagons rushed plan, which was cobbled together after-the-fact to backfill a justification for President Trumps arbitrary tweets.

The court order follows a September 2019 Washington D.C. court decision also requiring the military to hand over similar materials that theyve previously withheld and a Michigan court ruling from the same month requiring an anti-LGBT organization to turn over its communications with the government regarding the ban, though Lambda Legal didnt name the exact organization.

When Trump issued the ban via Twitter in July 2017, military leaders seemed blindsided, referring all media inquiries about the ban to the White House. Trumps tweets said the ban was because of the tremendous medical costs and disruption that transgender in the military would entail.

But while trans healthcare wouldve cost the military between $2.4 million and $8.4 million annually, the military currently spends $41.6 million annually on the erectile dysfunction medication Viagra, blowing a hole in Trumps justification.

House Democrats almost overturned Trumps trans military ban in an amendment to a major defense spending bill earlier this month, but Republican legislators stopped them.

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Federal court demands the military turn over secret documents about the trans military ban - LGBTQ Nation

Why Republicans Are Refusing to Testify – The Atlantic

Should these witnesses testify, they can resist certain questionsfor example by invoking executive privilege or their own Fifth Amendment rightsand they would surely insert do not recalls into the record, but they would face consequences for lying. The president often characterizes his public comments on pending investigations as freedom of speech or fighting back, but his aides have no First Amendment right to lie under oath, and perjury is never excused by self-defense. As the Supreme Court stated in the Bryson case 50 years ago: Our legal system provides methods for challenging the Governments right to ask questionslying is not one of them.

Brenda Wineapple: How to conduct a trial in the Senate

In many religious and moral traditions, bearing false witness constitutes the most serious form of deception and occasions the most dire punishment. Even if the solemn nature of an oath no longer instills fear of eternal damnation, breaking that oath does warrant a felony charge. Among the 4,000-plus federal crimes, at least 300 address various forms of deception. Perjurywillfully making a false statement under oath about facts material to an official proceedingis the most significant of the federal dishonesty offenses. Perjury goes way back: In legal texts from the ancient world and medieval codes, it was punishable by death. In the 16th-century common law that is the precedent for Americas criminal statute, perjury was declared infamous and detestable. Since the First Congress, in 1790, lying under oath has been proscribed under federal law, and all 50 states now have statutes criminalizing perjury.

The elements required to prove perjury are stringent and specific. Under Title 18, United States Code, Section 1621, prosecutors must demonstrate that the sworn statement is false, that the lie is willful and deliberate, and that the statement could influence the proceeding. Cases can be difficult to prosecute and prove, because perjury requires clear and direct questions and brazenly untrue responses. The law does not prohibit trivial falsehoods or carelessness, statements that are misleading but literally true, or statements that are incomplete and merely evasive.

The general perjury statute covers false evidence presented to tribunals other than courts that act with the authority of law, including Congress. Should witnesses lie to Congress, they could laterup to five years later, given the statute of limitationsface a criminal indictment in court. Impeachment proceedings have intersected with perjury charges before. Both President Richard Nixons chief of staff, H. R. Haldeman, and his attorney general, John Mitchell, served time in prison for perjury committed before the Senate Watergate Committee. And one of the articles of impeachment against President Bill Clinton arose from his testimony to the grand jury and sworn deposition in Paula Joness civil suit.

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Why Republicans Are Refusing to Testify - The Atlantic

Homeowners Behind Addicks and Barker Dams in Houston, Texas Entitled to Compensation, Federal Judge Rules – PRNewswire

Vuk Vujasinovic of VB Attorneys, who is part of the court-appointed lead team that took the case to trial and won, stated: "People living in the flood pools behind these dams sacrificed their homes to save the heart of Houston, and we are extremely pleased the judge agreed with us that they are entitled to compensation under the 5th Amendment to our constitution."Click here to learn more HurricaneHarveyLawsuitHelp.com.

The homeowners alleged the two dams stopped water that would otherwise have flowed from the project's location 17 miles west of downtown Houston, eastward into West Houston neighborhoods, Houston's central business district, and the industrial ship channel. The homeowners alleged the water backed up until it flooded over the thirteen test properties and over 10,000 homes and businesses located behind the dams.

The homeowners claimed the government's construction and operation of the Addicks and Barker project constituted a "taking" under the Fifth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, entitling them to compensation.

The government alleged Hurricane Harvey was a very large storm that it could not foresee when it built the dams in the 1940s, and denied owing compensation to any homeowners.

Judge Lettow held a 2-week trial in Houston, Texas, which concluded on May 17, 2019. Over 30 witnesses were called to testify, including property owners, experts in hydrology, meteorology, and real estate valuation, representatives of the Army Corps of Engineers, as well as officials with Harris County and Fort Bend County. The trial included an excursion with the Judge to personally view the entire Addicks and Barker project.

Mr. Vujasinovic notes the following major points were established at trial:

In his ruling, Judge Lettow held that the federal government's construction and operation of the Addicks and Barker project was a "taking" under the 5th Amendment, entitling the homeowners to compensation. "The court finds that the government's actions relating to the Addicks and Barker Dams and the attendant flooding of plaintiffs' properties constituted a taking of a flowage easement under the Fifth Amendment. Thus, the court finds defendant liable."

Mr. Vujasinovic anticipates a second phase of litigation for the thirteen test properties to determine the amount of compensation owed to each. Collective damages for the over 10,000 flooded properties are estimated to exceed $1 Billion.

According to Mr. Vujasinovic, "this trial victory will be instrumental in our efforts to obtain fair compensation for all our clients whose property was damaged or destroyed due to the Addicks and Barker project. We look forward to finishing this fight to enforce our clients' constitutional property rights."

About Vuk Vujasinovic Vuk Vujasinovic is part of the court-appointed lead team that won the test case trial. His firm represents homeowners in all impacted communities behind the dams, including Bear Creek, Twin Lakes, Lakes on Eldridge, Concord Bridge, Concord Colony, Canyon Gate Cinco Ranch, Charlestown Colony, Cinco at Willow Fork, Cinco Ranch Equestrian Village, Cinco Ranch Greenway Village, Cinco Ranch Meadow Place, Cinco Ranch Southpark, Concord Fairways at Kelliwood, Grand Lakes, Grand Lakes Phase Three, Grand Mission, Green Trails Oaks, Greens at Willow Fork, Jamestown Colony, Kelliwood Greens, Kingsland Estates, Lakes of Buckingham Kelliwood, Mayde Creek Farms, Park Harbor Estates, Parklake Village, Pine Forest, Savannah Estates, Stone Gate at Canyon Gate, and Windsor Park Estates.

