NY: Hundreds of free Uber e-bikes coming to WNY for proposed ‘transportation libraries’ – MassTransitMag.com

Jul. 19--When the ride-share giant Uber sold its bike unit in May, the company was left with a difficult problem: tens of thousands of unwanted electronic bikes, worth many millions of dollars.

Uber initially planned to scrap the red bikes, which operated under the brand name Jump. But following international condemnation from bike advocates, a portion are instead coming to Western New York via Shared Mobility Inc., a national transportation non-profit based in Buffalo.

The organization has received 3,000 e-bikes from Uber, it plans to announce Sunday, roughly half of which are already awaiting deployment in an East Side warehouse. Shared Mobility plans to use many of those bikes to build out what it calls "transportation libraries": free, community-led hubs that loan out bikes, e-bikes and scooters, essentially expanding the reach of public transit.

Such programs have been proposed in Chicago and other cities, but this would be the "first of its kind at this size," said Michael Galligano, Shared Mobility's chief executive officer.

"We believe that access to affordable, healthy and environmentally-friendly transportation is a human right," Galligano said. "... This is a huge opportunity to help a lot of people."

While details on the proposed program are sparse, there's little question that some residents in the region could use additional transportation. Twenty-eight percent of city of Buffalo households have no car, according to the most recent Census estimates, and regional planners and transit advocates have long indicated an interest in expanding the area's transit options.

In one 2017 report, researchers with the Partnership for the Public Good, a left-leaning think tank affiliated with Cornell University, concluded that infrequent bus routes in parts of the East and West Sides made it more difficult for residents of those areas to access the region's employment centers. Since then, a growing number of city residents have taken jobs in the suburbs, where public transit runs less frequently, economic geographer Russell Weaver wrote last December.

Even when passengers do have a quick route to work, they often face long walks to or from bus and metro stops -- an issue known in the industry as the "first and last mile problem."

Bikeshare programs, like the Reddy Bikeshare program Shared Mobility already operates, provide some potential fixes to those problems. So too, in theory, do ride-sharing services, such as Uber and Lyft.

But as Shared Mobility envisions them, the new libraries will improve on both these models by providing free access to over $1 million worth of pedal-assist e-bikes, which are easier to power up hills and over long distances.

That could help commuters who work nights or weekends, when buses run less frequently, or who commute to more remote locations, said Lisa Kenney, an advisor on the Greater Buffalo Niagara Regional Transportation Council who is familiar with the proposed project. It's timely now, she added, as many workers return to offices, stores and other job sites amid the Covid-19 pandemic.

"People still need to get to work -- essential workers in particular are often reliant on public transit," she said. "And right now, some people might not be comfortable taking it."

Shared Mobility said it aims to place 1,000 free "micromobility units" across Western New York, including 500 to 600 of the 3,000 e-bikes donated by Uber. The remaining 2,500 bikes will go to the organization's programs in other areas.

The organization is seeking funding from local governments, transit agencies and foundations to cover the proposed program's operations, Galligano said. The exact locations and administration of the hubs will also be determined in partnership with local block clubs, social service agencies and other community organizations.

"There are many questions still as to how this will actually work," Galligano said, "but starting from the beginning, our aim is to launch the library as a community-controlled, community-led initiative."

"Our goal is to better serve disadvantaged communities in Western New York," he later added.

The proposal comes at a time of rapid change in public transit and transportation. New York State only just legalized e-bikes and scooters in April, following months of lobbying from companies like Uber. Buffalo is still developing regulations for the new vehicles. Shared Mobility will conduct demonstrations and gather public feedback to help policymakers understand these new transportation options, said Galligano.

In February, the city of Buffalo and the Congress for the New Urbanism, a national planning group, also proposed the pilot of a "micromobility corridor" on Washington Street, which would add protected bike lanes, new bus loading zones and other features designed to diversify downtown's transit options.

Brendan Mehaffy, the executive director of Buffalo's Office of Strategic Planning, said his department is currently finalizing that proposal and plans to release it within the "next couple of weeks." His office was also recently briefed on Shared Mobility's proposed libraries.

"Shared Mobility deserves credit for its pursuit of the e-bike library and in many of its mobility endeavors," said Mehaffy, noting the organization's focus on making cities more equitable.

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NY: Hundreds of free Uber e-bikes coming to WNY for proposed 'transportation libraries' - MassTransitMag.com

What is alt text on Instagram? How to add alt text – Business Insider – Business Insider

In recent years, the social photo platform Instagram has become more friendly to blind and visually impaired users through the alt text feature.

Alt text is a short text description of a photo that's read aloud by a screen reading program. This text is an essential way for the visually impaired to get the clearest image of internet photos, which is why you should add alt text to photos you post on Instagram.

Instagram automatically creates alt text for your Instagram posts through object recognition technology. This determines what's in your photo and passes that on to screen readers. But automatic alt text is highly inaccurate. It doesn't understand the most important part of the photo and lacks the context to explain why you posted a particular photo.

If you manually enter your own alt text when you post a photo to Instagram, your post can be understood and appreciated by the largest possible audience.

Here's how to write and include alt text with your Instagram posts.

Remember that your alt text is describing the photo to someone who may not be able to see the photo, or who has trouble seeing its details. Here are some things to keep in mind:

1. Using the Instagram app on your phone, start to create a post in the usual way.

2. After you select a photo and choose your filter, tap "Next."

3. On the screen in which you add the caption, tag people, and add a location, tap "Advanced 4. Settings" at the bottom, below the option to connect to other social networking sites.

You can find alt text in the Advanced Settings. Dave Johnson/Business Insider

4. In the Accessibility section of the Advanced Settings page, tap "Write Alt Text."

After you tap "Write Alt Text," you'll be able to write a description of the photo. Dave Johnson/Business Insider

5. Write a short description of the photo and then tap "Done"

6. Finish posting your photo in the usual way.

You may go back to existing posts and add alt text.

1. Using the Instagram app on your phone, tap an Instagram post.

2. Tap the three-dot menu next to your photo.

3. Choose "Edit" in the pop-up menu.

Tap the three-dot menu to open the drop-down menu for your post. Dave Johnson/Business Insider

4. If the hashtag menu obscures the photo, tap a different part of the caption to make it go away.

5. In the lower right corner of the photo, tap "Edit Alt Text."

You should see the option to edit your alt text in the lower right corner of an existing Instagram post. Dave Johnson/Business Insider

6. Write a short description of the photo.

7. Select "Done" and then tap "Done" again to save your post.

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MSNBC’s Joy Reid Makes Cable Network History With the Debut of "The ReidOut" – Vogue

The person who wrote those columns is not the person I got to know sitting across from her at a table in Tampa at Hooters, Capehart says of Reids previous LGBTQ remarks. I don't know that person. I don't know that person who wrote those pieces.

Look, he continues, do you know how many people would be out of my life if I did not, one learn to forgive, and two, give them the room to evolve?

Over the past few months, Reid has witnessed an entire nations belief system on race radically evolve. Following the killing of George Floyd in May and the worldwide protests that followed, America seems ready, finally ready, to take in the very things shes spoken on for years. Before the hoodie became a menacing totem for the alt-right in Florida, Reid fretted over her childrens clothes. She wasnt worried about other kids. She feared something else.

I think it's important to have somebody who looks like you, who can empathize with what you feel, Reid says. For the most part white Americans traditionally been very trusting of the police. The police are Barney Fife. Theyre your friend. They get your cat out of a tree.

Im a law abiding-citizen, she continues. Ive never been arrested or committed a crime. But when I see those blue lights, I feel sick. I feel my heart racing. Even though I know I havent done anything wrong, Im afraid of the police. Im successful. I work at a great company. I have health benefits. And Im afraid of the police.

Matthews swift retirement proved shock to the network. It also offered a reset. It allowed room for something, someone different in different times. In the months that followed, Reid was one of a series of people who held down the 7 p.m. hour as MSNBC sought out a replacement. But there remained no clear choice.

When Caesar Conde, the newly-minted chairman of the NBCUniversal News group called in mid-June, Reid says she thought little of it. After all, Conde, who took over in May, was speaking to a lot of people at the network. In that chat she laid out whats needed with coverage should either Trump or Joe Biden win in November. In one scenario, the press needed to be more proactive when faced with a nation teetering on the edge of authoritarianism. In another, they would see a new president walking into country crippled by a health crisis and social division. One that faces certain economic hardship and a lost standing in the world. Still, she told Conde, the media needed to hold a President Biden accountable, to make sure he met the demands of a country demanding systemic change.

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MSNBC's Joy Reid Makes Cable Network History With the Debut of "The ReidOut" - Vogue

AOC on League of Legends: Right-wing Twitter is childs play compared to inting 13-year-olds – VG247

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, also known as AOC, recently reached Silver III tier on League of Legends and apparently, playing League with 13-year-olds is childs play compared to dealing with right-wing Twitter.

Ocasio-Cortez, who is a US House candidate for NY-14 (Bronx and Queens) initially took to Twitter in order to share her accomplishment of reaching Silver III in League. Check out the tweet below.

AOC quickly received a deluge of responses from other League players all over the world, most of whom were delighted to see such a high-profile political representative openly addressing her affinity for playing video games.

Its a well-known fact that Ocasio-Cortez is exceptionally quick-witted, so the clever banter that ensued comes as no surprise.

Check out the tweet below.

Gotta know what role? asked one follower. AOCs response that her role is to support the people was pretty solid. I laughed.

My favourite response, though, was definitely this one.

Calling a video game ult the Medicare for All of said game at least in my case elicited more than the usual nostril exhalation that occurs after reading something funny on the internet. I full on laughed at that one, to the extent that I woke my dog up from his afternoon snooze. I felt a bit bad after, but Im sure he would have laughed too if he could read.

Renowned personalities from the games industry also responded to AOCs tweet. As you can see from the tweet below, SonicFox is dying to get her off the MOBA buzz so they can teach her how to play fighting games.

Anyway, the best part about all of this is that AOC went on to say that right-wing Twitter is like childs play compare to inting 13-year-olds. For those unacquainted with League lingo, inting means intentionally feeding, which in turn means purposely allowing players on the enemy team to benefit from attacking you.

It is genuinely refreshing to see a passionate politician publicly noting that alt-right trolls are less of a nuisance than League-loving 13-year-olds. That is an excellent display of conviction, and it makes me even happier that AOC managed to get Silver III.

If youre curious about who she mains, AOCsaid she won her promos on Sona, but also plays Janna, Lux, and Morg. Shes working on her Lulu, too.

In related news, Valorants new weapon skin bundle is $95. Dont reckon Ill be buying that.

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AOC on League of Legends: Right-wing Twitter is childs play compared to inting 13-year-olds - VG247

The Fascist Messaging of the Trump Campaign Eagle – Hyperallergic

2nd German Empire (Reichsadler), 1871-1918, (image via Wikimedia Commons)

Whats in an eagle? This is a question many have been asking since the Donald Trump campaign began selling an America First T-shirt emblazoned with an eagle icon that very closely resembles the one used by Nazi Germany. While intent for the choice of this image may be unclear, in the context of recent rhetoric by the administration and its supporters, there is reason for concern. The circumstantial evidence piling up strongly suggests that individuals within the administration and the Trump 2020 campaign are amplifying white supremacist and fascist messaging. Consider that:

This brings us back to the campaigns use of this particular eagle. The eagle rousant (eagle rising) is, of course, not unique to the Nazis or to the United States for that matter. The Romans used the eagles (Aguila) as the figurehead for their military standards. Almost every empire and country has used one in its heraldry at some time or another. In heraldic custom, the eagle faces to its own right (viewers left). What makes this use by the Trump campaign problematic is the specific choice of depicting an eagle facing to the viewers right.

The origin of the eagle symbol lies in the Holy Roman Empire, during the 10th century, whose rule was represented by the Reichsadler (Imperial Eagle). It evolved into a double-headed eagle, and then a single-headed form became the symbol of the German empire (Second Reich) in 1871. After Germanys defeat in World War I, the fledgling Weimar Republic democracy sought a new symbol that compromised with both the conservative past and the hopeful liberal present, in an attempt to unify a deeply divided country.

On November 11, 1919, exactly one year after the end of the war, the first President of the Republic, Friedrich Ebert, issued a proclamation declaring the Reichsadler to be the official symbol, combined with the new Weimar colors. This marked the beginning of a very real flag dispute. Marketing consultant Hans Domizlaff claimed the right design was critical to moving past the disastrous spiritual disunity of the German people. Ebert placed responsibility for design of the emblem itself with the governments official artistic office, the Reichskunstwart, under Edwin Redslob. Redslob sought designs, including a promising one by Expressionist artist Karl Schmidt-Rottluff. Though this design was unanimously approved, Redslob opted for a more traditional version. The new emblem received instant criticism from conservative corners who disliked its modernist appearance. In 1920, right-wing magazine Rote Hand mocked the new symbol in a cartoon. An upstart politician named Adolf Hitler called the new eagle a Jewish bankruptcy vulture and symbolic of the what an abomination the new nation was.

Thus, it comes as no surprise that Hitler ensured the eagle would be changed at the birth of the Third Reich. The new symbol of Nazi Germany was a brutalist, stylized emblem clutching a wreath with a swastika in it. Importantly, when used as the official emblem of the Nazi Party, known as the Parteiadler (Party Eagle), the eagles head was turned to its left, ostensibly facing to the East, the geographic target of the movement. The same emblem with the head facing right was used throughout the Reich. The German army adopted the Parteiadler shortly after, and both versions figured prominently on all manner of Nazi flags, awards, and other paraphernalia. This symbol, which during Weimar was intended to unify, watched over the Holocaust and crimes against humanity across Europe.

