Redeeming Eugenics?

Language Games, Inconsistencies and Principles Washington, D.C., October 10, 2013 (Zenit.org) Denise Hunnell, MD | 0 hits

In vitro fertilization (IVF) fails moral and ethical scrutiny on numerous fronts. It violates natural law by attempting to separate the procreative and unitive natures of human sexuality. It also dehumanizes children by reducing them to commodities manufactured for the benefit and pleasure of adults. This morally objectionable practice descends further into the ethical morass when pre-implantation genetic diagnosis (PGD) brings eugenics into the mix. PGD screens the DNA of the laboratory-formed embryos for both desirable and undesirable genetic traits. Embryos whose genetic composition is acceptable are cleared for implantation and eventual birth while the remaining embryos are destroyed. Eugenics used to cleanse a population of those judged genetically inferior would normally be widely condemned.

However, British bioethicists Eve Garrard of the University of Manchester and Stephen Wilkinson of Lancaster University recently published a series of four provocative essays to re-evaluate the ethics of eugenics as applied to assisted reproductive technology. The authors suggest that there are cases where it is both ethical and desirable to select embryos for implantation based on their genetic composition. They acknowledge that most people recoil from anything labeled as eugenics, but through their four essays they seek to demonstrate that arguments can be made in support of eugenics for the common good. It is enlightening to read these essays because they elucidate the most popular justifications used to promote the use of pre-implantation genetic diagnosis. Only when we understand these arguments can we effectively refute them.

Garrard and Wilkinson begin by looking at the language of eugenics. Because of the association of eugenics with the horrors of the Nazi regime, the term has developed a pejorative connotation. The authors suggest the word eugenics is also ambiguous because some only apply it to practices that are coercive or only include procedures that enhance desirable genetic qualities such as athleticism or intelligence. A broader use of the word labels all procedures, whether enhancing positive traits or diminishing negative ones, to be a form of eugenics, and no distinction is made between genetic selection done freely and that done under duress.

Without a common definition, a discussion of the ethics of eugenics is impossible. Therefore, Garrard and Wilkinson propose, attempts to improve the human gene pool, as a neutral and universally acceptable definition. However, with regards to PGD, this definition has a glaring omission. A complete definition of the eugenics of PGD should state, Eugenics is any attempt to improve the human gene pool by destroying those whom others judge to diminish the human gene pool.

By focusing on the embryos selected and glossing over the embryos discarded, Garrard and Wilkinson ignore that PGD is ethically and morally objectionable because it rejects the intrinsic human dignity of every person and deems some human beings as more worthy of life than others.

These essays also assert that by preventing the birth of someone afflicted with a physical or mental disability, the level of suffering in the world is reduced. This argument presupposes that the suffering of an individual is so repugnant that non-existence is preferable to the potential affliction. In fact, Garrard and Wilkinson argue that this defense for PGD does not have to be limited to severe disabilities. They claim the world would be a better place if everyone were healthier and happier, so if it is possible to choose, parents should always elect to have the child who will maximize health and happiness. In truth, this justification for eugenics offers no benefits for the disabled since disabled individuals are destroyed. Instead of offering authentic compassion, eugenics merely shields the strong from having to witness suffering and weakness in others.

The third essay in the series looks at the ethics of choosing a condition like deafness. Current British law forbids knowingly choosing embryos that will be disabled. However, deaf parents often hope for a child that is deaf because they want a child like themselves. The authors endorse this view and argue the law should not preclude such a possibility. This discussion is interesting for two reasons. First, it demonstrates that disability and suffering are in the eyes of the beholder. The decisions about what disabilities make an embryo unfit for life are entirely subjective and arbitrary. Parents with intact hearing may think that a deaf child would be an overwhelming burden while deaf parents view a deaf child as entirely normal. Should the life or death of an individual really be decided based on the whims and prejudices of others? Supporting PGD answers this question in the affirmative.

Another notable aspect of this essay is that it reveals the authors inconsistencies with regards to the personhood of the embryo. Garrard and Wilkinson claim that no harm is done if the embryo with the genes for deafness is implanted and the resulting child is deaf because the alternative is the destruction of this embryo and the non-existence of this particular child. However, Garrard and Wilkinson offer no similar recognition of personhood for the embryos not selected due to other genetic conditions. When the embryo selection results in a healthy child, they see the discarded embryos as nothing more than medical waste instead of as unique individuals whose lives were intentionally cut short.