About VB Attorneys Based in Houston, Texas, VB Attorneys handles cases throughout the country. To learn more about the firm, visit HurricaneHarveyLawsuitHelp.com and VBAttorneys.com, or call 888.695.6993.

Contact: Carlos Villarreal Phone: (888) 695-6993 Website:VBAattorneys.comEmail: Carlos@VBAttorneys.com

SOURCE VB Attorneys

http://www.vbattorneys.com

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Homeowners Behind Addicks and Barker Dams in Houston, Texas Entitled to Compensation, Federal Judge Rules - PRNewswire

Ask the author: The enduring and controversial legacy of the Warren Court – SCOTUSblog

The following is a series of questions posed by Ronald Collins to Geoffrey Stone and David Strauss in connection with their new book, Democracy and Equality: The Enduring Constitutional Vision of the Warren Court (Oxford University Press, 2020).

Geoffrey Stone is the Edward H. Levi Distinguished Service Professor at the University of Chicago Law School. He served as dean of the law school from 1987-1994 and provost of the University of Chicago from 1994-2002. Stone was a law clerk to Supreme Court Justice William J. Brennan Jr. and before that a law clerk to Judge J. Skelly Wright on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit.

David Strauss is the Gerald Ratner Distinguished Service Professor of Law and Faculty Director of the Jenner & Block Supreme Court and Appellate Clinic at the University of Chicago Law School. Before joining the law school faculty, he worked as an attorney-advisor in the Office of Legal Counsel at the U.S. Department of Justice and was an assistant to the Solicitor General of the United States.

Stone and Strauss, along with Yale Law School professor Justin Driver, are the editors of the Supreme Court Review.

Welcome, Geoffrey and David, and thank you for taking the time to participate in this question-and-answer for our readers. And congratulations on the publication of your latest book.

* * *

Question: Democracy and Equality is the 18th book in the Inalienable Rights series published by Oxford University Press. As the editor of the series, Geoffrey, congratulations on such an impressive array of books by everyone from Richard Epstein to Laurence Tribe and from Martha Nussbaum to Nadine Strossen. Might you tell us whats in the works for the next volume or two?

Stone & Strauss: By coincidence, the next two volumes in the series, which will be published in 2020, both deal with the issue of religion. In the 19th volume, Jack Rakove, a Pulitzer Prize-winning historian at Stanford, has written Beyond Belief, Beyond Conscience, which explores the evolution of religious freedom from the 16th century to the modern era, focusing especially on history, philosophy and political theory.

In the 20th volume, Erwin Chemerinsky, dean of the University of California, Berkeley School of Law, and Howard Gillman, chancellor of the University of California, Irvine, have written The Religion Clauses: The Case for Separating Church and State, which focuses on what the authors see as the troubling directions our conservative justices are now taking insofar as they reject the idea of a wall separating church and state.

Question: The first book in the Inalienable Rights series was Richard Posners Not a Suicide Pact: The Constitution in Times of a National Emergency (2006). In the editors note to that volume, Geoffrey and Dedi Felman wrote: Rights invite discussion: What is a constitutional right? What are the counterbalancing duties?

In terms of the Warren Courts civil rights and civil liberties jurisprudence, what do you see as some of the major counterbalancing duties?

Stone: As a bit of background, I should explain that back in 2004 Dedi Felman, then an editor at Oxford, came up with the idea for the Inalienable Rights series. I had just published Perilous Times: Free Speech in Wartime (2004), and Dedi persuaded me to take on the challenge of serving as editor of this series. The goal was to produce a series of books, written by distinguished legal scholars, that would be relatively brief (roughly 40,000 words, lightly footnoted), that would deal with important issues of constitutional law and that would be both interesting to constitutional law experts and accessible to general readers. Dedi left Oxford shortly thereafter, and David McBride has taken on her role in the years since. Initially, we imagined that the series would consist of perhaps six volumes published over eight years. We never imagined that we would publish 20 volumes, with more no doubt to come. The authors in the series have included truly remarkable scholars, including not only the individuals you mention above, but also Cass Sunstein, Pam Karlan, Lee Bollinger, Mark Tushnet, Michael Klarman, and on and on and on.

In terms of your question about counterbalancing duties, I assume we were referring most fundamentally to the doctrine of precedent and to the obligation of justices not to reach results merely because they think those results reflect good public policy for the nation, but to honestly ground their decisions in principles of interpretation that are true to the fundamental concerns of specific constitutional provisions and to an approach to constitutional interpretation that is grounded in the aspirations of the Framers and in a principled understanding of the central reasons for judicial review.

As we hope to demonstrate in Democracy and Equality, in our view, although the justices of the Warren Court often confronted problematic precedents, they had a deep understanding of the most fundamental reasons for judicial review and of the essential role of our Supreme Court in our constitutional system most centrally, to make sure that majorities do not disregard the rights and interests of those without the political power to protect themselves, or abuse their power to manipulate the rules of democracy in order to ensure their continued dominance. As we argue in the book, the Warren Court confronted difficult issues of precedent, but did so in a manner that fulfilled the most central reasons for having a Supreme Court in the first place.

Question: As a matter of originalist jurisprudence, do you think Alexander Bickels memorandum for Justice Felix Frankfurter in Brown v. Board of Education (1954) carried the day, or do you think Raoul Berger had the better argument in his book, Government by Judiciary (1977), in which he argued that Bickels historical defense was untenable?

Stone & Strauss: The Warren Court, of course, never claimed to be originalist. In Brown, and then emphatically in Loving v. Virginia (1967), the case that struck down laws forbidding interracial marriage, the Warren Court was quite clear that it was not pretending to follow the original understandings. In that respect, the Warren Court was intellectually honest in a way that not everyone has been.

In fact, the question you ask, by itself, shows how impoverished originalist jurisprudence is. Bergers claim that the 14th Amendment was not understood at the time to establish a principle of racial equality is pretty clearly correct, even if some of Bergers specific arguments are flawed. So originalists have to tie themselves in knots to try to explain how originalism can be made consistent with cases like Brown and Loving. Bickels account essentially, to emphasize the principles underlying the 14th Amendment and its capacity for growth, rather than how people at the time understood it is of a piece with one of the ways originalists try to save their approach from generating unacceptable conclusions.