None other than President Harry S. Truman found the details of this eagle critically important and ordered a change to the seal of the president of the United States. He followed the advice of Army chief of Heraldry Arthur E. Dubois to depict the eagle facing to its right (our left). This was more than return to heraldic orthodoxy. President Truman told reporters in 1945 that This new flag faces the eagle toward the staff, which is looking to the front all the time when you are on the march, and also has him looking at the olive branch for peace, instead of the arrows for war. This long discussion of the iconography of the eagle provides an important context to the deeper (and explicit) meanings behind the images which brings us back to the Trump campaign eagle.

The Trump campaign had plenty of images to choose from a search on Shutterstock for American Eagle yields almost 70,000 results, whereas US eagle yields 7,200 and Patriotic Eagle 26,500. However, the campaign chose the only emblem facing to its left, like the Nazi version. This form of the eagle is used by neo-Nazis and a modified version is used by the Nazi Lowriders, a gang associated with the neo-Nazi Aryan Brotherhood.

Walter Benjamin wrote amidst the turmoil of the Third Reich, that the logical result of Fascism is the introduction of aesthetics into political life. Trump and his surrogates have repeatedly and blatantly integrated fascist aesthetics and messaging into the administration and the campaign. This T-shirt design is only the latest example. Any of the instances mentioned here by themselves could have been written off as a gaffe or a coincidence. However, given the accumulation of coincidences, alternative explanations become far more plausible: Trump and his backers are either aping a fascist aesthetic out of admiration or as a not-so-subtle nod to the most extreme elements of the right (or both).

Steven Heller is a scholar of graphic design; he is also the author of The Swastika and Symbols of Hate: Extremist Iconography Today and Iron Fists: Branding the 20th-Century Totalitarian State. When I asked him what he made of the choice of the eagle for Trumps T-shirt design, he told me, I find it hard to believe that the direction of the eagles head (mandated by Harry Truman) was flaunted by Trumps designers without knowing the symbolism But his gang know what theyre doing. They understand the force of well-staged performance, props and all. So, my belief is that this eagle is indeed a nod (a secret handshake, so to speak) between Trump and racist America. As others have observed, Trump keeps showing us who he is. When will we start taking him at his word?

Correction:A previous version of this article attributed a Walter Benjamin quote to the incorrect date of 1955. We apologize for the error which has been amended.

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The Fascist Messaging of the Trump Campaign Eagle - Hyperallergic

Lincoln the Emancipator: The Civil War & the Continuous Battle against Northern Negrophobia (Part 1 of a two-part series) – Milwaukee Courier…

By LaKeshia Myers

A few weeks ago, the Black Student Union at the University of Wisconsin demanded the removal of the Abraham Lincoln statue. The students outlined many hard truths about Lincoln such as his policies pertaining to Native American tribes as well as his candor regarding emancipation of the formerly enslaved. However, manyincluding UW-Madison Chancellor, Rebecca Blankwere unwilling to part with the statue, an iconic bastion of the UW campus landscape. Chancellor Blank, in her remarks regarding the statue, offered a measured response to her the campus community stating, the former presidents history should not be erased, but, examined. Thank you, Madam Chancellor, as a former history teacher, I will help begin the examination process.

If you were to take a straw poll and ask any American high school student what the cause of the Civil War was, they all would probably say, North versus South or the north was antislavery and the south wanted slaveryor some variation thereof. This is true of most Americans; we automatically assume that every northerner was antislavery and that every southerner was proslavery. However, when you delve deep into the historical context of the Civil War and Reconstruction eras, it is quite interesting the narrative that one uncovers. The idea that northerners could be vehemently pro-union, but anti-emancipation was mind-boggling.

According to James McPherson, the military, diplomatic, and political maneuvers during the first two years of the war took place in the sometimes-unacknowledged context of the slavery issue (McPherson, 1981). While slavery was the fundamental cause of the sectional conflict that led to war, the North suffered more disunity over the wars aims. The South fought for independence. So long as the North fought for restoration of the union, Northern unity was impressivebut the more difficult question was, what type of union were we to become? Was it to be a union without the institution of slavery as abolitionists had hoped or was the union to return to the status quo?

In reading the article Emancipation, Negrophobia and Civil War Politics in Ohio, author W. Sherman Jackson, assuages that while northern Republicans were vehemently intent on keeping the union together, they were divided as to whether or not emancipation of slaves was part of the new union (Jackson, 1980). In giving readers a brief profile of Abraham Lincoln, Harry Blackiston, author of Lincolns Emancipation Plan, we learn that slavery existed in the Northwest Territory during the time a young Abe Lincoln moved there with his family.

Blackiston writes, after separating from the Indiana Territory, Illinois legalized slavery by indenture, provided for the hiring of slaves from Southern states to supply labor in its various industries, and at the same time passed a stringent law to prohibit the immigration of free Negroes into that state (Blackiston, 1922). Blackiston also notes, Such slavery as existed in Illinois, however, differed widely from that in the south where it had become economic rather than patriarchal as it then existed in certain parts of the North (Blackiston, 1922).

When the Civil War was underway, northern Border States like Ohio (which bordered the slave states of Kentucky and Virginia) were concerned that the war was being fought to end slavery; this produced mass hysteria among some residents. According to Jackson, Because they feared an exodus of former slaves into the state, white Ohioans visualized an Africanization of their race (Jackson, 1980). This widespread Negrophobiathe fear of Africans and their descendantsgave rise to a sharply divided north. Politically, the Negrophobes aligned themselves with the growing Copperhead movement. The Copperhead Democrats were a growing faction within the Democratic Party that were made up of Northern democrats who were opposed to the Civil War. They wanted an immediate peace settlement with the Confederates. Republicans started calling anti-war Democrats Copperheads, likening them to the venomous snake.

The Copperhead movement continued to grow in the North as the war continued. Skillful politicians used the issues of Negrophobia and miscegenation (interracial marriage) to enhance the political fortunes of Copperhead candidates and supporters. This, coupled with President Lincolns preliminary Emancipation Proclamation in 1862 had a dramatic impact on Ohio politics. Copperheads campaigned hard against Lincolns military edict which proposed to free all slaves whose masters were still rebelling against the Union on January 1, 1863 (Jackson, 1980). The Copperheads used as their campaign slogan, The Constitution as it is, the Union as it was, and the Negroes where they are (Voegeli, 1968).I would be remised if I did not take a moment to acknowledge that this divisive rhetoric was astounding to me. It is reminiscent of the tone used by many in the alt-right movement today. While the Copperheads were effectively supportive of slavery, the alt-right is supportive of closing the borders and building a wall to keep Mexican immigrants out of the country. Near identical messages used 150 years later; one can only wonder, what weve learned in the interim.

While many historians have speculated as to whether or not emancipation was always apart of Lincolns agenda [his July 4, 1861, speech to Congress where he stated he would not, directly or indirectly interfere with slavery, in the states where it exists] what is undisputable is that Lincoln exercised extreme caution and was methodical in his approach to the subject. Lincolns use of executive orders was also fascinating during this period. McPherson assuages that, Lincolns actions during the first 80 days of the war established the tone for his use of executive power (McPherson, 1981). For example, Lincolns proclamation of blockade, was in effect a declaration of war. He also removed money from the treasury, expanded both the army and navy, and issued a call for military volunteersall of these measures traditionally required approval of Congress.

This level of activism was necessary; had it not been for these earlier instances of executive action, the confiscation law would not have been implemented. The belligerent right of confiscation was incorporated into a law signed by Lincoln in August of 1861. The law authorized the seizure of all property, including slaves, used in military aid of the rebellion.

The confiscation act applied only to a few slaves, but, as McPherson states, it was the thin edge of the wedge of emancipation (McPherson, 1981). With the enactment of the confiscation act, Northern Democrats went into frenzy; fueled by salacious headlines from the media, many of them feared that tens of thousands of confiscated blacks would move into their towns and threaten the local economy. The Cincinnati Enquirer even reported, and will either be competitors with our white mechanics and laborers, degrading them by the competition, or they will have to be supported as paupers and criminals at the public expense (McPherson, 1981). With the threat of emancipation looming, Republicans had to acknowledge that racism infected even the northern states. Our people hate the Negro with a perfect if not supreme hatred said Congressman George Julian of Indiana. These thoughts would also translate to the union soldiers who would now be tasked with fighting not only to preserve the union, but to free slaves.

Negrophobia during this period laid the groundwork for northern segregation and Jim Crow that was to follow. It was the precursor to redlining, restrictive housing covenants, hyper-segregation of schools, race-based policing policies etc. All things that were prevalent in northern cities such as Milwaukee and Chicago; and all of which are at the crux of the Black Lives Matter movement today.

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Lincoln the Emancipator: The Civil War & the Continuous Battle against Northern Negrophobia (Part 1 of a two-part series) - Milwaukee Courier...

Best of Philly: Heres to the People Who Protested – Philadelphia magazine

City

Theyve marched in Center City and South Philly, on 52nd Street and in Fishtown. And theyre changing the world.

Philadelphia protesters on May 30th. Photograph by NurPhoto

Published as part of our annual Best of Philly tribute. See all the winners here.

It was 1:40 a.m. on June 3rd, 2020, but it felt like Christmas.

My phone rang in the middle of the night; a media colleague said four words I wasnt expecting to hear so soon.

They took him down, he told me ecstatically.

Who? I asked, now alarmed.

Rizzo! Theyre taking the Frank Rizzo statue down right now!

Id eventually see a few pictures of this once-in-a-lifetime moment tall cranes lifting away the bronze monstrosity that had sparked controversy and racial tension in Philadelphia for more than 20 years. Erected in honor of the infamous mayor with a history of racist and homophobic police brutality, the Rizzo statue was almost as contentious as the man it represented.

Only a few days prior to the statues abrupt removal, diverse activists from all over the region had tried to set it on fire, defaced it, and attempted to bring it down with a rope tied around its neck. The message was loud and clear: Philadelphians couldnt wait another moment. It was finally time for this oppressive monument to go.

We owe its removal to the protesters who stood their ground that day and activist groups such as Philly for R.E.A.L. Justice, which led the first major calls for the Rizzo statue to come down, in 2016.

As the world wrestles with a devastating pandemic and signs of a racial uprising following the extrajudicial police killing of George Floyd, its important to remember that protesters have kept the pulse of the moment in more ways than one. Whether standing up against police brutality or reminding the world that #BlackTransLivesMatter, protesters have made sacrifices to remind us of the importance of speaking out even when social distancing.

In the midst of this pandemic, I would really enjoy spending all my time hanging with friends and family, watching movies or playing video games, says Anthony Smith, a social studies teacher in Philadelphia. But in a country that destroys Black life so indiscriminately and viciously, I am called to action. Smith, 28, a steering member of Philly for R.E.A.L. Justice, has been an activist for the last half-dozen years all in the name of wanting to get out of this endless cycle of useless reform and Black suffering.

In recent years, it almost felt like we had protest fatigue. Though there was a huge wave of demonstrations following the election of President Donald Trump, such protests seemed to lose their momentum as the electoral dust settled. Bye-bye to the ambitious Handmaids Tale-inspired costumes people wore as they marched down Broad Street calling for the end of a fascist White House regime. Sure, we still had the Womens March and an occasional spat with alt-right out-of-towners, but things seemed to wind down a bit before this summer arrived and oh, was Philly ready.

It was hard to ignore the thousands of people who took over the streets of Philadelphia from all over, demanding justice not just in Center City, but in Fishtown, on 52nd Street, in South Philly and beyond. Not every gathering was the same some protesters were met with tear gas or violent vigilantes but their solidarity remained intact.

I chose to protest because it was the right thing to do, says Shakira King, an activist from West Philadelphia. Philadelphia is a Black mecca. Its Black art and history are being erased; its people are suffering and being pushed out. This city needed to know that we are here and deserve to be cared for and invested in.

When you consider the progressive policies being proposed at City Council and in Harrisburg, its hard not to recognize the impact that protesters like King have made. Ending stop-and-frisk, defunding the police, and increasing law enforcement accountability are demands that local activists have been making for years. Organizations like Black Lives Matter Philly, the Black and Brown Workers Cooperative, Philly for R.E.A.L. Justice, Juntos, and ACT UP Philadelphia, as well as members of the MOVE family and many others, were calling for radical social justice long before it was the latest trend to catch the attention of safe, liberal nonprofits and companies.

It is the protesters we should be honoring for awakening people and motivating change once more. Lets hold them in the highest regard, instead of the Rizzo statue that finally fell like the Berlin Wall.

Published as The People Who Protested in our Best of Philly tribute in the August 2020 issue of Philadelphia magazine.

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Best of Philly: Heres to the People Who Protested - Philadelphia magazine

The Man in the Antifa Mask: Who he is and why he regrets showing up at a Coeur d’Alene protest with a crowbar – Pacific Northwest Inlander

The word was out: Antifa was coming for the Winco in Coeur dAlene.

At least, thats what Brett Surplus hunting TV show host, Idaho state Senate write-in candidateand a former police officer and sheriff's deputy was ready for on the evening of June 1.