The final essay addresses the issue of selecting embryos based on sex. The authors claim that if there is no cultural bias to influence the choice of one gender over the other, sex selection should be allowed because it can be assumed that the preferences of some parents for boys will be balanced by those who prefer girls. They also note that in countries like China and India where there is a strong bias for one gender over another, making prenatal sex selection illegal has done little to curb the population imbalance of males and females. While it is true that the legal status of sex-selection PGD may do little to influence the choices parents make when there is societal pressure to prefer one sex over another, the availability of sex-selection PGD reinforces the commodification of children. Parents place their order for a boy or a girl based on personal preferences in much the same way as one orders french fries instead of onion rings in the fast food line. The child is viewed as an acquisition obtained purely for the enhanced happiness of the parent.

Read the original here:

Redeeming Eugenics?

How do eugenics victims find justice?

Elaine Riddick was 14 when she was sterilized by the state of North Carolina, immediately following the birth, by cesarean section, of a son, her only child. Although she scored above the state's IQ threshold of 75, the five-person Eugenics Board approved the recommendation for her sterilization, labeling Riddick "feebleminded" and "promiscuous" and noting that her schoolwork was poor and that she did not get along well with others.

For almost 30 years, she has sought compensation for this injury. She was among the first to bring a civil case against the state, a case she lost, in the 1970s, and she has been one of the most outspoken sterilization victims, appearing on NBC's Rock Center and on Al Jazeera. And yet she acknowledges that no amount of money can ever repair the damage the state did to her. "You cannot put a price tag on motherhood," Riddick said.

What would she have given to have more children? "I would have given up my life. My whole life."

If monetary compensation$10 million to be divided among the fewer than 3,000 living victims in 2015will not address the wrongs done to the 7,600 people sterilized by the state of North Carolina, then what is the point of adding millions of dollars to the budget of a state with a struggling economy? The answer may lie with the legal theory of transitional justice, a method of confronting legacies of human rights abuses through criminal prosecution, truth commissions, reparations and institutional reform.

Transitional justice addresses the primary objections of those resistant to expensive, government-funded programs, namely that financial compensation will not make victims whole again, and taxpayers should not have to pay for something they did not do. The practice can be traced back to the Nuremberg Trials, and more recent examples include the truth commissions in South Africa, Rwanda and Sierra Leone.

Though the genocide and war crimes investigated by those trials and commissions may seem far removed from the experiences of those targeted by North Carolina's Eugenics Board, forced sterilization is in fact a violation of the United Nation's Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Article XVI states: "Men and women of full age, without any limitation due to race, nationality or religion, have the right to marry and to found a family. [...] The family is the natural and fundamental group unit of society and is entitled to protection by society and the State." According to the United Nations, measures disrupting the reproductive acts of a group can also be considered genocide.

David Gray, a University of Maryland law professor, has written that transitional justice is not a matter of "ordinary justice." It is not about making victims whole again, as in tort law (for instance in the case of genocide, nothing will do that), or about the assignment of blame for past wrongs. Gray says transitional justice is "Janus-faced," ideally addressing both "an abusive past and a future committed to democracy, human rights, and the rule of law."

Monetary compensation does not seek to restore the victims to their earlier conditions but to help correct the status injustice they experienced, and also to establish a "pre-commitment" from the state that the wrong they experienced will never happen again. According to Gray, the cost is best borne by the state, even if those in power were not involved or even alive during the time of the abuses, as an expression of that commitment. "'I didn't do it' is a non sequitur when the fundamental question is 'How do we make it right?'"

I asked Gray how North Carolina could both recognize the state's abusive past and ensure that it never happens again.

His first suggestion was a public, accessible archive of documents related to the program (one already exists online, but is not comprehensive). "That way," he said, "there can never be a dispute about what happened."

Read more here:

How do eugenics victims find justice?

Visiting reporter speaks on eugenics and history

By Topher Webb on September 25, 2013. Contact Topher Webb at t.webb@chronicle.utah.edu.