If we understand originalism that way, about principles and the capacity for growth, then it can be unobjectionable; everybody can be an originalist. But that version of originalism also doesnt really limit judges, decide controversial cases or explain how U.S. constitutional law develops.

Question: In your conclusion, you argue that the Warren Court would have rejected the Second Amendment argument in District of Columbia v. Heller (2008) on historical and textual grounds. I assume the same would hold true for the courts ruling in McDonald v. City of Chicago (2010), which applied the Second Amendment to the states.

If so, why did those originalist and textualist standards not defeat the constitutional claim in Malloy v. Hogan (1964)? The majority in Malloy, per Justice William Brennan, incorporated the Fifth Amendment privilege against self-incrimination against the states with little, if any, originalist support.

Stone & Strauss: Right the Warren Court was not, and did not purport to be, originalist, and thats true of the incorporation decisions, too. Justice Hugo Black emphasized the text and what he said were the original understandings, but his view was not accepted by the Warren Court as a whole.

Incorporation the application of the Bill of Rights to the states was a Warren Court success story. But it was not based on original understandings. At the time of most of the incorporation decisions, the received historical view was that the 14th Amendment was not understood to incorporate the Bill of Rights. Justices Felix Frankfurter and John Marshall Harlan, who were very historically minded, opposed incorporation on that ground.

We now know, thanks to the impressive work of some important scholars, that this received understanding was too simple and that the history is actually quite complicated no surprise there. But by the end of the Warren Court, incorporation had become the norm, except for a couple of well-established exceptions (basically, the Seventh Amendment and the Fifth Amendments grand jury clause). It became the norm for a variety of reasons having nothing to do with the history or, for that matter, the text. In part it was, as we say in the book, one of the Warren Courts weapons against state criminal-justice systems that were engines of white supremacy or, at least, badly dysfunctional. More generally, as the Warren Court made the protections of the Bill of Rights more extensive and elaborate, it made a lot of sense not to operate with separate sets of rules for federal and state governments, particularly in the area of law enforcement.

Heller was wrong, but once it was decided, it became an uphill struggle to keep the Second Amendment from being incorporated, precisely because the Warren Court made incorporation the norm.

Question: As you note, in a 1980 Santa Clara Law Review article, Justice Arthur Goldberg declared: Without actually overruling Mapp v. Ohio, which applied the exclusionary rule to the states], the present Court has riddled it so full of loopholes as to render its effect almost meaningless.

Might the same be said of one of the Warren Courts most famous decisions, Miranda v. Arizona (1966)? Have Mapp and Miranda become almost meaningless?

Stone & Strauss: No. Although in the years since Mapp the increasingly conservative justices of the Burger, Rehnquist and Roberts Courts have limited the impact of Mapp in a string of decisions, illustrated by United States v. Calandra (1974), Stone v. Powell (1976) and Herring v. United States (2009), many police departments across the nation have reformed themselves in response to Mapp. Despite the limitations the Burger, Rehnquist and Roberts Courts have imposed on the scope of the exclusionary rule, the central holding of Mapp remains intact. As Yale Kamisar has observed, it is comforting to know that, although battered and bruised, Mapp remains in place waiting for a future Court to reclaim the torch.

As with Mapp, the ever-more conservative justices since the end of the Warren Court have limited the impact of Miranda. In Harris v. New York (1971) for example, the Burger Court held, over the dissents of Black, Brennan and Justices William Douglas and Thurgood Marshall, all of whom had joined Miranda, that statements made by a suspect in the course of custodial interrogation could be used to impeach the defendants credibility if he testified in his own behalf at trial. Over time, though, Miranda came increasingly to be accepted as the culture of the police station as law enforcement practices became more civilized and more positive.

In 1993, the Rehnquist Court declared that, in the 27 years since Miranda was decided, law enforcement has grown in constitutional as well as technological sophistication, and there is little reason to believe that the police today are unable, or even generally unwilling, to satisfy Mirandas requirements. In 2000, in Dickerson v. United States, Chief Justice William Rehnquist expressly reaffirmed Miranda, noting that Miranda has become embedded in routine police practice and there is no principled justification for overruling Miranda.

Nonetheless, the Roberts Court has continued to undermine Miranda. In Berghuis v. Thompkins (2010), for example, the court, with Chief Justice Roberts joining Justices Antonin Scalia, Anthony Kennedy, Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito in the majority, held that an individual arrested for murder who remained silent for three hours after being warned of his right to remain silent, despite continued and ongoing police interrogation, had waived his rights when he finally gave in and responded to a question.

Although Miranda has become generally accepted, how it will fare in the hands of justices who do not share the Warren Courts vision of the Constitution remains to be seen.

Question: It seems that the court since the Warren era has preferred creating numerous exceptions to landmark liberal rulings to formally overruling them. Consider another quotation, for example, from Rehnquist in Dickerson: While we have overruled our precedents when subsequent cases have undermined their doctrinal underpinnings, we do not believe that this has happened to the Miranda decision. If anything, our subsequent cases have reduced the impact of the Miranda rule on legitimate law enforcement while reaffirming the decisions core ruling.

Do you think the exceptions to Roe v. Wade (1973) carved out since the ruling have undermined Roes doctrinal underpinnings, leaving it vulnerable to being overruled? Or do you think the court will continue to riddle it with exceptions?

Stone & Strauss: Roe was a profoundly important decision. Although it was not a Warren Court decision, there is little doubt that the Warren Court would have reached the same result in 1973. One thing that is interesting and revealing about Roe is that five of the seven justices in the majority were appointed by Republican presidents Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon (Brennan, Chief Justice Warren Burger, and Justices Potter Stewart, Harry Blackmun and Lewis Powell). The two dissenters were appointed by Republican President Nixon (Rehnquist) and Democratic President John Kennedy (Justice Byron White). In short, Roe was a remarkably nonpartisan decision.

Things have changed dramatically since 1973, though, as presidents from both parties have increasingly appointed justices with what they hoped were preconceived views on abortion. Nonetheless, although Republican presidents have appointed 14 of the 18 justices in the last 50 years (even though they have won the popular vote in only six of the last 13 presidential elections), Roe has survived.