And so Surplus stands in the Winco parking lot, dressed in a tactical vest and armed with his AR-15. It wasn't vigilantism, he believed. It was patriotism.

He pans his camera to show a crapton of Idaho boys he estimates about 150 armed with an arsenal of high powered weapons. And he says he's already had success.

Facebook video screenshot

Brett Surplus

"Just so you know, if you're planning on coming over here and trying to be a piece of trash over in my city, feel free. Because we will unleash the beast," Surplus boasts. "Freakin' slugs for thugs, all the day long. And Ill take your damn crowbar. Bring it. This aint Spokane."

Today, his Facebook live video thats racked up more than 28,000 views. There ain't nothin' that's going to happen," he continues. "Try to come over here. Ill take the A out of your tifa in a heartbeat.

And then he says he hears that five more vans are coming down the freeway.

"Sounds like we're going to have company," he says. "I'm going to see if we can ruin some people's days real quick... I think it may get hinky."

Sam Rowland, a progressive Army veteran who showed up supporting Black Lives Matter in the Coeur dAlene Winco, says that antifa had become an obsession in North Idaho.

And so that made it all the more interesting when someone shows up who looks a lot like witch: A protester with a crowbar on his belt loop, walked up to Surplus and Rowland, wearing wearing flannel, an Ice Cube T-shirt, and a skull mask. And on the mask, hes drawn three diagonally facing arrows, the "iron front" symbol often used by antifa activists.

"The minute I saw it, I knew in my gut this stupid shit was going to happen," Rowland says.

Antifa far-left mostly anonymous activists who take a militant approach to opposing who they see as racist or fascist groups have brawled repeatedly with far-right groups like the Proud Boys and Patriot Prayer in liberal havens like Portland and Berkeley.

And yet for years after Trump's election, the right-wing rumor mill churned out claims that antifa activists or even super soldiers were also plotting to hold riots in tiny towns, like North Idaho's Bonner's Ferry.

Year after year, the antifa riots never arrived. But this year, when some protests over the murder of George Floyd turned violent and destructive, it fell neatly into that ready-made narrative.

Surplus says he saw the rumors that antifa was driving Mercedes Benz vans with foreign plates. He claims that antifa communicates using PlayStation 4 gaming systems, because they know they're being watched. He claims antifa "scouts" showed up to check out the June 1 protest Winco event, though he doesn't show any evidence. He claims he has his sources inside law enforcement, but won't say who.

As the Intercept recently revealed, the FBI was internally sharing the claim that "antifa" protesters were supposedly traveling from Spokane to Coeur d'Alene to protest, and then supposedly planned to road trip to Minneapolis. So far, nothing has been released to substantiate this report.

In fact, Detective Mario Rios with the Coeur dAlene Police Department says his department never had any actionable intelligence that antifa or other radicals were traveling to Coeur dAlene

The ISP has NOT intercepted a semi loaded with people and weapons, the Idaho State police wrote in a tweet. This is a lie being spread on social media.

And yet, the day before the June 1 rally at the Winco Coeur d'Alene, Spokane's rally had been marred by violence, looting and vandalism and the Spokane County Sheriff blamed antifa with absolute certainty. Couer d'Alene noticed.

What had taken place over in Spokane, everybody was thinking the same thing was coming, Surplus tells the Inlander.

Except this time, as Surplus and dozens of other right-wingers stand outside Winco near a handful of Black Lives Matter protesters, it looks like antifa had shown up.

Link:

The Man in the Antifa Mask: Who he is and why he regrets showing up at a Coeur d'Alene protest with a crowbar - Pacific Northwest Inlander

A Dreyfusard from the Right – Twilight of Democracy – Visegrad Insight

A young supporter of the neoliberal-neoconservative turn in the West originally from Washington DC, Anne Applebaum was in her mid-twenties during the fall of Soviet regimes in Europe, that seemingly conclusive victory over totalitarianism.

She was part of a large and diverse group at the time whose members believed that the democratic revolution would now continue, that more good things would follow the collapse of the Soviet Union (160).

Based in London during the early 1990s, Applebaum soon moved to Poland to emerge as a journalist, political commentator and historian of Soviet regimes much discussed on both sides of the Atlantic.

On the pages of Twilight of Democracy, Applebaum sounds pensive about how the optimism surrounding the spread of democracy, political freedoms and human rights, and the subsequent rebuilding and integration of countries into Western structures an optimism she vividly experienced in Poland during the late 1990s gave way to angry, paranoid and openly authoritarian politics across the former East-West divide.

What makes such a transformation all the more puzzling and worthy of examination to Applebaum is that it has also unfolded in her immediate environment: much like Mihail Sebastians justly celebrated Journal 19351944, Applebaums new book chronicles the disturbing radicalisation of its authors intimate friends and close colleagues.

She shows through captivating and disconcerting anecdotes how the sudden intrusion of history and politics in the early decades of the twenty-first century came to divide groups of friends and even nuclear families.

Drawing on Julian Bendas classic discussion of La Traison des Clercs from 1927 in particular, Applebaums explorations in six chapters are focused on how a new generation of clercs beginning with a few whom I know in Eastern Europe and then moving to the different but parallel story of Britain, another country where I have deep ties, and finishing with the United States, where I was born, with a few stops elsewhere (20) has come to betray the central task of intellectuals, i.e. the search for truth, in favour of particular political causes.

Applebaum asserts that the decline and fall of liberal democracies in our age, similarly to the interwar years, haslargely been the product of the rightist intellectual organisation of political hatred. Rightist clercs have been responsible for launching fierce attacks on the rest of the intellectual and educated elites of their countries.

Convinced that their political systems had been corrupted and the future of their civilisation was at risk, they have manipulated discontent and have channelled fear and anger to attain power and then try to permanently hold it.

As a liberal-conservative, Applebaum is highly critical but can be empathic towards the varied persons intellectuals, writers of high-minded political essays, pamphleteers, bloggers, spin doctors, producers of television programs, creators of memes, propagators of conspiracy theories she portrays.

She has known many of the key protagonists in her book for longer Rafael Bardaj from Spain, Ania Bielecka from Poland, Simon Heffer from the UK, Laura Ingraham from the US, Mria Schmidt from Hungary, among others and often rather closely. She understands their frame of reference even while she disagrees with their current political agendas.

When Applebaum discusses the conviction of conservative Brexiteers that something essential about England was dead and gone, it is palpable that she shares some of their sensibility, although without herself having succumbed to their profound cultural despair.

Her portrait of English nostalgics is also clear on how insufficiently they have come to grasp the character and dynamics of European politics, and how they utterly failed to recognise that Britain had already found a meaningful new role after empire as one of the most powerful and effective leaders of Europe, an important link between Europe and America, and a champion of democracy and the rule of law.

Applebaum sounds positively generous when she lauds the House of Terror in Budapest as one of the most innovative new museums in the eastern half of Europe (46), even when she depicts Mria Schmidt the long-standing director of the said institution as a cynical alt-right nationalist who spends much of her time denigrating Western democracy without suggesting any improvement worthy of serious consideration.

Twilight of Democracy amounts to a surprisingly calm and self-assured chronicle of Applebaums personal-political dramas. It could even be said to be the product of a double detachment: neither a work of self-examination (Applebaum assures her readers that she is primarily interested in how others have shifted their values in disagreeable directions) nor an open display of negative personal emotions and judgements about others.

The former is a key lacuna in her reflections. The limited role the latter play in these pages is all the more laudable, however, especially knowing that some of the conspiracy theories recently propagated in rightist media have revolved around Applebaums alleged influence.

What insights does such a combination of intimate familiarity and double detachment yield?

Unhappy with structural explanations, Applebaum insists that the current authoritarian-nationalist wave is the result of actions by groups of individuals who disliked their existing democracies. She is clear that illiberal rightists are eager to overthrow, bypass, or undermine existing institutions and destroy what exists that they are, on the whole, more revolutionary than conservative, closer to the Bolsheviks than to Edmund Burke.

In their disdain of a neutral state, an apolitical civil service and any notion of an objective media, they seek to redefine their nations, rewrite social contracts, and alter the rules of democracy so they would never lose power. Their ultimate goal is to establish an illiberal state, a de facto one-party state that controls state institutions and limits freedom of association and speech while allowing a token opposition to exist, as long as that opposition does not threaten the regime.

Even though Applebaum repeatedly asserts that these trends now belong as much to the West as to the East, her dissection of contemporary Poland and Hungary was bound to play a large role in the volume.

As she correctly notes, only in these two Western countries have illiberal parties actually established monopolies on power (27). The book indeed offers numerous insights into the political strategies of Law and Justice as well as Fidesz. While not all of the insights offered in these pages qualify as truly original, they unfailingly illuminate key aspects.

Liberal democracy is based on meritocratic ideas, Applebaum explains, such as the ideas that the most appealing and competent politicians should rule, the institutions of the state should be occupied by qualified people, and the contests between them should take place on an even playing field. However, open competition may breed resentment and envy and may generate a belief that the system is unfair, not just to the country, but to specific individuals.

To those who believe that the rules of competition are inherently flawed, an uncompetitive and anti-meritocratic system based on prior notions of deservingness and on ritualistic acts of loyalty may come to possess great appeal. In Applebaums interpretation, the crassness of some of the newly prominent political entrepreneurs in Poland and Hungary has its origins precisely in their acute sense of having been unjustly denied and unfairly excluded from power.

Furthermore, Applebaum emphasises that parties with monopolistic ambitions began to identify existential enemies and threats in order to justify their breaking or arbitrary rewriting of the law. This, in turn, has enabled them to determine who gets to be part of the new national elite without engaging in any open political debate or at least providing rational arguments in favour.

Parties like PiS or Fidesz may not have developed a full-blown ideology. At the same time, they have encouraged their followers to believe in alternative realities through propagating what Timothy Snyder has imaginatively called Medium-Size Lies.

More often than not, such alternative realities have been carefully designed, with the help of modern marketing tools, audience segmentation, and social-media campaigns cutting-edge techniques in the service of hollowing out open and argumentative polities.

Both PiS and Fidesz would strategically deploy conspiracy theories too. The simplistic views at the heart of such conspiracy theories must have appealed most to those already converted but the decision to place such fantasies at the heart of political imaginaries has played a larger and more sinister role: it has helped lay a new moral groundwork. Raising highly emotive issues while presenting themselves as valiant defenders of Western civilisation has proven a surprisingly effective tactic too.

As Applebaum critically notes, such a tactic has succeeded at refocusing much of the outside worlds attention on sheer rhetoric away from authoritarian governmental action and multiplying cases of profound corruption.

Viktor Orbns cynical anti-elitism and peripheral anti-colonialism may seem worlds apart from the style and substance of British conservatism. Applebaum nonetheless succeeds at showing that a broadly convergent development could be observed in England where nostalgic conservatives whether restorative or reflective in their nostalgia, whether angry or elegiac in their tone have persuaded themselves that it was their last chance to try and salvage their country, whatever it took, whatever price had to be paid.

Painting disaster fantasies of their own, established conservatives in a seemingly stable liberal society thus helped prepare the groundwork for Britains unprecedented and disruptive exit from the EU.

These convergent forces might all be called nationalistic. According to Applebaum, what truly unites them on a deeper level though is their shared dislike of the societies they inhabit as well as a genuine fear that some of their own values would soon be lost in them.

Remarkably, these rightist forces in what used to be the East and the West in Cold War days have also converged on an agenda that promotes socially conservative, religious worldviews, opposes immigration, especially Muslim immigration, both real and imagined and rejects EU interference and international institutions more generally.

A key difficulty in grasping the present political moment lies in the fact that grand changes are caused by new kinds of disruptions. According to Applebaum, the global spread of political anger is not primarily the product of lived experiences as traditionally understood: while there are genuine sources of anger, distress and discomfort, references to the economy or inequality cannot explain the simultaneous rise of angry politics in varied places across the globe, she maintains (108).

As political sentiments may change abruptly and in unpredictable ways, the potential impact of political entrepreneurship has grown exponentially.

Twilight of Democracy does not claim to offer a grand theory, let alone a universal solution to the growth of authoritarianism. Instead of such ambitions, Applebaum elaborates on a key theme: given the consciously subversive role of a minority under specific conditions, any society can be turned against democracy.

In her interpretation, this unceasing danger to liberal democracy is due less to the appeal of specific sets of political ideas and more to a given frame of mind: the authoritarian predispositions characterising substantial numbers of people in practically all modern societies (16).

In a self-critical fashion, Applebaum asserts that elites of more open societies have long been rather smug about their tolerance for conflicting points of view. As a matter of fact, for much of recent history, the actual range of mainstream political views remained limited for better or worse, there was a single national conversation within the parameters set by the centre-right and the centre-left.

However, the communication revolution of the early twenty-first century resulted in a novel information sphere without clear authorities and few trusted sources. The rise of partisanship and the absence of a centre ground that resulted bother especially those who have difficulty dealing with complexity.

In such an environment, the new right can consciously worsen the cacophony, knowing full well that people with authoritarian predispositions will be frightened by the experience and will acutely desire the forcible silencing of the rest of their societies. The new rights polarising messages have thus not only shrunk the spaces for meaningful public exchange but also helped them impose their exclusivist visions.

The personal anger and cynicism of new nationalistic entrepreneurs who intend to undermine existing institutions; their opposition to a meritocracy based on prior notions of deservingness; their conspiracy theories to foster an alternative moral framework; their emotionalisation of public discussion to shift attention away from actual political practices; their raucous polarisation to impose exclusivist visions: these are key points in Applebaums illuminating analysis of political forces that have come to reshape much of Western politics in recent years.