Edwin Black speaks Tuesday morning in the Public Health Building about Eugenics. Cole Tan

The American eugenics movement caused the forced sterilization of 1,000 people per year and influenced the Nazi party, said visiting scholar Edwin Black.

Black, an investigative reporter, spoke at the School of Medicines grand rounds in public health on Tuesday.

Eugenics began as a response to social upheaval in the U.S. at the end of the 19th century, Black said. Populations had started to move from rural to urban locations and the ethnic demographic of the country was changing as Jewish, Mexican and Chinese immigrants made the United States their home.

Black said some intellectuals wanted to change the country back to the way it was. People promoting eugenics were often prominent and respected members of society, such as university presidents and judges. He said other examples include Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, President Theodore Roosevelt and Thomas Edison.

What they wanted was a white, blonde, blue-eyed, Nordic supreme race, Black said.

Eugenics was not based on simple racism but the idea that all bad things in society come from peoples genes. Black said it did not matter how educated a person was or how much good he or she had done in society, because his or her offspring could potentially harm society.

You werent born into poverty. Poverty was born into you, Black said. It was not about eliminating individuals, but about eliminating your bloodline.

The goal was to remove Jews, Mexicans, blacks, southern Italians and Caucasians with dark hair, as well as the mentally inferior from society. This was to be done by removing one-tenth of the population at a time until only the supreme race, meaning people who looked like those promoting eugenics, remained.

Read the original:

Visiting reporter speaks on eugenics and history

Catholics and eugenics: a little-known history

This week on "Interfaith Voices," we are airing an interview that deals with a topic from Catholic life I had never heard of before: the Catholic struggle against the eugenics movement in the first half of the 20th century. It is a conversation with Sharon Leon, author of a new book, An Image of God: The Catholic Struggle with Eugenics.

This is a legacy of which Catholics should be proud.

The eugenics movement of the first half of the 20th century touted the idea that the human species could be improved if the "right" people reproduced and the "unfit" did not. ("Unfit" included: "feeble-minded," "imbeciles," diseased, those who were the wrong color or ethnic group.) It was an attempt at "selective breeding" to control heredity.

The worst of it was epitomized in forced sterilizations of women who were institutionalized in some way. Many state laws permitted that, and a landmark Supreme Court case, Buck v. Bell in 1927, ratified those laws. (For the record, Buck v. Bell h has never been overturned).

Interestingly, much of the original movement was not aimed at African-Americans. According to Leon, the system of racial segregation in the U.S. was such that most eugenics advocates did not perceive a "threat." Rather, it was aimed largely at the immigrants from southern and eastern Europe who came to the U.S. in great numbers between about 1880 and 1924. These were largely Italians, Poles and Slavic peoples. And of course, most were Catholic. Interestingly, they were classified in those days as "races" rather than "ethnic groups."

In a certain sense, Catholic leaders were defending their own from southern and eastern Europe, but World War II gave their actions a broader meaning. When the Nazi atrocities against the Jews became public, the importance of Catholic leadership against eugenics became clear. The "science" behind the movement had been undermined for years, so the eugenics movement went quiet -- at least the negative movement, which advocated forced sterilizations, etc.

According to Leon, the 1920s and 1930s were also a time when lay Catholics who opposed eugenics matured politically, learning to use secular arguments (in this case, the faulty science behind eugenics) in the public sphere.

The opposition to eugenics was indeed a proud moment in U.S. Catholic history. Here is the link to the interview.

View post:

Catholics and eugenics: a little-known history

Bookmarks – Novelist explores eugenics program

Published: Sunday, September 1, 2013 at 1:00 p.m. Last Modified: Friday, August 30, 2013 at 3:39 p.m.

Diane Chamberlain is off to the Topsail area again, to work on her next novel. In the meantime, the Raleigh author's latest novel, "Necessary Lies," is hitting stores.

"I knew I would explode if I didn't write this," Chamberlain said during a phone interview. "This has just been living inside me."

The novel, Chamberlain's first with St. Martin's, is a bit of a departure from her earlier books. It focuses on the history of North Carolina's eugenics program, the state's efforts from 1929 to 1975 to sterilize women labeled "feeble-minded" or "mentally defective."