It is true, of course, that the court over that period has handed down several important decisions limiting Roe, including Maher v. Roe (1977), Harris v. McRae (1980), Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992) and Gonzales v. Carhart (2007), but the plain and simple fact is that, despite those decisions, at least the core ofRoehas survived notwithstanding the many attacks on it. That is due largely to the fact that four Republican-appointed justices in this era Kennedy, John Paul Stevens, Sandra Day OConnor and David Souter were deeply committed to the principle of precedent and to the rights of women. Unfortunately, in our view, the five Republican-appointed justices now on the court (Roberts, Thomas and Alito, alongside Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh) are likely to cast Roe aside. They might do this quickly, or in a series of decisions over the next three or four years, but as long as they remain in the majority, they will almost surely do this.

Question: In all 12 cases you discuss, the various rights claims were vindicated. But what of important Warren Court cases in which a claim was denied, as in Brennans opinion in Roth v. United States (1957), in which the court held that obscenity is not protected by the First Amendment?

How important was Roth to the Warren Courts First Amendment jurisprudence?

Stone & Strauss: Its important to understand that the Warren Courts jurisprudence evolved over time as the makeup of the court changed. Indeed, although Chief Justice Earl Warren joined the court in 1954, the only decision of the 12 we discuss in our book that was handed down before 1961 was Brown. Brown was, of course, a profoundly important and transformative decision, but with that one exception the Warren Court as we know it didnt really take on its historic identity until the early 1960s. At the time Roth was decided in 1957, the court still had Frankfurter and Justices Harold Burton, Tom Clark and Charles Whittaker on it. It was not surprising that those justices would not welcome a radical decision giving broad constitutional protection to obscenity. Moreover, Warren himself was personally quite put off by what at the time was understood to be obscene expression.

On the other hand, although Roth might be seen today as a somewhat timid decision, Brennans opinion for the court gave much greater First Amendment protection to sexual expression than existed almost anywhere in the nation. The dominant approach to defining obscenity in the United States at that time was still rooted in the 1868 English case of Regina v. Hicklin, which held that any material that tended to deprave and corrupt those whose minds are open to such immoral influences must be deemed obscene and therefore could be banned. Brennan, building on lower-court and state-court decisions that had increasingly interpreted anti-obscenity statutes more narrowly although not based on the First Amendment held that sexual expression could not be prohibited consistent with the First Amendment unless the dominant theme of the material taken as a whole appeals to the prurient interest of the average person applying contemporary community standards. Although Roth did not go nearly as far as Douglas and Black wanted (they maintained that so-called obscene expression should be fully protected by the First Amendment), it was in fact a cautious, but meaningful step forward in the protection of sexual expression.

Moreover, nine years later when the Warren Court revisited the question in Memoirs v. Massachusetts, Brennan, joined by Warren and Justice Abe Fortas, with concurrences by Black, Douglas and Stewart, held that sexual material could not be deemed obscene unless, in addition to the requirements set out in Roth, it also had no redeeming social value. By the time the Burger Court came into being, this test had proved so expansive in its protection of sexual expression that the justices of the Burger Court felt it necessary in 1973 in Miller v. California and Paris Adult Theater v. Slaton to cut back substantially on the Warren Courts approach to sexual expression and the First Amendment.

Question: Harlan dissented from some of the Warren Courts seminal rulings, including Mapp and Miranda. How, if at all, do his dissents inform our understanding of constitutional law?

Stone & Strauss: Harlan today has an excellent reputation, deservedly so, but it is more despite than because of his dissents from some of the Warren Court decisions. His opinions as a whole reflect a respect for tradition and precedent, a recognition of the importance of being principled and a genuine effort to get things right without political or ideological precommitments.

Harlan misjudged the criminal-procedure revolution, in the cases you mention for example, and he was mistaken about some other Warren Court initiatives, notably reapportionment. But even then, his opinions presented the right kinds of challenges to the Warren Court. And although he was often a conservative dissenter on the Warren Court, he was the intellectual godfather of Roe he was not on the court at the time of Roe, but his opinion in Griswold v. Connecticut (1967) paved the way for Roe, and the approach he took in Griswold became the foundation of so-called unenumerated rights more generally.

To give just a couple of other examples: In Cohen v California (1971), Harlan wrote an opinion upholding the First Amendment right of an individual to wear a jacket saying Fuck the Draft in a courthouse, even though he himself undoubtedly found that kind of display worse than distasteful. But he understood the nature and importance of dissent in the Vietnam War era. And in Bivens v. Six Unknown Named Agents (1971), Harlan wrote an exceptionally thoughtful opinion explaining why people should be able to sue federal officials who violate their constitutional rights. More recent courts have been relentlessly hostile to Bivens but have never met Harlans arguments on the merits. The conservative counter-revolution on the Supreme Court has been, in many ways, as much a repudiation of Harlan as of the Warren Court.

Question: As you note in your chapter on Loving, in the aftermath of Brown the Warren Court was reluctant to declare prohibitions on interracial marriage unconstitutional.

You write: The Justices, in what amounted to a kind of judicial civil disobedience, had decided that they had to violate Congresss jurisdictional statute in order to protect Brown.

What do you make of this judicial civil disobedience? And given the cultural state of affairs in America in the early 1970s, was the Supreme Court warranted in refusing to hear Baker v. Nelson (1972), a case challenging a Minnesota anti-gay-marriage law?

Stone & Strauss: Whatever might be said about Baker, it was not an act of judicial civil disobedience; the court complied with the jurisdictional statutes (Baker was a decision on the merits), and there was no established law favoring same-sex marriage at the time. The question of when the court should hold back on establishing constitutional rights that it would otherwise recognize because it is concerned about a public backlash that is a very difficult question. Disobeying a legal obligation because of a concern about backlash is the most extreme example. Maybe it is a partial answer to say that, in the real world, the justices are, in fact, going to take the risks of a backlash into account (as they perceive those risks), no matter what those of us on the outside might say.

This issue whether the court should have held back because of a concern about backlash might have arisen in a dramatic way in the run-up to Obergefell v. Hodges, the 2015 decision that established a right to same-sex marriage, had public opinion not moved so quickly in favor of same-sex marriage. But as it was, the court did not have to face that issue squarely.

Question: What might the Warren Court have done had it heard Buckley v. Valeo (1976), in which the court under Chief Justice Warren Burger struck down spending limits in the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971?