Applebaum is equally persuasive when she admits that there is no detailed road map to a better society, no didactic ideology and no rulebook. What liberal democracies demand is continuous participation, effort and argument from their citizens their greatest enemies remain nihilism and apathy.

As she perceptively adds, such regimes require some tolerance for cacophony and chaos as well as some willingness to push back at the people who create cacophony and chaos (189).

What is missing from Anne Applebaums engaging account of the parting of ways between her and several intimate friends and close colleagues is an exploration of how her neoliberally inspired conservatism might have planted the seeds of its own weakening.

The volume curiously fails to address in what ways the political successes and policy failures of Applebaums own Thatcherite camp might have enabled the rise of the new rightist political forces she otherwise insightfully examines and critiques.

In the books interpretation, Applebaums friends and colleagues have shifted to the authoritarian right essentially due to rather constant features of modern politics and due to their personal proclivities and choices.

However, there is a middle level between such long-term factors and the recent impact of individual personalities: the neoliberal political revolution from the right that Applebaum herself enthusiastically endorsed with all its momentous consequences.

For a book reflecting on the most significant and worrisome political reversal in its authors lifetime, Twilight of Democracy remains surprisingly weak on this crucial context.

Ultimately, Anne Applebaums unwillingness to examine the contemporary historical connection between the neoliberalising trends of the past nearly half a century and the more recent rise of right-wing authoritarianism is another reason why this urgent book can be viewed as an essential read on the generationally specific beliefs and experiences of a prominent Western liberal-conservative intellectual devoted to the democratisation of Central and Eastern Europe.

She is an erudite and mature analyst who saw major political improvements in her youth and who now earnestly grapples with the disturbing successes of the new right but who does not appear ready yet to scrutinise the consequences of the rightist projects she has endorsed throughout her adult years.

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A Dreyfusard from the Right - Twilight of Democracy - Visegrad Insight

A decade of emoji: How aubergines and crying faces connected us all online – The Independent

Between 1998 and 1999, while the rest of the tech world was preoccupied with the Millennium bug, a 27-year-old engineer at Japanese phone company, NTT Docomo, was working on a project that would define the next era of digital communication. Although he didnt know it yet.

From his office in the Gifu prefecture, Shigetaka Kurita, was trying to create a way for customers to communicate through icons. For years his employer had been successful at selling pagers to Japans teenagers, and its decision to add a heart symbol to one device had proved popular. But as competitors quickly created similar features Kurita knew Docomo required more.

The result was a set of 176 icons in 12x12 pixels, which Kurita named emoji, a combination of two Japanese words: e for picture and moji for character. Drawing from manga and Chinese characters, as well as international bathroom signs, he covered everything from weather, to traffic, and modes of transport. Today Kuritas symbols are such an integral part of popular culture they are exhibited in New Yorks Museum of Modern Art.

Sharing the full story, not just the headlines

Symbols in writing existed long before Kuritas brainwave: the first Europeans were known for writing on cave walls in the Paleolithic Age, like the Chauvet horse in France or the Altamira bison in Spain. In an 1881 issue of Puck magazine, journalists drew four basic faces calling it typographical art. And in the 1980s, a professor at Carnegie Mellon University in Pennsylvania, Scott E. Fahlman, suggested that users of the schools message board use 🙂 symbols to denote if they were joking or not (although he did have to teach them to read it sideways first).

Fahlmans emoticons will be familiar to anyone who used email, SMS or chatrooms pre-2009 when a universal emoji alphabet was still unheard of. Behind the scenes, since 2007, Google had been leading the charge in attempting to get the Unicode Consortium (a nonprofit that maintains text standards across computers) to recognise emoji. In 2009, Apple also submitted a proposal. But it wasnt until 2010 that Unicode finally realised they could no longer say no.

Until that time when emojis went global, all our abbreviated digital messaging was missing some functions of communication, Vyv Evans, a former professor of linguistics at Bangor University, tells The Independent. Estimates of how widely emoji are used vary: research from TalkTalk in 2015 estimated 80 per cent of Brits use them regularly, a figure which presumably has risen in the last five years. The word emoji was chosen as the Oxford Dictionary word of the year in 2015, showing how quickly it had become a household concept.

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Despite widespread usage, contemporary commentary often pitted emoji as adolescent, a sub-par form of conversation. A 2018 study, conducted by YouTube, concluded emojis were ruining the English language because young people rely on them in lieu of actual words. But has a decade of emoji changed our communication for the worse?

Professor Evans believes far from widespread emoji usage being to the detriment of our language, it is advantageous. He explains that human communication is multi-modal, which means that when we talk face-to-face we rely on three main channels to convey our message: these are language (the words we use), paralinguistic cues (tone of voice) and kinesics (facial expression, body language and body gesture).

If you want to say I love you to someone you can change the meaning of those words just by the tone of your voice [your paralinguistic cue] it can be a sincere declaration or an ironic blast to put them down, he says. Likewise we use kinesics if you were ordering a pastry and just said Id like a croissant but pointed at a specific one, that is a non-verbal cue.

Professor Evans says these modes provide nuance to our words and are particularly important for conveying empathy this is the basis of effective communication and for establishing emotional resonance, which is how we make friends, enemies, or any type of relationship. But when we communicate digitally two of these avenues are taken away.

Professor Evans says emoji brings back the lost functions. Emoji fill in what we would do in person, imagine having a conversation and never making eye contact or being monotone. Emoji fulfill five basic functions: they replace words, reinforce words, contradict, compliment (explain) or empathise (eg. a love heart), he says. So this trope that emojis are the equivalent of an adolescent grunt its a misnomer and misunderstands communication.

Philip Seargeant, a senior lecturer of applied linguistics at The Open University agrees. The most important role that emoji play is adding a layer of emotional framing to casual online written conversation. With the increasing use of social media in our lives, we spend a lot of time chatting via writing, and so emojis are a way of adding this back into the conversation. In that way theyre a digital solution to the way that modern communication has evolved.

This depth of emotion is clear when you consider the most popular emojis in the UK, according to Apple the cry laughing emoji, the red heart, and the crying face. It is also how Andy Murray tweeting a stream of emoji to represent his wedding day in April 2015 didnt seem childish or flippant, but heartfelt and thoughtful. And its why dating website Match.com reports people who use emojis more in messages go on more dates and have better romantic relationships.

(Getty Images/iStockphoto)

As well as conveying emotion, the rise of emoji has also allowed the expression of sometimes complex ideas. In 2016, The Times reported that a judge had used a smiley emoji to explain evidence to two children in court, a research paper suggested teachers should use them in the classroom, and in 2014, the White House issued an economic report illustrated with emoji. In fact, theres even a version of Moby Dick entirely in emoji, appropriately named Emoji Dick.

Seargeant says: I think the media perception of emoji is still as quite frivolous, where in actual fact theyre increasingly being used in serious contexts. People use them to express solidarity in times of national tragedy [the bumble bee was used widely on Twitter following the Manchester arena bombings]; politicians use them in official communication [Penny Mordaunt marketed an anti-bullying campaign with emoji called #GoodMannersEmoji]; people are more likely to use them in work emails than they once were.

In this way, Seargeant says, emojis can also align themselves as identity markers online. This has meant there is increasing importance to diversifying emoji; new emoji are released once a year (anyone can submit a proposal to add a new one) and since 2015 have been increasingly focused on diversifying the offering. There are now five skin tones, same-sex families, a Pride flag, a woman lifting weights and a buffet of global cuisine. This process has been described as the Great Emoji Politicisation.

An example of identity markers was when Lady Hale wore a spider broach when ruling on the governments proroguing of parliament, and lots of people sympathetic to the ruling began using a spider emoji in their Twitter handles, says Seargeant. Or emojis used by the Alt-right. There are examples of terrorists using them as a code, he says. On the other side of the political spectrum was Lizzos use of the peach emoji to call for Donald Trumps impeachment.

As well as allowing us to express complex or emotional ideas, emojis can also cross language barriers words are localised but emoji are international. The power of this was demonstrated in 2017 when researchers from the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health and the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation proposed an emoji mosquito as a way to better describe mosquito-borne illnesses like malaria and Zika (it was approved in early 2018).

Seargeant says that emoji are part of a general trend towards more visual communication, created by social media and the internet: These changes include an upsurge in the use of visual communication online (with emojis joining gifs, selfies, memes etc in this respect); and a trend for informal, and often fragmented, conversation.

Despite many still seeing emoji as a youthful pursuit, experts believe they are here to stay. My guess would be that, at least for the next few years, emojis as we know them now will still continue to be used, not least because theyve become so embedded in the culture, so replacing them with something altogether different would involve a big cultural shift, says Seargeant.

The ability of emoji to adapt with the times (Spanish-language speakers have already got an emoji for coronavirus the combination of a crown corona and the microbe emoji); the inclusion of it on university syllabus at Kings College London, Edinburgh and Cardiff as worthy of academic study; and the enhanced emotional connection it gives us online are all indisputable. Not least because with a global pandemic, lockdown and boom in remote working the time we all spend communicating online is more crucial than ever.

Read more:

A decade of emoji: How aubergines and crying faces connected us all online - The Independent

How to add alt text to images on Twitter so that they can be read with screen readers – Business Insider – Business Insider

If you build web pages or publish content online, you may be familiar with alt text.

Alt texts are short captions you can add to images, describing what's in the image. These are helpful to visually impaired users, who rely on screen readers to use the internet.

When a screen reader encounters a picture with alt text, the alt text will be read aloud, allowing those users to understand what you've posted.

Twitter makes it easy to write alt text for images when you use the Twitter website on your Mac or PC, as well as the Twitter mobile app for iPhone and Android devices.

1. Using the Twitter app on your iPhone or Android, create a Tweet in the usual way. Tap the Image button to add an image to your Tweet and select a photo.

2. In the lower right corner of the image, tap "+ALT." This is the button that lets you add alt text to the tweet.

Use the +ALT button in the image to add alt text. Dave Johnson/Business Insider

3. The first time you use alt text, the "Add descriptions" pop-up window appears, which explains the purpose of alt text. Tap "Sure" to dismiss it.

4. Type your description. You have up to 1000 characters, though you probably shouldn't use all that space good alt text is usually under about 100 characters, no longer than an actual tweet.

5. When you're finished, tap "Done." You won't be able to see the alt text you just created, but you can verify it's there by tapping the "Alt" button again.

6. When you're ready, publish the tweet.

Type your alt text and tap "Done" to complete your tweet. Dave Johnson/Business Insider

1. Open Twitter in a browser on your Mac or PC and create a tweet in the usual way. Click the Image button to add your photo to the tweet.

2. Below the image and to the right of "Tag people," click "Add description."

Alt text is added to a tweet in a browser using the "Add description" link. Dave Johnson/Business Insider

3. The first time you use alt text, the "Add descriptions" pop-up window appears, which explains the purpose of alt text. Tap "Sure" to agree to dismiss it.

4. Type your alt text in the "Description field." You can use up to 1000 characters, though you probably shouldn't use all that space good alt text is usually under about 100 characters, no longer than an actual tweet.

5. When you're finished, click "Save." To return to your alt text, you can now click "ALT" in the lower left corner of the image.

6. When you're ready, publish the tweet.

Add your alt text in the Description field and click "Save" when you're done. Dave Johnson/Business Insider

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When it comes to modern slavery, many of us turn a blind eye – iNews

Lewis Hamilton has emerged in recent weeks as a figurehead in the Black Lives Matter movement. In an eloquent, thoughtful essay for The Sunday Times last month, the Formula 1 driver wrote about his lifelong experience of racism in Britain; about the heart-breaking warnings that black fathers like his know that they need to give their sons; about his recognition that the murder of George Floyd, despite seeming a faraway occurrence in a foreign land, was in fact a moment that demanded a global awakening to the systemic racism, witnessed and experienced by every person of colour across the world.

He arrived at the Paddock for F1s resumption wearing a BLACK LIVES MATTER T-shirt. He also wore a chain locked in a padlock around his neck, a clear reference to the collars worn by generations of African slaves.

Heres the problem for Hamilton. Slavery is still with us. In fact, more people are thought to live enslaved today than at any point in recorded history. Most of them are still people of colour. And many are held in nations which happily host Grand Prix tournaments to celebrate their wealth. In 2016, one Lewis Hamilton notoriously voiced his appreciation for his hosts at the Bahrain Grand Prix, arriving in a thobe, the traditional dress of the Bahraini royal family, and tweeting: Nothing but love and respect for this culture, and Bahrain!! Feeling royal. In Bahrain, 1.9 people in every thousand is thought to be a slave. The royal family has been repeatedly accused of abusingslaves.

In Bahrain, as in Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and most of the other Arab states in which Lewis Hamilton has happily raced, the overwhelming majority of these slaves are South Asian or South East Asian. The denial of their human rights is enabled by entrenched racism and colourism which preaches the natural servitude of inferior races. Bahrain, to its credit, nominally abolished the Kafala System (which effectively legalised slavery under the guise of bonded labour) in 2009, ahead of many of its Arab peers. Baby steps, eh?