The story is set in 1960, in fictional "Grace County," in eastern North Carolina.

"It's really Johnston County," Chamberlain admitted.

Her friend, the mystery writer and Johnston County native Margaret Maron ("Bootlegger's Daughter"), gave her a guided tour of the area, which was unfamiliar ground to Chamberlain, a New Jersey native.

The focus of the story is 15-year-old Ivy Hart, who lives on a tenant farm. Her family has problems. Her parents are dead, and Ivy is left to care for an aging grandfather, a mentally ill older sister and a young nephew. In the meantime, she's coping with her own epilepsy.

Jane Forrester, Grace County's newest social worker, takes on Ivy's case and becomes emotionally involved with her family. (Chamberlain herself worked for years as a medical social worker.) As she probes deeper, however, Forrester discovers some of the tenant farm's darker secrets and comes in conflict with her superiors.

Chamberlain didn't approach any survivors of the eugenics program but she interviewed the researcher who reviewed the state Eugenics Board's files, and she read the redacted record online.

Here is the original post:

Bookmarks - Novelist explores eugenics program

Bilderberg Eugenics Hanseatic League Jurriaan Maessen Explosive Reports – Video


Bilderberg Eugenics Hanseatic League Jurriaan Maessen Explosive Reports
Jurriaan Maessen from Dutch website Explosive Reports on the resurgence of Eugenics and the historic German Hanseatic League which he sees as a medieval precursor of the modern day European...

By: PublicEnquiry

View original post here:

Bilderberg Eugenics Hanseatic League Jurriaan Maessen Explosive Reports - Video

Legislature can still do eugenics compensation

The N.C. legislature is still attracting attention for all the wrong reasons last week, it was stealth Senate approval just before July 4th of unnecessary and likely health-endangering restrictions on abortions. But lawmakers have time to get notice and praise for an action that has bipartisan support as the right thing to do.

They can include money in this years budget to compensate victims of the states disgraceful and long-running eugenics program. The N.C. House and N.C. Senate are still butting heads over the budget. As they work through their differences this week, they should reach agreement that the state own up to this responsibility this year. That shameful episode wont be laid to rest until they do.

Back in March, we gave kudos to Republican Gov. Pat McCrory for including compensation money in his budget plan. Weve praised GOP House Speaker Thom Tillis for supporting compensation both this year and in the previous legislative session. The House budget this year includes $10 million for sterilization victims. That pot of money would enable the state to pay living victims $50,000. Thats small recompense for what happened to them.

The details have been documented in extensive research over the last several years, and more recently in the testimony of some of the surviving victims, of which there are at least 150. Many told their stories to a state task force that was charged with figuring out what the state should do.

Tearful victims told of being cajoled, tricked and too often threatened to gain their consent to have their tubes tied or undergo some other sterilization procedure. (State officials reportedly said they would take their children or take away state food and other benefits if they refused). Some victims were mentally impaired and didnt know what was going on. State officials would carry out the procedure sometimes on the basis of a single comment or complaint about a victim.

The program was one of the longest and most aggressive in the country running from 1929 through 1974. It lasted far longer than any other program in the nation. It aimed to save the state welfare system money. Its victims included whites, blacks and Native Americans.

Ironically, saving the state money is the reason the N.C. Senate has balked at compensation efforts. It has included no money for restitution, with some Senate leaders saying the state cant afford it.

That sounds a bit disingenuous, given that the Senate budget contains several tax breaks for businesses and wealthy residents. And lawmakers found a way to aggressively repay money the federal government loaned to bolster the states unemployment insurance program, which bad policies and a deep recession left with insufficient revenues. Of course, their fix was to unwisely slash state benefits, a move that resulted in more than 70,000 N.C. residents losing federal benefits last week.

The state owes a debt to the victims of their misguided eugenics program, too. And the debt should be paid as expeditiously as lawmakers have decided to repay the one to the feds. Theres still time this legislative session. McCrory and Tillis should push for it. Repaying this debt will be something all North Carolinians could point to with pride.

Read the rest here:

Legislature can still do eugenics compensation