Stone & Strauss: This is a fascinating question. To keep things simple, well focus only on the contribution and expenditure limits, although that leaves out some interesting parts of the law. At the time Buckley was decided, there were only four justices from the Warren Court still on the Supreme Court Brennan, Stewart, White and Marshall. Brennan and Stewart voted to uphold the contribution limits but to strike down the expenditure limits. White voted to uphold both the contribution and expenditure limits. Marshall voted to uphold both the contribution and expenditure limits (but only as applied to candidates themselves). In short, the four holdovers from the Warren Court all voted to uphold the contribution limits, but were all over the lot on the expenditure limits. Given this distribution of votes, its difficult to predict what Warren, Black, Douglas, Harlan and Fortas would each have done had they still been on the court in 1976.

Part of the reason this is so difficult is that the Warren Court deeply valued both the freedom of speech and the proper functioning of the democratic process. A case like Buckley arguably put these central values in conflict. On the one hand, the members of the Warren Court generally believed that individuals should have a right to speak their minds, but on the other hand they also believed that government could constitutionally intervene in the democratic process to ensure that it functions fairly.

Although the remaining justices of the Warren Court clearly disagreed about how best to strike the balance in 1976, we have little doubt that by the time Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission made it to the court in 2010 a substantial majority of the Warren Court justices would have voted to uphold the McCain-Feingold Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act. This is so because by this time the destructive impact of money in the political process had grown far more severe than had been the case in 1976. Moreover, although the limitation on free speech was not insignificant, it was viewpoint-neutral and thus made the danger to free-speech values much less serious than if the law had expressly treated supporters of Democratic candidates differently from supporters of Republican candidates. And given the increasingly dangerous impact money was having by 2010 on a well-functioning democracy, it seems clear that most of the Warren Court justices, like Stevens and Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Stephen Breyer and Sonia Sotomayor in Citizens United (and OConnor, who had voted to uphold the act a few years earlier in McConnell v. Federal Election Commission), would have voted to uphold the central provision of the McCain-Feingold Act.

Question: In cases such as Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co. (1968) and Katzenbach v. Morgan (1966), the Warren Court relied on the 13th and 14th Amendments to uphold Congress power to enact anti-discrimination laws that apply to the federal government and the states. Do you think we will see more rulings like the one in Shelby County v. Holder (2013), which struck down such a law, Section 4(b) of the Voting Rights Act of 1965?

Stone & Strauss: The Warren Court was, of course, criticized for activism for declaring laws unconstitutional. But more recent conservative courts have generally accepted the activist decisions: Brown, Loving, Reynolds v Sims (1964), Miranda, Gideon, Griswold, the school prayer cases, the First Amendment cases.

The Warren Court decisions that have fared the worst at the hands of conservative courts have been the decisions that upheld acts of Congress. Katzenbach v. Morgan, which you mention, was effectively overruled by City of Boerne v. Flores (1997); Shelby County is hard to square with South Carolina v. Katzenbach (1966), to say the least; and the Warren Courts generous view of Congress power under the commerce clause (which was the basis for upholding key provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1964) was systematically limited by the Rehnquist and Roberts Courts.

In other words, the conservative courts biggest objection to the Warren Court seems to be that the Warren Court was too deferential to Congress too willing to step aside and let the peoples elected representatives in Congress run things. That was part of the Warren Courts abiding commitment to democracy. One of the reasons we wrote the book was that we thought the legacy of the Warren Court was misunderstood by conservatives, by moderates and even by liberals and this is a prime example.

Question: You suggest that, consistent with its rulings in Brown and Loving, the Warren Court would have sustained affirmative-action programs in order to help rectify the grave and lasting wrongs of slavery. You write: Racial classifications do not present a critical constitutional problem unless they reinforce something comparable to white supremacy. How might the Warren Court have applied that formula in the context of affirmative action?

Stone & Strauss: Critics of affirmative action like to say that Brown and Loving stand for a principle of colorblindness that racial classifications are across the board unacceptable. Thats a mischaracterization. The problem with the racial classifications of the Jim Crow era is that they were used to subordinate African Americans, and the logic of the Warren Court decisions is that racial classifications are unacceptable when they are used to oppress minority groups.

Affirmative-action measures classifications that benefit minorities may be good or may be bad, but that is a decision that should be entrusted to the political process; there is no reason for the courts to step in. Current law has moved far away from that way of thinking, but that is the right way to understand the principle that underlies the Warren Court decisions about race.

Question: In a nutshell, what would you say is the central difference between the constitutional jurisprudence of Warren and that of Roberts?

Stone & Strauss: As the title of our book suggests, the enduring constitutional vision of the Warren Court was its concern with democracy and equality. Warren certainly shared that vision. What this meant, simply, is that in exercising the fundamental responsibility of judicial review in cases like Brown, Mapp, Engel v. Vitale (1962), Gideon v. Wainwright (1963), New York Times Co. v. Sullivan (1964), Reynolds, Griswold, Miranda, Loving, Katz v. United States (1967), Shapiro v. Thompson (1968) and Brandenburg v. Ohio (1969) which are the central focus of our book Warren and the Warren Court focused on ensuring that the American Constitution protected the rights of minorities and the essential requisites of a well-functioning democracy. That was correctly, in our view the core focus of Warrens interpretation of our Constitution. Of course, as we say in the book, there were some cases in which Warren, and his court, did not follow through on that vision. But there is an overall principled coherence to the work of the Warren Court.

It is much more difficult to define the constitutional jurisprudence of Roberts and his court. Quite frankly, when one reviews such cases as Heller, Citizens United, Shelby County, Burwell v. Hobby Lobby (2014), Trump v. Hawaii (2017) and Rucho v. Common Cause (2019), and the dissenting opinions in Obergefell, Whole Womans Health v. Hellerstedt (2016) and Fisher v. University of Texas (2016), it is difficult to discern a principled approach to constitutional interpretation.

Originalism is not a plausible theory of constitutional interpretation, as we have said, and does not even purport to be the basis of most of these decisions. The text does not answer the questions posed by these cases. The Roberts Court is certainly not an avatar of judicial restraint it is far more willing to invalidate important acts of Congress than the Warren Court ever was or of following precedent. The affirmative-action and gun-control cases belie any principled commitment to federalism. Although Warren and Roberts were both Republicans, appointed by Republican presidents, the difference in their courts approach to constitutional interpretation is dramatic.

Question: In your view, recent developments in the courts equality and liberty jurisprudence paint a bleak picture. Where does that leave those who value the constitutional vision of the Warren Court?