How much does this matter? There are some commentators who would love nothing more than to suggest this negates every word of Lewis Hamiltons activism. Thats grotesquely unfair. Listen to Hamilton talk about his deep, lived experience of racism and its trauma, and you will know that there is no justification for dismissing his pain. While he may now have the advantage of talent and success something for which he has worked hard he is brave to make racism a story in the money-grubbing world of Formula 1, in which white men still own the corporate capital, and no sponsor or host is keen to draw attention to the sports blind spots on social justice. He will lose sponsors and money for taking this stand. He deserves our good faith.

One of the deepest, nastiest problems of todays polarised public conversation is the willingness of agitators on the alt-right or the hard-left, often masquerading as journalists, to try to catch out activists who have made the mistake of campaigning only against one issue instead of all of them, or campaigning now instead of years ago. Far too often, on this particular subject, the long history of slavery in the Arab world is used as a distraction from the Wests culpability for years of slavery.

To my particular horror, I frequently see bad actors trying to set up descendants of Holocaust survivors and of the transatlantic slave trade as competitors, as if to compete for the exceptionality of their trauma. (One could spot elements of this divisive trick when a columnist at a right-wing tabloid pointed out last week that Hamilton drives for Mercedes, a company which exploited Jewish slave labour during the Nazi regime.) That is not my intention here.

The better lesson is that we are all capable of being hypocrites. We have all, like Hamilton, espoused a social cause without necessarily checking that our historic actions and words have been consistent. I know I have. When it comes to modern slavery, its particularly easy to look away.

This week, were still seeing exposs about the slave-like conditions alleged in garment factories in Leicester factories which supply dirt-cheap clothes at prices many of us find far too convenient to question. There is a sensitive conversation to have here about race, which too easily risks being appropriated by the hate-mongers. (Most of the factories which have been the subject of these exposs are run by members of ethnic minority communities, but we should pause before we assume thats a complete picture.

Around the world, many victims of human trafficking are migrants who are most easily lured by those who share their home culture and language; on a global scale that doesnt make this crime the province of any particular race.)

Modern slavery is all around us but most of us dont look. Im too poor a driver failed my test twice to have Hamiltons chances of driving at the Bahrain GP. But Im sure, like him, Ive benefited from the labour of modern slaves without recognising it.

For many of us, that exploitation lies in the supply chains of favourite products. A few months ago, a report by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute made clear that Chinese concentration camps, in which genocide is being perpetrated against the Muslim Uighur population, have been supplying Western brands with components made by Uighur slave labour. Many of these enslaved people, like African American slaves before them, work in the production of cotton. Cotton produced in the Xinjiang region ends up in clothing made by some of the largest companies around. (Naturally, all of these companies deny using slave labour.)

The supply chain taints the cheapest products bought by the poorest among us, and luxury goods marketed at the super-rich.

This week, calls for a boycott of Chinese products are growing louder, due both to national security concerns about the surveillance capabilities of the tech company Huawei, and the atrocious wrecking of Hong Kongs former democratic freedoms. Boris Johnson has announced that Huawei components must be removed from British 5G networks by 2027.

But global supply chains are always hard to disentangle and theres always a cost: Philip Jansen, head of BT, warned before the announcement that this would be almost impossible without major outages and new security vulnerabilities. Cutting out Chinese-owned labour from the consumer market on items like fashion would be as complex.

What can we do? Like Hamilton in Bahrain, most of us could use some self-examination: Ive been unimpressed recently to see white friends who regularly holiday in Dubai posting social media statements about racism and the toxic legacy of the slave trade. If you want to shop ethically, one option is to check out TISCReport.org, which publishes registers of companies that have declared their supply chains under the Modern Slavery Act. But in an era of complex global supply chains, weve all been tainted at some point by unethical consumption. By acknowledging that mass hypocrisy, we can begin to do better together.

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When it comes to modern slavery, many of us turn a blind eye - iNews

Stone Shares Meme With Roots In Alt-Right To Attack Judge – TPM

Roger Stone equated his nearly-finished legal fight with the epic Battle of Thermopylae in his latest Instagram post, a legend that has taken hold in the imaginations and self-styling of the young and right-wing.

The meme, a badly photoshopped image from the movie 300, features Judge Amy Berman Jackson as the Persian King Xerxes saying: All we require is that you bear false witness.

Stones head, pasted atop Spartan King Leonidas sword-wielding body, retorts: See, thats going to be a problem

Stones flourishes on the post are familiar. He has favored the bearing false witness line all throughout his trial proceedings to brandish his loyalty to President Donald Trump, who has retweeted speculation about a pardon for his friend and former adviser.

I flatly refused to bear false witness against the president who I have known and respected for over 40 years, Stone wrote. The caption was trailed by a flock of hashtags reading #rogerstonedidnothingwrong and #saverogerstone.

The publicity-loving Stone has used his Instagram to paint Jackson as his enemy before, once posting a picture of her with crosshairs shortly after she imposed a partial gag order on him.

Stone apologized, but that post led the judge to ban Stone from speaking publicly about the case. She eventually barred him from using his Instagram, Twitter and Facebook accounts due to his vigorous posting. Many of his posts featured articles from right-wing media sites that included conspiracy theories denigrating the wide spectrum of Stones political enemies. Jackson found that the posts were a violation of his gag order.

Once again I am wrestling with behavior that has more to do with middle school than a court of law, Jackson said in court then. The goal has been to draw maximum attention.

As campy as Stones latest meme is, the legend of the Battle ofThermopylae with the badly outnumbered Spartans making a last, heroic stand against the sprawling forces of the Persian army is a favorite among gun rights activists, Tea Partiers and white nationalists alike.

The phrase Molon Labe or come and get them, Leonidas supposed defiant response when Xerxes demanded that the Spartans surrender their weapons, has been appropriated by gun enthusiasts who believe their political foes want to take their firearms. It has also become a catchall for Tea Party types who oppose intervention from the federal government.

A video posted on YouTube by user Aryan Wisdom in 2016 and since viewed over 5 million times has clips of 300 edited over with audio of President Donald Trumps speeches, with images of various political figures overlaid onto the characters in the movie. In this rendition, Trump, obviously, is the brave Leonidas. Playing the evil Xerxes is George Soros, the billionaire philanthropist and constant rightwing boogeyman.

The Stone saga, which has spanned years, most recently saw Jackson okaying a delay in Stones surrender date until July 14. She had ordered him to stay under home confinement until then.

This will address the defendants stated medical concerns during the current increase of reported cases in Florida, and Broward County in particular, and it will respect and protect the health of other inmates who share defendants anxiety over the potential introduction and spread of the virus at this now-unaffected facility, Jackson said.

She sentenced Stone to 40 months in prison back in February, after a jury convicted him of making false statements, witness tampering and obstructing Congress Russia probe.

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Stone Shares Meme With Roots In Alt-Right To Attack Judge - TPM

Facing America’s History of Racism Requires Facing the Origins of ‘Race’ as a Concept – TIME

When we look back on 2020, the emblematic photos of the year will undoubtedly include images of crowds gathered around toppled, spray-painted statues. The indictment of these monuments has focused the countrys attention on how the history of slavery in the United States casts a long shadow that stretches all the way from the Middle Passage and Jim Crow to the protracted record of police violence against African Americans that led to the Black Lives Matter movement in the first place.

The histories of slavery and racism in the United States have never been more pertinent. This is also the case for the comparatively understudied history of race as a concept, without which it is impossible to understand how Europeans and their colonial descendants in the United States engineered the most complete and enduring dehumanization of a people in history.

The logic behind the history of race initially seems deceivingly clear: to justify the forced deportation of 400,000 Black Africans to North America (and another eleven million to other parts of the Americas between 1525 and 1866), Europeans and their American heirs found it necessary to debase and revile their captives. Yet todays racism is more than a malignant byproduct of the 19th-century American plantation system; it also grew out of an elaborate and supposedly scientific European conception of the human species that began during the Enlightenment.

By the early decades of the 18th century, the Continents savants and natural philosophers no longer automatically looked to the Bible to explain the story of the human species. Intent on finding physical explanations for natural phenomena, naturalists employed more empirical methods to solve one of the biggest anthropological questions of the day: why did people from Africa, millions of whom were already toiling in European plantations, look different from white Europeans?

By the 1740s, one could find a dozen or more purportedly scientific explanations. Some claimed that blackness came from vapors emanating from the skin; others claimed that black skin was passed on from generation to generation via the power of the maternal imagination or from darkened sperm; still others asserted that the heat or the air of the Torrid Zone darkened the humors and stained the skin.

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The dominant anthropological concept that emerged around 1750 was called degeneration, which can be understood as the precise opposite of what we now know to be true about humankinds origins. In contrast to the model that shows how evolution and successive human migrations from the African continent account for humanitys many colors, degeneration theory maintained that there was an original and superior white race, and that this group of humans moved about the globe and mutated in different climates. These morphological and pigmentation changes were not seen as adaptations or the results of natural selection; they were explained as a perversion or deterioration of a higher archetype.

Medical practitioners stepped in to flesh out that vague narrative, creating the basis for the idea of what we now call race. Anatomists, in particular, dissected the bodies of supposedly degenerated Africans, and published numerous now-shocking articles on the supposed damage of living in a tropical climate: black brains, black bile, black sperm and even race-specific black lice.

The most bigoted of European physicians attributed specific organ-based liabilities to Black Africans, including indolence and diminished cognition. Not surprisingly, these falsehoods and the methods that produced them flourished in the United States: in 1851, Samuel A. Cartwright identified two diseases associated with Africans. The first was a mental illness he dubbed drapetomania, which caused slaves to run away. The second was dysaesthesia aethiopica, a type of lethargy that struck Africans who were not enslaved or overseen by whites. His cure: anointing them with oil, and applying a leather strap.

Europe also bequeathed Americans with the very category of race. By the 1770s, German figureheads including Emmanuel Kant and J.F. Blumenbachthe latter of whom coined the term Caucasian because he believed that the original prototype race originated in the Caucus Regionaffirmed that new biometric and anatomical discoveries justified the use of the modernistic word race to distinguish among human subspecies.

Racial classification schemes provided the most powerful framework for understanding the divide between white and Black. Some naturalists took this one step further, proposing that Africans actually formed a different species entirely. Predictably, this latter idea was adopted by some members of the proslavery lobby in the United States.

Progressive thinkers, abolitionists and, eventually, formerly enslaved people including the writer Olaudah Equiano began critiquing the roots and effects of racial prejudice as early as the 1770s. And yet, even as scientific research has confirmed just how wrong Enlightenment theories of race were, many of the most rearguard and unscientific European notions regarding race have remained deeply embedded in the American psyche, not to mention in the arsenal of the Alt Right. Indeed, the immigration policies of the Trump Administration, in insisting that immigrants from certain countries are less desirable than others, are effectively resurrecting centuries-old notions about the supposedly deterministic nature of race.

Racialized thinking, especially when weaponized by our politicians, must be repudiated at every turn. Part of an effective rebuttal to such malicious positions may come from extending our understanding of racism to include the anecdotal, spurious and pseudoscientific birth of these ideas centuries ago. This may ultimately be something that every American can agree on: wherever we come from, we are all the unfortunate heirs of a deadly and illegitimate science.

Historians perspectives on how the past informs the present

Andrew Curran is the author of The Anatomy of Blackness: Science and Slavery in an Age of Enlightenment and, more recently, Diderot and the Art of Thinking Freely. He is the William Armstrong Professor of the Humanities at Wesleyan University.

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Facing America's History of Racism Requires Facing the Origins of 'Race' as a Concept - TIME

The fallacy of white privilege and how it’s corroding society – New York Post

Last month, I retweeted a comment by a contrarian writer who questioned whether racism was to blame for the spread of the coronavirus, and a close (white) friend responded to me with a well-meaning text:

I feel it is my calling to help end the oppression people of color like you face in our society, he wrote. I understand I have white privilege. And that has consequences.

His message left me feeling bewildered. What oppression had I actually faced? And what privilege had society conferred upon my friend because of his white skin?

Growing up as a Sikh, turbaned boy in the majority-white environment of British Columbia, Canada, I was a constant target of bullying throughout my elementary school years. On bus rides home, I remember having to sit in the back where the older, cool kids hung out, and they used to jump up and slap the top part of my turban. I was consistently harassed with comments like Go back to where you came from and You dont belong here.

Upon immigrating from India when I was 4, my family suffered tremendous economic hardships and cultural challenges. My father drove a taxi at night and my mom worked many menial jobs as a cook, housecleaner, barista and motel cleaner. Its fair to say my family never had success handed to them on a silver platter. But more than a decade post-immigration, we have found our footing in Western society, with my dad making nearly six figures operating his own software company.

Rising from poverty to economic prosperity is a common narrative for immigrants from all backgrounds in the West. For example, after the communist takeover of Cuba in 1959, many refugees fled to America, leaving most of their wealth behind and having to start from the bottom. But by 1990, second-generation Cuban Americans were twice as likely to earn an annual salary of $50,000 than non-Hispanic whites in the United States.

The notion of white privilege stems from the idea that white people have benefited in American history relative to people of color. And its true that the institution of slavery and the following decades of anti-black dehumanization has a continuing impact today. A major 2013 study from Brandeis University found that 32 percent of the wealth gap between whites and blacks can be attributed to inherited wealth and length of homeownership, two factors linked to institutionalized racism. Meanwhile, Harvard economist Roland Fryers much-publicized study on racial bias in policing found that cops are 53 percent more likely to use physical force on black civilians compared to whites (his study, however, found no anti-black bias in fatal police shootings).