Stone & Strauss: There are historians who say that the Warren Court was a one-off: a product of a particular constellation of political and legal forces that is unlikely to be replicated. That may be true, of course. But we wrote the book not as an exercise in nostalgic hagiography the Warren Court made its share of mistakes, as we say in the book but in order to hold out an ideal of the role the Supreme Court could play in a democratic society.

In particular, we wanted to refute the notion that the Warren Court was just a liberal counterpart to the conservative courts that have succeeded it. The current administration, and the current Senate leadership, have tried to make the courts an instrument of partisan warfare. Things dont have to be that way, and they werent that way for the Warren Court. Warren was one of the most successful Republican politicians of his generation. Brennan was appointed by a Republican president. White, a Kennedy appointee, dissented from many of the Warren Courts criminal-procedure decisions, as well as from Roe. Harlan, an establishment Republican appointed by a Republican, believed the Constitution protected reproductive rights; Black, a New Deal Democratic senator, vehemently disagreed. But every one of those justices shared the core commitments of the Warren Court its war on racial apartheid and its defense of democracy.

What the Warren Court shows, we think, is that the Supreme Court can transcend partisanship and help fulfill the highest ideals of American democracy. That should be our aspiration for the future of the courts, however discouraging things might seem right now.

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Recommended Citation: Ron Collins, Ask the author: The enduring and controversial legacy of the Warren Court, SCOTUSblog (Dec. 17, 2019, 3:15 PM), https://www.scotusblog.com/2019/12/ask-the-author-the-enduring-and-controversial-legacy-of-the-warren-court/

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Man charged with triple murder to have hearing this week – Peninsula Daily News

PORT ANGELES A Port Angeles man charged with triple murder in December 2018 will have a court hearing this week to determine whether statements he made to law enforcement can be used at trial.

Ryan Warren Ward, 38, will appear in Clallam County Superior Court at 9 a.m. Wednesday for a 3.6 hearing on the suppression of a Jan. 31 interrogation that occurred after he had requested a lawyer.

He is one of three people charged with a Dec. 26, 2018 triple homicide east of Port Angeles.

Ward was charged Jan. 28 with three counts of first-degree aggravated murder with firearms enhancements and one count of second-degree unlawful possession of a firearm.

Dennis Marvin Bauer, Kallie Ann Letellier and Ward are each charged for the slayings of trucking company owner Darrell C. Iverson, 57; his son, Jordan D. Iverson, 27, and Jordan Iversons girlfriend, Tiffany A. May, 26.

Wards attorney, Lane Wolfley, filed a motion Oct. 25 to suppress his clients Jan. 31 interview with Clallam County Sheriffs Det. Jeff Waterhouse and Det. Sgt. Eric Munger.

Wolfley argued that Ward said he would like a lawyer prior to the interrogation.

Ward invoked his right to remain silent and subsequent questioning violated his Fifth Amendment rights, Wolfley said in his motion.

Prosecutors argued that Ward stated hed like a lawyer if Im being charged and voluntarily waived his rights to counsel.

The states list of witnesses for the 3.6 hearing include Munger, Waterhouse, Sheriffs Sgt. Don Wenzl and State Patrol Det. Mike Grall.

A six-week trial for Ward, now scheduled to begin Feb. 3, is expected to be reset Wednesday.

Theyre still trying to (complete) the rest of the testing, said Michele Devlin, Clallam County chief criminal deputy prosecuting attorney, in a Friday court hearing.

A State Patrol crime lab is expected to complete DNA testing next month and firearms testing in February, Devlin said.

Devlin added there was no indication on when the crime scene response team would produce its report.

She deferred to Wolfley on whether to reset the trial date Friday or Wednesday.

I would appreciate being able to wait so that I can confer with other council working on the other cases and just taking an opportunity to talk with Mr. Ward, Wolfley said.

We both recognize the reality of the evidentiary situation.

The victims lived at Iversons residence at 52 Bear Meadow Road, where nearly a thousand pieces of evidence were collected.

Ward is being held in the Jefferson County Jail on $3 million bail.

Erickson signed a transport order for Ward to appear in Clallam County Superior Court at 9 a.m. Wednesday.

According to court documents, Bauer was upset with Darrel Iversons treatment of Letellier, with whom Bauer had a relationship.

Ward, Bauers nephew, according to court records, first said he was not at Iversons property when the shooting occurred, then said he was there but did not take part in the killings.

He said Bauer shot Iverson and Iversons son and that Letellier shot May.

As Bauer, Letellier and Ward fled Iversons residence in a vehicle following the killing, Ward made comments to the effect that the Iversons were both still alive after being shot by Dennis, and he had to finish them off, Letellier said, court papers said.

________

Reporter Rob Ollikainen can be reached at 360-452-2345, ext. 56450, or at [emailprotected]dailynews.com.

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Man charged with triple murder to have hearing this week - Peninsula Daily News

Julio Carrillo pleads 5th when called to testify in wife’s murder trial – WMTW Portland

Julio Carrillo invoked his Fifth Amendment rights when called to testify Friday in the murder trial of his wife.Sharon Carrillo is charged with murder in the death of her 10-year-old daughter Marissa Kennedy.Julio Carrillo is serving 55 years in prison after pleaded guilty to killing the girl.Sharon Carrillo's father and stepmother also took the stand Friday morning as the defense continued to present its case. Prosecutors rested on Thursday.Roseanne Kennedy, Sharon Carrillos stepmother, testified that her stepdaughter didn't say her first word until she was nearly 5 years old and was diagnosed with learning disabilities.The defense has argued that Sharon Carrillo has limited mental capacity.Roseanne Kennedy said Julio Carrillo had Sharon Carrillo and Marissa Kennedy under his control, with both seeking his approval before doing anything.Kennedy went on to say Sharon Carrillo lost her identity and turned into a robot because of Julio Carrillo.

Julio Carrillo invoked his Fifth Amendment rights when called to testify Friday in the murder trial of his wife.

Sharon Carrillo is charged with murder in the death of her 10-year-old daughter Marissa Kennedy.

Julio Carrillo is serving 55 years in prison after pleaded guilty to killing the girl.

Sharon Carrillo's father and stepmother also took the stand Friday morning as the defense continued to present its case. Prosecutors rested on Thursday.

Roseanne Kennedy, Sharon Carrillos stepmother, testified that her stepdaughter didn't say her first word until she was nearly 5 years old and was diagnosed with learning disabilities.

The defense has argued that Sharon Carrillo has limited mental capacity.

Roseanne Kennedy said Julio Carrillo had Sharon Carrillo and Marissa Kennedy under his control, with both seeking his approval before doing anything.

Kennedy went on to say Sharon Carrillo lost her identity and turned into a robot because of Julio Carrillo.

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Julio Carrillo pleads 5th when called to testify in wife's murder trial - WMTW Portland

Fifth Amendment | United States Constitution | Britannica

Fifth Amendment, amendment (1791) to the Constitution of the United States, part of the Bill of Rights, that articulates procedural safeguards designed to protect the rights of the criminally accused and to secure life, liberty, and property. For the text of the Fifth Amendment, see below.

Similar to the First Amendment, the Fifth Amendment is divided into five clauses, representing five distinct, yet related, rights. The first clause specifies that [n]o person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger. This grand jury provision requires a body to make a formal presentment or indictment of a person accused of committing a crime against the laws of the federal government. The proceeding is not a trial but rather an ex parte hearing (i.e., one in which only one party, the prosecution, presents evidence) to determine if the government has enough evidence to carry a case to trial. If the grand jury finds sufficient evidence that an offense was committed, it issues an indictment, which then permits a trial. The portion of the clause pertaining to exceptions in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia is a corollary to Article I, Section 8, which grants Congress the power [t]o make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces. Combined, they justify the use of military courts for the armed forces, thus denying military personnel the same procedural rights afforded civilians.

The second section is commonly referred to as the double jeopardy clause, and it protects citizens against a second prosecution after an acquittal or a conviction, as well as against multiple punishments for the same offense. Caveats to this provision include permissions to try persons for civil and criminal aspects of an offense, conspiring to commit as well as to commit an offense, and separate trials for acts that violate laws of both the federal and state governments, although federal laws generally suppress prosecution by the national government if a person is convicted of the same crime in a state proceeding.

The third section is commonly referred to as the self-incrimination clause, and it protects persons accused of committing a crime from being forced to testify against themselves. In the U.S. judicial system a person is presumed innocent, and it is the responsibility of the state (or national government) to prove guilt. Like other pieces of evidence, once presented, words can be used powerfully against a person; however, words can be manipulated in a way that many other objects cannot. Consequently, information gained from sobriety tests, police lineups, voice samples, and the like is constitutionally permissible while evidence gained from compelled testimony is not. As such, persons accused of committing crimes are protected against themselves or, more accurately, how their words may be used against them. The clause, therefore, protects a key aspect of the system as well as the rights of the criminally accused.

The fourth section is commonly referred to as the due process clause. It protects life, liberty, and property from impairment by the federal government. (The Fourteenth Amendment, ratified in 1868, protects the same rights from infringement by the states.) Chiefly concerned with fairness and justice, the due process clause seeks to preserve and protect fundamental rights and ensure that any deprivation of life, liberty, or property occurs in accordance with procedural safeguards. As such, there are both substantive and procedural considerations associated with the due process clause, and this has influenced the development of two separate tracks of due process jurisprudence: procedural and substantive. Procedural due process pertains to the rules, elements, or methods of enforcementthat is, its procedural aspects. Consider the elements of a fair trial and related Sixth Amendment protections. As long as all relevant rights of the accused are adequately protectedas long as the rules of the game, so to speak, are followedthen the government may, in fact, deprive a person of his life, liberty, or property. But what if the rules are not fair? What if the law itselfregardless of how it is enforcedseemingly deprives rights? This raises the controversial spectre of substantive due process rights. It is not inconceivable that the content of the law, regardless of how it is enforced, is itself repugnant to the Constitution because it violates fundamental rights. Over time, the Supreme Court has had an on-again, off-again relationship with liberty-based due process challenges, but it has generally abided by the principle that certain rights are implicit in the concept of ordered liberty (Palko v. Connecticut [1937]), and as such they are afforded constitutional protection. This, in turn, has led to the expansion of the meaning of the term liberty. What arguably began as freedom from restraint has transformed into a virtual cornucopia of rights reasonably related to enumerated rights, without which neither liberty nor justice would exist. For example, the right to an abortion, established in Roe v. Wade (1973), grew from privacy rights, which emerged from the penumbras of the constitution.

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Fifth Amendment | United States Constitution | Britannica

Fifth Amendment | Kids

A Guide to the Fifth Amendment

The Fifth Amendment, or Amendment V of the United States Constitution is the section of the Bill of Rights that protects you from being held for committing a crime unless you have been indicted correctly by the police. The Fifth Amendment is also where the guarantee of due process comes from, meaning that the state and the country have to respect your legal rights. The Fifth Amendment was introduced as a part of the Bill of Rights into the United States Constitution on September 5, 1789 and was voted for by of the states on December 15, 1791.

History of the Fifth Amendment

Once the United States won their independence from the British Parliament and monarchy that had acted like tyrants, the Framers of the United States Constitution did not trust large, centralized governments. Because of this, the Framers wrote the Bill of Rights, which were the first 10 amendments, to help protect individual freedoms from being hurt by the governmental. They included the Fifth Amendment, which gave five specific freedoms to American citizens.

Understanding the Fifth Amendment Line by Line

If you are confused by what each line means, here are some explanations to make the Fifth Amendment easier to understand:

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury: No one can be put on trial for a serious crime, unless a grand jury decide first that there is enough proof or evidence so that the trial is needed. If there is enough evidence, an indictment is then issued, which means that the person who is charged with the crime will can put on trial for the crime.

Except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger: People in the military can go to trial without a grand jury first deciding that it is necessary. This is the case if the military person commits a crime during a national emergency or a war.

Nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb: If someone is put on trial for a certain crime and the trial ends, the person cannot be tried once more for the same crime. If a person is convicted of a crime and then serves his or her time in jail, or if the person is acquitted, he or she cannot be put on trial a second time.

Nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself: The government does not have the power to make someone testify against himself. That is why a trial uses evidence and witnesses instead of the testimony of the accused person.

Nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law: The government cannot take away a persons life, property, or freedom without following certain steps that give the person a fair chance. This is what is known as due process. Due Process helps protect a persons rights.

Nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation: The government cannot take away a persons property for public use without somehow paying them back for it.

Facts About the Fifth Amendment

The Fifth Amendment was introduced into the Constitution by James Madison.

The ideas in the Fifth Amendment can be traced back to the Magna Carta, which was issued in 1215.