Because of facts like these, an emerging definition of white privilege is now being widely circulated on social media: White privilege doesnt mean your life hasnt been hard. It just means your race isnt one of the things that make it harder.

And yet, this definition suffers from several shortcomings. For one, it ignores anti-Semitism the second leading cause of hate crimes in America, according to the FBI. In addition, the growing demonization of whiteness now means that white people are no longer immune to racism. I can think of several instances where friends and colleagues have been racially targeted for being white and holding contrarian but intellectually defensible positions such as we need to have generous, but reasonable limits on our immigration system or even I dont think racial minorities are systematically oppressed in Western society today.

And the concept of white privilege cant explain why several historically marginalized groups out-perform whites today. Take Japanese Americans, for example: For nearly four decades in the 20th century (1913 1952), this group was legally prevented from owning land and property in over a dozen American states. Moreover, 120,000 Japanese Americans were interned during World War II. But by 1959, the income disparity between Japanese Americans and white Americans nearly vanished. Today, Japanese Americans outperform whites by large margins in income statistics, education outcomes, test scores and incarceration rates.

One could argue the successful stories of my family, Cuban Americans and Japanese Americans are cherry-picked cases. But whites are far from being the most dominantly successful group in Western society. A wealth of data collected in a longform Quillette analysis, shows overwhelming white underachievement relative to several minority groups among health outcomes, educational achievement, incarceration rates and economic success.

On the whole, whatever systemic racism exists appears to be incredibly ineffectual, or even nonexistent, given the multitude of groups who consistently eclipse whites.

According to median household income statistics from the US Census Bureau, several minority groups substantially out-earn whites. These groups include Pakistani Americans, Lebanese Americans, South African Americans, Filipino Americans, Sri Lankan Americans and Iranian Americans (in addition to several others). Indians, the group I belong to, are the highest-earning ethnic group the census keeps track of, with almost double the household median income of whites. In Canada, several minority groups also significantly out-earn whites, including South Asian Canadians, Arab Canadians and Japanese Canadians.

Interestingly, several black immigrant groups such as Nigerians, Barbadians, Ghanaians and Trinidadians & Tobagonians have a median household income well above the American average. Ghanian Americans, to take one example, earn more than several specific white groups such as Dutch Americans, French Americans, Polish Americans, British Americans and Russian Americans. Do Ghanaians have some kind of sub-Saharan African privilege?

Nigerian Americans, meanwhile, are one of the most educated groups in America, as one Rice University survey indicates. Though they make up less than 1 percent of the black population in America, nearly 25percent of the black student body at Harvard Business School in 2013 consisted of Nigerians. In post-bachelor education, 61 percent of Nigerian Americans over the age of 25 hold a graduate degree compared to only 32 percent for the US-born population.

These facts challenge the prevailing progressive notion that Americas institutions are built to universally favor whites and oppress minorities or blacks. On the whole, whatever systemic racism exists appears to be incredibly ineffectual, or even nonexistent, given the multitude of groups who consistently eclipse whites.

In fact, because whites are the majority in Canada and America, more white people live in poverty or are incarcerated than any other racial group in those countries. If you were to randomly pick an impoverished individual in America, you are exponentially more likely to pick a white person than a person of color, because of population differences. Today, 15.7 million white Americans (almost twice as many as black Americans) live in poverty. Given such facts, why would we deem all white people as privileged, even if whites have lower poverty rates compared to African Americans and Hispanics?

It should also be noted that suicide rates are disproportionately high among the white population. In 2018, whites had the highest suicide rate of 16.03 per 100,000. The New York Times has reported that whites are dying faster than they are being born in a majority of US states in large part due to high rates of substance abuse and suicide. In comparison, black Americans had a suicide rate less than half of whites (6.96) and Asian Americans/Pacific Islanders had the lowest rate of 6.88 per 100,000. In this context, do blacks and Asians have some kind of unmerited privilege they must atone for?

If we look at health outcomes reported by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, we find that African Americans are less likely than whites to die of several health conditions such as bladder cancer, leukemia, esophageal cancer, lung cancer, bladder cancer, brain cancer and skin cancer, to take a few arbitrary examples. But no one in their right mind would protest any health privilege enjoyed by African Americans in these instances. And while blacks have the highest COVID-19 death rate, more than double that of whites, the group with the lowest death rate from the coronavirus is actually Asian Americans. Given the crisis of the pandemic, perhaps it would be laudable for Asians like me to confess their Asian privilege on social media because otherwise, as the Twitter hashtag goes, #SilenceisViolence.

Overall, I can think of several privileges I have benefited from that are arguably more significant than white privilege. Roughly speaking my family has more wealth than many in my social circle, including my friend who texted me to atone for his white privilege. This would be a form of class privilege.

I was also afforded the privilege of taking a full one-year break from education to pursue my passion for creative writing and social commentary. Had I been in a different economic circumstance, I wouldve been forced to immediately attend college or spend a substantial portion of my time working in my gap year. Comparatively, my friend who texted me went to university right away and tenaciously worked part-time on the weekends to afford his tuition. Perhaps it would be more appropriate for me to confess economic privilege to him. I was also afforded the privilege of my parents strongly encouraging me to read books and learn new vocabulary words at a very young age, which has undoubtedly aided me in my freelance journalism career. This kind of literacy privilege has, in part, given me the tremendous opportunity to write essays for top publications like The Globe and Mail and The Grammy Awards, despite being just 19 years of age.

Writing this essay, I also have the immense privilege of being a person of color. I receive plentiful backlash for defending the positions I hold, but had I been a white person, I would have easily been demonized as alt-right or even a white supremacist, despite having average libertarian or classical liberal views on politics.

Fundamentally, privileges of all kinds exist: able-bodiedness, wealth, education, moral values, facial symmetry, tallness (or in other contexts, shortness), health, stamina, safety, economic mobility, and importantly, living in a free, diverse society. Rather than whiteness, an exponentially more predictive privilege in life is growing up with two parents.

This is why 41 percent of children born to single mothers grow up in poverty whereas only 8 percent of children living in married-couple families are impoverished. In a racial context, the poverty rate among two-parent black families is only 7.5 percent, compared to 11 percent among whites as a whole and 22 percent among whites in single-parent homes. In fact, since 1994 the poverty rate among married black Americans has been consistently lower than the white poverty rate. Furthermore, an illustrative study published in the Journal of Marriage and Family found that when controlling for family structure, the black-white poverty gap is reduced by over 70 percent.

Privileges of all kinds exist: able-bodiedness, wealth, education, facial symmetry, health, stamina, safety, economic mobility, and importantly, living in a free, diverse society.

When surveying the tremendous complexity of racial disparities, its simply wrong to presuppose all whites are privileged, let alone racist. Using the despicable actions of a few to judge an entire group of people is never sound reasoning. Just because some white people (who were kids) weaponized their whiteness and harassed me for the color of my skin, doesnt mean I view all white people as racist or privileged.

None of the statistics in this piece discount racial prejudice, unequal opportunities or the privilege of not experiencing racism. They simply point to the glaring fallacies of the all-consuming white-privilege narrative which has degraded our national discourse into identity politics and racial tribalism. White people are now one-dimensionally seen as an undifferentiated mass of privilege and wealth whereas minorities are seen as powerless victims oppressed by a society ingrained with white supremacy and racial bigotry.

Ultimately, I dont want to be treated as Rav, the brown-skinned boy or Rav, the underprivileged minority. I want to be treated as an individual with a unique set of circumstances and characteristics. To cohere as a multiethnic, pluralistic society this standard must be applied to all colors and ethnicities. But until we collectively repudiate race-based stereotyping and fallacious, inflammatory generalizations, we shift the focus away from real inequity and discrimination and never truly make progress.

Rav Arora is a 19-year-old writer based in Vancouver, Canada, who specializes in topics of race, music, literature and culture. His writing has also been featured in The Globe and Mail and City Journal.

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The fallacy of white privilege and how it's corroding society - New York Post

Alt-Weeklies Face Total Annihilation. But Theyre Thriving in the Chaos. – The Ringer

Leigh Tauss, an editor at the North Carolina alt-weekly INDY Week, was alone in the papers Raleigh office on the night of May 30 when the first brick crashed through a window. At first, I pretty much hid behind a water cooler, she says, chatting on the phone in late June. If you scroll back through my tweets, the whole thing is there.

INDY Week prides itself on providing progressive news, culture, and commentary for Raleigh, Durham, and Chapel Hill; Tauss had spent that evening documenting local protests that mirrored other uprisings nationwide inspired by the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis five days earlier. Shed returned to the office in part to wash the tear gas out of her eyes.

I hid in the basement for a while and ended up leaving with another reporter, she says. Shed heard strange voices in the office while waiting for her friend to show, but at that point, only a lamp and a water cooler had been stolen. But the next day, we found out that looters had smashed every window in the building, stolen my computer, set a couch on fire, and made the sprinkler system go off for four hours, Tauss says. The entire space was flooded, and it was a total loss. So I tweeted pictures of the vandalized office and all the shattered glass.

One of those tweets went viral, and raised the ire of those enraged by both the protests and any journalists reporting on those protests empathetically. So then, on top of the devastation of losing our office, on top of the trauma of having all of our reporters get tear-gassed and shot with rubber bullets at these riots, we had the alt-right coming after us, Tauss says. Soon she was inundated with the most hateful, vile messages you can imagine. Which did not, of course, keep her from covering the very next nights protests, and the weeks of jarring and momentous eventsthe curfews, the often violent conflicts between protestors and law enforcement, the toppled Confederate monumentsthat followed.

Theres a certain personality type that goes for this job that kind of thrives on chaos, she says. Weirdly, I find it calming. It helps, of course, to believe deeply in what youre doing. My business getting smashed, or me getting tear-gassed or shot with rubber bullets, is just not as significant as the police violence happening against Black bodies routinely in this country. I really try to keep that my focus. Thats why were doing this right now.

Alt-weeklies, historically, thrive on chaos, even as that chaos usually poses an existential threat to them specifically. By mid-March, just a few weeks into widespread national shutdowns in response to COVID-19, the phrase total annihilation had emerged as the best way to describe the industrys outlook. This has, without a doubt, been the single worst week in the history of Americas alternative press, wrote Joshua Benton in a March 19 Nieman Journalism Lab piece already then tallying the layoffs, the suspensions of print issues, the impassioned calls for donations, the outright shutdowns. (Poynter has a comprehensive updated list surveying the carnage across all media.)

Local journalism overall has, of course, struggled mightily for years, if not decades, but this is a comically awful time to be a free, hyperlocal newspaper largely distributed in the same bars, clubs, and restaurants upon which it depends for advertising. Bonus points if the papers covering a region where the government response to COVID-19 has been especially inept. Like Texas. I told everyone from the beginning, says longtime Austin Chronicle music editor Raoul Hernandez. Im a journalist in a disaster area.

But the death of George Floyd after Minneapolis policeman Derek Chauvin put his knee on Floyds neck for nearly nine minutes, and the national outpouring of grief and anger that followed, is a story that historically progressive alt-weeklies were born to cover. The protests. The earnest activism. The reinvigorated focus on Black Lives Matter, and bail funds, and defunding the police, and any given citys Confederate monumentsall subjects these sorts of papers have explored vigorously for years. Thats why beloved Seattle alt-weekly The Stranger could offer vibrantly thorough and unabashedly personal insight into the Capitol Hill Organized Protest (CHOP), an activist occupation of a Seattle neighborhood that for weeks generated a wealth of misinformation, Media Twitter abstraction, and Trump-driven demagoguery.

It was just the sort of complex, delicate, constantly mutating storyCHOP was dismantled on July 1 after multiple reported shootingsbest handled by reporters who actually worked, and lived, in town. From what Ive been seeing from the national news outlets, especially more conservative ones, they tend to focus on things like theres a warlord whos also a SoundCloud rapper, and theres a bunch of crusty anarchists, says Stranger staff writer Jasmyne Keimig of the early CHOP discourse. And sometimes there is truth to it, but I think it mostly obscures the problems, and the things that people are actually talking about on the ground.

In Ohio, the online weekly Columbus Alivewith a staff consisting of two peoplegoes viral with the bizarre tale of a colorful school bus full of hippie circus performers accosted by a SWAT team during a downtown protest and refashioned, via right-leaning social media, into one of those dreaded Busloads of Antifa. (Marco Rubio tweeted about it, but sometimes juggling clubs are just juggling clubs, and an ax for firewood is just an ax for firewood.) Pittsburgh City Paper can both counter police narratives about the use of force at local protests and explain the ongoing controversy at the citys biggest daily, the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, which barred some of its own Black reporters from covering those protests due to bias. In Oregon, the Pulitzer Prizewinning Willamette Week can tap into a surge in calls for racial justice so far-reaching it triggered the Portland Stripper Strike.

And of course, in Minneapolis, the longtime alt-weekly City Pages can suddenly find itself standing at the epicenter of an international movement and poised to play a crucial role in leading it, even as prestigious out-of-town journalists parachuted into town seemingly by the thousands. I do think its been very interesting to see Minneapolis portrayed in national media, says City Pages editor-in-chief Emily Cassel. I mean, when in history has the world paid this much attention to the Twin Cities, right?

But the paperand the timeless alt-weekly format and ethoswas built for this fraught moment.