A defendant cannot be punished for using his right to silence during a criminal trial, but there are some consequences to using it in a civil trial.

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Fifth Amendment | Kids

Understanding the Fifth Amendment’s Protections

The Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution, as a provision of the Bill of Rights, enumerates several of the most important protections of persons accused of crimes under the American criminal justice system. These protections include:

The complete text of the Fifth Amendment states:

Nobody can be forced to stand trial for a serious (capital, or otherwise infamous) crime, except in a military court or during declared wars, without having first been indicted or formally charged by a grand jury.

The grand jury indictment clause of the Fifth Amendment has never been interpreted by the courts as applying under the due process of law doctrine of the Fourteenth Amendment, meaning that it applies only to felony charges filed in the federal courts. While several states have grand juries, defendants in state criminal courts do not have a Fifth Amendment right to indictment by a grand jury.

The Double Jeopardy Clause of the Fifth Amendment mandates that defendants, once acquitted of a certain charge, may not be tried again for the same offense at the same jurisdictional level. Defendants may be tried again if the previous trial ended in a mistrial or hung jury, if there is evidence of fraud in the previous trial, or if the charges are not precisely the same for example, the Los Angeles police officers who were accused of beating Rodney King, after being acquitted on state charges, were convicted on federal charges for the same offense.

Specifically, the Double Jeopardy Clause applies to subsequent prosecution after acquittals, after convictions, after certain mistrials, and in cases of multiple charges included in the same Grand Jury indictment.

The best-known clause in the 5th Amendment (No person ... shall be compelled in a criminal case to be a witness against himself) protects suspects from forced self-incrimination.

When suspects invoke their Fifth Amendment right to remain silent, this is referred to in the vernacular as pleading the Fifth. While judges always instruct jurors that pleading the Fifth should never be taken as a sign or tacit admission of guilt, television courtroom dramas generally portray it as such.

Just because suspects haveFifth Amendmentrights against self-incriminationdoes not mean that theyknowabout those rights. Policehave often used, and sometimes still use, a suspect's ignorance regarding his or her own civil rights to build a case. This all changed withMiranda v. Arizona(1966), theSupreme Courtcase that created the statement officers are now required to issue upon arrest beginning with the words "You have the right to remain silent..."

The last clause of the Fifth Amendment, known as the Takings Clause, protects the peoples basic property rights by banning federal, state and local governments from taking privately owned property for public use under their rights of eminent domain without offering the owners just compensation.

However, the U.S.Supreme Court, through its controversial 2005 decision in the case of Kelo v. New London weakened the Takings Clause by ruling that cities could claim private property under eminent domain for purely economic, rather than public purposes, like schools, freeways or bridges.

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Understanding the Fifth Amendment's Protections

An Overview of the 5th Amendment | constitution

Fifth Amendment: Protection against abuse of government authority

What is the Fifth Amendment?

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of War or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation

The Fifth Amendment Defined:

The Fifth Amendment stems from English Common Law and traces back to the Magna Carta in 1215.

The Fifth Amendment is a part of the Bill of Rights, which are the first 10 Amendments to the United States Constitution and the framework to elucidate upon the freedoms of the individual. The Bill of Rights were proposed and sent to the states by the first session of the First Congress. They were later ratified on December 15, 1791.

The first 10 Amendments to the United States Constitution were introduced by James Madison as a series of legislative articles and came into effect as Constitutional Amendments following the process of ratification by three-fourths of the States on December 15, 1791.

Stipulations of the 5th Amendment:

The Fifth Amendment is asserted in any proceeding, whether civil, criminal, administrative, judicial, investigatory, or adjudicatory. The Fifth Amendment protects against all disclosures where the witness reasonably believes the evidence can be used in a criminal prosecution and can lead to the spawning of other evidence that might be used against the individual.

The Fifth Amendment guarantees an American individual the right to trial by Grand Jury for specific crimes, the right not to be tried and subsequently punished more than once for the same crime, the right to be tried with only due process of the law and the right to be awarded fair compensation for any property seized by the government for public use.

The Fifth Amendment also guarantees the individual the right to refrain from self-incrimination by pleading the fifth to any questions or inquiries that may give way to an additional punishment or the notion of a guilty plea.

State Timeline for Ratification of the Bill of Rights

New Jersey:November 20, 1789; rejected article II

Maryland:December 19, 1789; approved all

North Carolina:December 22, 1789; approved all

South Carolina: January 19, 1790; approved all

New Hampshire: January 25, 1790; rejected article II

Delaware: January 28, 1790; rejected article I

New York: February 27, 1790; rejected article II

Pennsylvania: March 10, 1790; rejected article II

Rhode Island: June 7, 1790; rejected article II

Vermont: November 3, 1791; approved all

Virginia: December 15, 1791; approved all

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An Overview of the 5th Amendment | constitution

Bill of Rights Day: Can you name the first 10 amendments to the U.S. Constitution? – Hamilton Journal News

The first 10 amendments of the U.S. Constitution, commonly referenced as the Bill of Rights, were ratified on Dec. 15, 1791.

The first U.S. Congress approved 12 amendments to the Constitution in 1789, but only the proposed third through the 12th articles were actually adopted as amendments on this day 228 years ago.

Here are the Bill of Rights:

First Amendment:Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.

Second Amendment: A well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.

Third Amendment:No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.

Fourth Amendment:The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

Fifth Amendment:No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.

Sixth Amendment:In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.

Seventh Amendment:In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact, tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.

Eighth Amendment:Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

Ninth Amendment:The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

10th Amendment:The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.

Heres what happened to the two proposed articles of the 12 introduced in the first U.S. Congress:

The first proposed article, known as the Congressional Apportionment Amendment, established when and by how many representatives in the U.S. House would increase based on population counts.

By the proposal, with nearly 330 million people, more than 6,000 people would be in Congress.

The article is still technically pending before the states, but based on the number of states 27 more states would need to ratify the proposed article.

The second proposed article, which set rules about when congressional salary takes effect, was adopted 202 years, seven months and 10 days after it was proposed.

In 1982, Gregory Watson, a then-19-year-old sophomore at University of Texas Austin, claimed the proposed article could still be ratified in a paper for government class, according to news reports.

He was given aC, despite an appeal to his professor.

Watson campaigned to complete the ratification ended on May 5, 1992, when it became the 27th amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

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Bill of Rights Day: Can you name the first 10 amendments to the U.S. Constitution? - Hamilton Journal News