I dont think that all print media is guilty of printing verbatim what police tell them, but I think some of them are, and weve been writing about defunding the police for years, Cassel says. Weve been writing about Reclaim the Block and Black Visions Collective and these groups that are suddenly springing into consciousness here in the Twin Cities and nationallyweve been writing about their efforts for years now. These are things that we pay attention to. Weve been critical of Bob Kroll [the confrontational president of the Police Officers Federation of Minneapolis] for years now. All of these things where its like, Yes. Welcome. Join us.

Alternative to what? The platonic ideal of an alt-weekly thrives on antagonism, on a defiant and communal sense of otherness. Feuding with the bloodless and monolithic daily paper. Feuding with the clueless and totally bullshit rival alt-weekly, back when most cities could support two (!!). Feuding with the hapless local-TV-news cabal. (I spent my first day in journalism at a long-gone Columbus publication literally called The Other Paper, sitting with my cackling coworkers as they watched bootleg footage of a local newscasters false teeth flying out of his mouth on the air.)

Those were the days. Those were the days is practically this corner of journalisms national creed. In 2020, some of the biggest alt-weeklies, including the Boston Phoenix and my former home, the Village Voice, are gone, while some others, including L.A. Weekly, have changed owners and lost much of their prestige. For those that remain, its altogether possible (as with Columbus Alive and Minnesotas City Pages) that the local daily now owns the local weekly. (Others are independently owned or part of national chains, but whatever the arrangement, most have roughly a dozen editorial staffers, if that. The Stranger itself laid off 18 employees in March; its sister paper, the Portland Mercury, laid off 10.)

But even most of the daily-owned papers have retained their autonomy. Their defiance. Their hard-fought right to use curse words in print, the importance of which cant be understated, even post-internet. We have pretty unlimited leeway for the most part, Columbus Alive editor Andy Downing says, describing his papers relationship with the daily Columbus Dispatch. Every once in a while you get an email, Did you need to use the word fuck here? Its like, Well, probably not, but I did.

And most importantly, alt-weeklies have held fast to what is, in most cases, their progressive ardor, their hallowed privilege to say, in print, what more buttoned-up journalists arent even supposed to think.

Take the deified Chicago Reader, founded nearly a half-century ago and now helmed by co-editors-in-chief Karen Hawkins and Sujay Kumar. We are allowed to acknowledge that we have a point of view, Hawkins says, chatting in mid-June. Every person has a point of view. Our publisher wrote a post this week about the myth of objectivity. I have always believed in that. The Reader, as an alt-weekly, is a publication that has always taken a stand on certain issues, and reported on issues in a very particular way. That, to me, has been the biggest relief: the freedom to acknowledge, yes, hi, police brutality exists, and its not OK. Nothing is racially tinged. Its just racist. Lets just call it what it is.

That blunt approach applies to the legacies of these papers themselves, and how theyre changing, demographically, in ways that heighten and sharpen their perspective on our current era. Its not lost on us, the history of the Reader, and how its been traditionally a white male legacy publication, Kumar says. So yeah, in some ways people trust it, but in other ways people are easy to dismiss things with, Oh, yeah, thats just the Reader, its North Side white guys. Even though Karen and I are black and brown editors running it. Its a wild time.

That dynamic, an alt-weeklys constant reckoning with both its own history and the countrys, can manifest in myriad ways, down to an individual word choice. Tess Riski, an intimidatingly prolific Willamette Week reporter whod previously written for major dailies from The New York Times to The Wall Street Journal to the Miami Herald, recalls a recent staff conversation about whether to refer to local protests as uprisings. I think were able to think in more progressive ways, she says, about what the right language might be.

Which in turn gives an alt-weekly more credibility with both readers and activists than other publications, and makes it better equipped to dispel the wilder social-media rumors about whos leading these uprisings, and why. Were on the ground talking to people at protests who identify as being anti-fascist protesters, Riski says. Were talking to the people instead of just hearing officials messages about it. So its easy for us to hear claims about these violent antifa protesters and know that it might be kind of bullshit, because were just more in the loop on that. Its not new to us. Its like parents have their interpretation of what kids slang is, right? And then they try to explain it, and a teenager is like, No, thats wrong. I feel like were the teenagers who know the slang. Does that make sense?

Credibility of that sort can manifest in everything an alt-weekly does, and make the paper feel vital and revolutionary even in its silliest moments. In another lifetime, from my perspective, Columbus Alive, which published its last print issue a year ago and is now online only, was itself the accursed rival alt-weekly. But it long ago became a crucial and tangible part of the Columbus I live in now. Deep features on the rise of homegrown white nationalist Andrew Anglin and a prominent brewery founder accused by multiple women of sexual assault. (Last month in North Carolina, the INDY Week staff forced out then-editor Jeffrey Billman for botching a similar tip about a local restaurant owner accused of sexual misconduct.) The sex shop that turned into a semi-official protestor hub. The local activist who had his own brush with Trump-driven viral infamy that got so out of control he was mistaken for a member of indie-rock band the National.

But its just as gratifying to watch the Alive Facebook page troll its own trolls (Nice job liking your own post, Kirt) or uncork the headline Columbus Discovers America (Doesnt Like Him). In April, a Dispatch photographer took an iconic, disturbingly zombie-esque, instantly viral photo of a statehouse protest against Ohios coronavirus-driven stay-at-home order; the Alive had the institutional backing to repost it and the authority to do so under the headline Get a Load of These Jokers.

The slightest hint of snark, after all, is historically a crucial part of the experience too. There was a little bit of this feeling of Thats pretty funny, so we should do it, Alive associate editor Joel Oliphint says. (In honor of he and Downing being the papers last two editorial staffers, Oliphints Zoom background is the sinking kayak meme.) You know what I mean? If its funny enough, if it feels funny enough, you roll with it. You dont want to be that all the time. But there are times where you want to embrace the alt-weekly aspect of this.

Other historically crucial elements of the alt-weekly experiencethe curse-word-driven media feuds, for exampleare far less prevalent in July 2020. There are more important battles to fight, including the one for survival. Every publication, of any size, is struggling mightily nowthat Poynter list mightve updated since you last looked at itand at the local and less hyperpartisan level, at least, theres a growing sense that everyones in this together, this being the COVID- and protest-driven eternal moment of Maximum News under terrible economic conditions. Even in Pittsburgh, with the daily Post-Gazette wracked with internal turmoil about how to cover the protests, theres a kinship with other media in town, bordering on outright sympathy.

I think people are trusting us more, which feels really validating, says City Paper news editor Ryan Deto. On top of that, we had the Post-Gazette scoop, and everybody looking at the Post-Gazette and being like, Well, can we trust them? Which is a shame, because their reporters are doing really good work now theyre just being undermined by their management.

Not that City Paper doesnt enjoy trolling its own trolls from time to time: Recently the paper started selling T-shirts with the slogan Woke Commie Rag, in honor of an anonymous online detractor. Everyones in this together; everyones just trying to survive. Memberships. Merch. Fundraisers. Sponsored public events, if we ever get back to having public events again. Immersive local arts coverage, after all, is another alt-weekly tentpole, even if COVID-19 has made that coverage extra surreal.

When everything first started shutting down, we kind of went into news mode, says Minneapolis City Pages music editor Keith Harris. Its like, Whats happening? This concerts closing. This place is closing. Is this happening? For a couple weeks there, it was really busy in terms of just coverage. And then it got to the point where, OK, when theres one show left that hasnt canceled yet, do we really need to let people know that the Eels arent coming here in July?

So what then? You survive. Livestream concert listings. Playlists. Interviews. (Which Harris describes as the feature where you ask someone, So, hows quarantine going? What are you eating in quarantine? for the 15th time.) And strangest of all, earnest pleas to stay out of bars. There is a sense, given the national push to reopen restaurants and schools and such, that alt-weeklies are leading the charge in subverting the jokers and arguing for the continued logic of self-quarantine; there is a sense that these papers are literally trying to keep their readers alive.

One of the things Ive done for most of my 27 years at the Chronicle is edit the live music listings page: Here are the 20 shows you need to know in the next week, the Austin Chronicles Raoul Hernandez explains. At first the paper pivoted to playlists, to streaming suggestions, to downloads. So thats worked well. But as the state has opened up and there have been some live music events, suddenly the question is So, are we recommending these? And it hasnt been much of a question to me, because as the editor of the page, the answer is simple: No, I am not recommending anybody go out.

It is impossible to overstate how bizarre those words sound, coming out of a veteran alt-weekly music editors mouth. Which is a hard position to be in, because were the boosters of the local clubs and the artists, Hernandez says. Were part of that ecosystem. So to not be able to get behind them and say, Go team! is not a position anyone wants to be in. But what do we recommend? We recommend you stay home. Thats what we recommend.

As for the long-overworked news desks, the street protests are ongoing, and in places like North Carolina the debate over Confederate monuments is still raging, and the aftermath of all this action, all this national attention, is still roiling cities like Minneapolis. Which gives City Pages plenty to write about, and plenty of opportunities to defend the Twin Cities from the harsh scrutiny of the outside world.

I think one of the things that was most frustrating to me in the last couple of weeks, and we wrote about this, was the bail funds, City Pages editor in chief Cassel says. The Minnesota Freedom Fund coming under fire from people on Twitter, from everywhere else, saying, Oh, what are you going to do with these donations? You got $30 million and you can only spend $200,000. Even, I think, the Star Tribune [the daily that owns the weekly] recorded that one a little wrong. They hadnt done anything wrong in our minds. I wouldnt know what to do with $30 million if it appeared in my lap. And so I think those kinds of stories, where its providing the context of No, no, no, youre not familiar with what this group does or how they work, they have one full-time staff memberthose kinds of stories I think we can tell pretty effectively.

Because what this progressive surge offers alt-weeklies nationwide, at least in theory, is the mother of all teachable moments. What does systemic racism, what does white supremacy, what does income inequality, what do all of these things look like, and how did they play out? says the Chicago Readers Hawkins. I think peoples realizationsudden realizationthat their interactions with Officer Friendly are very different than, say, my interactions with Officer Friendly. I think its a way to, like, Oh, hey, now lets look at this other thing thats super easy in your life thats really shitty for a lot of other people. I feel like it opens this window for people into all these other things that theyve overlooked.

In Seattle, any sense that the relentless 24-hour news cycle is slowing down is only relative. Two local protestors were hit by a car on Saturday morning; one, a 24-year-old named Summer Taylor, later died from their injuries. The city officially shut down CHOP on July 1, though the debate, both local and national, over what that movement meantwhat utopian promise it represented, what should happen to the public art it generated, what degree of a threat to public safety it posedwill continue, and comprise an ongoing alt-weekly beat all its own.

Ive got more people telling me Oh, this feels like the golden age of The Stranger, or This feels like the old times, Keimig told me back in mid-June. I think because this is a situation that we really know how to cover well. So thats new. I have not heard that before this moment, but it definitely feels gratifying to hear, because its like, all right, were doing something right. Were hitting a mark in some way in the eyes of the people.

Chatting again in early July, she offered an early CHOP post-mortem: Ive heard a lot of people say this, and I really believe it too, where CHOP is not the beginning, and CHOP isnt the end. The goals of defunding the police, of abolishing the police, of freeing protestors, the big things that people are fighting for, we still are. As for The Stranger as a whole, I think were really tired. Weve kind of needed to take somewhat of a step back and rethink our approach, because we were really burning the candle at both ends just trying to keep up with the glut of information that was coming in, almost by the minute.

But the work continues, and the enthusiasm remains, total chaos and the threat of total annihilation notwithstanding. I think were kind of mirroring the protestors, she says, in the sense that were seeing this as a long-haul thing, too.

See the rest here:

Alt-Weeklies Face Total Annihilation. But Theyre Thriving in the Chaos. - The Ringer

Dana Canedy, the New Head of Simon & Schuster, on Facts, Diversity, and the Future of Publishing – The New Yorker

No, whats that?

Rachel Swarns wrote a book called American Tapestry, about Michelle Obamas white ancestors. Its fascinating. One of my favorite other books is Katharine Grahams Personal History. I love that book. I think Ive read it three times. Shes a hero of mine.

Are you at all worried about how youre going to keep that romantic notion of books now that youre entering the book world and making it your work?

Well, no, I dont think so. I find this work to be a calling. If I can keep a romantic notion about journalism, which I also have after working twenty-plus years at the New York Times, I can do the same with books being in the publishing world. I dont worry about that. Im somebody who lives with a lot of optimism, enthusiasm, and passion. And I dont think theres really anything that can rob me of that. If I can get through the tragedy I went through in my life, losing the man I love when our son was just six months old, and finding my way back, eventually, to a place of joy and happiness, I dont think Id be shaken up by being on the inside of an industry that I love, you know?

What do you think you bring to this job from your journalistic background?

Well, remember, its not just my journalism background. Ive been running the Pulitzer Prizes for the last few years. So Ive been immersed in books because we have five books categories. And Ive been announcing the winners of those for years and reading those books. I selected the jurors who judged those books and gave them their guidance about what we were looking for, and listened to the board deliberations around that. So Ive been immersed in books for several years.

But, in addition, I think the best nonfiction books are reported books. They dont have to be written by journalists, but they have to be reported. Going back to the point you made about authenticity, to write authoritatively, you have to sort of put on a reporters hat. So I think my training is going to be a strength in terms of looking at proposals and manuscripts and with an editors eyea journalists and an editors eye.

I think a lot of people dont know that not all books are fact-checked. And thats an especially interesting issue now, because were in a climate where the idea of things not being fact-checked or true is a big concern, but that hasnt extended to the book world. Should all nonfiction works, especially ones about politics or history, be fact-checked?

I think that we have to trust our authors, and select authors that we believe in, who present their manuscripts and their ideas in a way that they are already authoritative and already reflect the work that theyve done to set out what the story is going to be. And I also think that there are some amazing editors at Simon & Schuster who have handled some big books. They know what to look for. Sure, in an ideal world, I would have loved fact checkers at the New York Times in every story I wrote. But I think theres a track record and a system in place at Simon & Schuster and other publishers that brings about the results, successful results. I dont have towhat is that expression, remake the wheel? I want to build on the success that they have.

I didnt mean to imply that your writers were untrustworthy. I meant that people make mistakes. And theres just been so much concern about this in the journalism world. And thats why I was asking

A mistake is different than being sloppy, though. I mean, everybody makes mistakes. If youre not making mistakes, youre not growing. And, obviously, you dont want a mistake in your copy. But I can live with a mistake. What I couldnt live with is sloppiness. And theres a difference.

Let me ask you about that. There has been lots of concern about allowing ideas that are deemed dangerous, or alt-right, to use one example, into the public sphere in a way that causes turmoil at magazines or newspapers, and among readers. Simon & Schuster has a conservative imprint that publishes Candace Owens and Glenn Beck and Donald Trump. Im wondering what you think about publishing those kinds of books and whether you think that that is good for the public debate.

Well, of course it is. Im not into censorship, but I do think there has to be a fine line between books that inform the reader about different perspectives, that maybe open them up to a way of thinking about the world or an issue in ways that they havent, and that work thats dangerous or somehow doesnt add public value, if you will. Those kinds of books I wouldnt be interested in at all.

But I do think that there are people who think its controversial to write books about race, or the Black Lives Matter movement. So the most provocative books, just like the most provocative journalists, are always going to have supporters and detractors. And sometimes the book that is the most controversial, the newspaper articles that are the most controversial, are controversial because theyre hitting people viscerally and making them think, and thats not a bad thing. Now, something thats inflammatory just for the sake of being inflammatory, I dont think has any place at Simon & Schuster, or the New York Times, or anywhere else. It has to be a larger message of broader purpose.

The reason I brought up Glenn Beck, Trump, and Candace Owens is that Im not sure that there is a larger purpose, or that the purpose is to be something other than inflammatory. And I do think its interesting that the debate about whether those voices should be paid to offer their opinions by companies that are engaging in free expression hasnt hit the book world in the same way.

Yeah. I think you have to look at it on a case-by-case basis, honestly. Some of those books do have a place, and some dont. And Im hopeful that Ill know them when I see them.

Jonathan Karp has published a couple of the Presidents books. I assume the President, when he stops being President, will want to write more books. How would you feel about publishing his books in the future at Simon & Schuster?

You mean Trumps books?

Yeah.

Oh, hes the President. Everyone who leaves the White House has one or more books in them and that becomes part of public history. I think that would be not only appropriate but important.

O.K. It feels like maybe this is a little different. I wont make a joke about whether that book should be fact-checked, but I think you see what Im getting at.

Yeah.

But you dont find the issue of whether to do that particularly complex? You seem to be very clearly on the side of free expression and think every form of it is a good thing.

Yes, but as I said, it has to be taken on a case-by-case basis. But, in terms of the specific question about the President, every President who leaves office writes their memoirs, their personal history, what have you. And it becomes part of American history. And I dont see that thats going to be any different with a Trump book.

Publishing is always talked about as being endangered, at least in the past couple of decades. Books have always been talked about as being in danger. Are we going to be done with booksare there going to be e-books, are there going to be no books? Is that something you worry about?

I dont buy it at all. I think there are lots of word nerds out there like me. I used to say this in journalism. When folks talk about newspapers no longer being around, it may not be in paper form in the future, but this country will always have a need for information. Whether thats newspapers, magazines, or books, one of the beauties of this country is we have a very literate population, a very engaged population, a very curious population, and thats not going to change. And books arent going anywhere. How you read them, whether you read them on a phone or in the dead-tree version, doesnt really matter, but theyre not going anywhere. There are too many important voices and important stories to tell.

See the original post here:

Dana Canedy, the New Head of Simon & Schuster, on Facts, Diversity, and the Future of Publishing - The New Yorker

Fire Island partier who flouted coronavirus rules refuses to apologise: ‘I’m not going to fall for the lab-made virus’ – PinkNews

Giancarlo Albanese, who attended a circuit party at Fire Island Pines, New York. (Screen captures via Instagram)

An attendee of a July 4 Fire Island, US, party that saw beaches swell with hundreds of toned torsos, rarely wearing face coverings or abiding by social distancing rules, has spoken out amid stinging criticism.

Giancarlo Albanese, a currency analyst at EverythingFx, weathered criticism after he posted a grainy Instagram photograph of countless people packed close together by dry-shrub, stretching back into the inky darkness of the Fire Island Pines.

Partygoers descended by the hundreds to New Yorks Fire Island, a queer circuit party hotspot, at the weekend, jamming the beachfront in swimwear while guzzling on alcohol and dancing to electronic music without masks drawingcriticism from state officials, property owners and LGBT+ community leaders.

Law enforcement were reportedly called to the scene after receiving calls concerning a failure to follow the states social distancing guidelines.

Albanese doubled down on his earlier remarks a string of expletives that included F**k your mask in an Instagram video posted Thursday (July 9).

He pettishly lit into critics skewering him while decrying people for caring about a lab-made virus and appeared to claim he is a member of QAnon.

If you came to this video to try and get an apology, unfortunately, youre not going to get it because I have nothing to be sorry about, he began, wearing a wrinkled white top and a gold chain.

The hundreds and thousands if not millions of people that also went out Fourth of July weekend to celebrate? Theyre also not going to apologise either.

Albanese added: The world has been consumed by mass hysteria and paranoia on an unprecedented scale right now.

People like me arent falling for it. Were not going to fall for the lab-made virus, were not going to fall for the mass-media marketing campaign thats been going on because its all bulls**t, every single ounce of it.

And you have to be woefully ignorant to honestly think that its not.

In a volley of hasgtags accompanting the video, he wrote: #newworldorder #agenda21 #predictiveprogramming #hollywood #massmedia #fakenews #coronavirus #covid19 #coronavrus #qanon #Qarmy #WWG1WGA #wwg1wgaworldwide #wwg1wga #thegreatawakeningworldwide #darktolight #love #conciousness #america #covid #pandemic #nwo #instadaily #instagood #conspiracytheory #falseflag.

Many of the tags were common dog whistles within alt-right circles. QAnon is a sprawling web of conspiracy theories, spewing often baseless assertions, spouted by an anonymous person or group of people who claim to be privy to government secrets.

Supposedly classified information has been dropped on various 4chan and 8chan message boards. Much of it points towards nefarious deeds perpetrated by an alleged deep state, where attacks against the Trump administration are the handiwork of an undergrowth of bureaucrats.

Where we go one, we go all, often clipped to WWG1WGA, is something of an oath for members of the imageboards.

Original post:

Fire Island partier who flouted coronavirus rules refuses to apologise: 'I'm not going to fall for the lab-made virus' - PinkNews

Slate Star Codex and Silicon Valleys War Against the Media – The New Yorker

Since the 2016 Presidential election, a contingent of the media has been increasingly critical of Silicon Valley, charging tech founders, C.E.O.s, venture capitalists, and other technology boosters with an arrogant, nave, and reckless attitude toward the institutions of a functional democracy, noting their tendency to disguise anticompetitive, extractive behavior as disruptive innovation. Many technologists and their investors believe that media coverage of their domain has become histrionic and punitive, scapegoating tech companies for their inability to solve extremely difficult problems, such as political polarization, that are neither of their own devising nor within their ability to solve. The Valleys most injured, aggrieved, and single-minded partisans dont want to be judged by the absurdity of Juicero, the much-ridiculed luxury-juicing startup, or the fraud of Theranos, or the depredations of Uber. As Paul Graham pointed out, in a 2017 tweet, it was unfair to condemn the entirety of the tech sector based on a few bad actors. Criticizing Juicero is fine, he wrote. Whats intellectually dishonest is criticizing SV by claiming Juicero is typical of it. (The obvious ironythat people like Graham nevertheless feel free to write off the entirety of the media on a similarly invidious basisseems lost on many of them.)

Grahams tweet linked to a Slate Star Codex piece, also from 2017, called Silicon Valley: A Reality Check, in which Alexander had collated the most triumphalist dismissals of Juicero and paired them with his own views of what actual technological innovation looked like. While Deadspin was busy calling Silicon Valley awful nightmare trash parasites, my girlfriend in Silicon Valley was working for a company developing a structured-light optical engine to manipulate single cells and speed up high-precision biological research, he writes. Alexander goes on, in the post, to allow that Silicon Valley is not above reproach, acknowledging that anything remotely good in the world gets invaded by rent-seeking parasites and empty suits, but argues that journalists at publications such as the former Deadspin do not understand that the spirit of Silicon Valley is a precious thing that needs to be protected. (Deadspin, in its original form, did not survive the aftermath of Hulk Hogans lawsuit against its former parent company, Gawker Media; the lawsuit was underwritten by Peter Thiel, which complicates the issue of who, exactly, needs protection from whom.) He continues, At its worst, some of their criticism sounds more like a worry that there might still be some weird nerds who think they can climb out of the crab-bucket, and they need to be beaten into submission by empty suits before they can get away.

By then, six months after the election, Alexander had emerged as one of the keenest observers of technologists as a full-fledged social cadre, and of their sharpening class antagonism with an older orderthe institutions in New York, Boston, D.C., and Los Angeles that Balaji Srinivasan has disparaged as the Paper Belt. (Srinivasans Twitter bio reads not big on credentialism, a common posture in a place that likes to present itself as the worlds most successful meritocracy, although he provides a link that itemizes his connections to Stanford and M.I.T. if deemed relevant.) This new group, Alexander suggested in an earlier beloved essay, I Can Tolerate Anything Except the Outgroup, published in 2014, sits at an odd angle to Americas extant tensions. In the essay, he describes our tendency to conceal the degree to which our beliefs and actions are determined by tribal attitudes. It is obvious, Alexander writes, that America is split in recognizable ways. The Red Tribe is most classically typified by conservative political beliefs, strong evangelical religious beliefs, creationism, opposing gay marriage, owning guns, eating steak, drinking Coca-Cola, driving SUVs, watching lots of TV, enjoying American football, getting conspicuously upset about terrorists and commies, marrying early, divorcing early, shouting USA IS NUMBER ONE!!!, and listening to country music. He notes that he himself knows basically none of these people, a sign of how comprehensive our national sorting project has become. The Blue Tribe, by contrast, is most classically typified by liberal political beliefs, vague agnosticism, supporting gay rights, thinking guns are barbaric, eating arugula, drinking fancy bottled water, driving Priuses, reading lots of books, being highly educated, mocking American football, feeling vaguely like they should like soccer but never really being able to get into it, getting conspicuously upset about sexists and bigots, marrying later, constantly pointing out how much more civilized European countries are than America, and listening to everything except country. Whats crucial, he emphasizes, is that these are cultural differences rather than political onesan Ivy League professor might hold right-leaning beliefs, for example, but is nevertheless almost certainly a member of the Blue Tribe.

These are caricatures, of course, but Alexanders crude reductionism is part of his argument, which is that these categories are drawn and redrawn in bad faith, as a way to disavow tribalistic rancor without actually giving it up. When, for example, members of the Blue Tribe censure America, they are purporting to implicate themselves in their criticism; in reality, however, they are simply using America to mean Red America, without making that distinction explicit. What may sound like humility and self-scrutiny is, in fact, actually just a form of thinly disguised tribal retrenchment.

He introduces the idea of a third cohort in an aside: (There is a partly-formed attempt to spin off a Grey Tribe typified by libertarian political beliefs, Dawkins-style atheism, vague annoyance that the question of gay rights even comes up, eating paleo, drinking Soylent, calling in rides on Uber, reading lots of blogs, calling American football sportsball, getting conspicuously upset about the War on Drugs and the NSA, and listening to filkbut for our current purposes this is a distraction and they can safely be considered part of the Blue Tribe most of the time.) This is clearly meant as a teasing description of the S.S.C. readerand, by extension, the Silicon Valley intellectual. Since the post was published, Grey Tribe has become a shorthand compliment paid to thinkers who float free of the polarized fiasco of American discourse. But Except the Outgroup is not an encomium to the Grey Tribe; it is his gentle reminder that most of its members, most of the time, share a vast portion of their political commitments with the Blue Tribe that they so often censure. He has been very upfront about this in his own case; last year, he wrote, lest there was any confusion, I am a pro-gay Jew who has dated trans people and votes pretty much straight Democrat. Any sense of rivalry, he suggests, is likely reducible to the narcissism of minor differences.

The division between the Grey and Blue tribes is often rendered in the simplistic terms of a demographic encounter between white, nerdily entitled men in hoodies on one side and diverse, effete, artistic snobs on the other. On this account, one side is generally associated with quantification, libertarianism, speed, scale, automation, science, and unrestricted speech; the other is generally associated with quality, progressivism, precaution, craft, workmanship, the humanities, and respectful language. Alexander, in another widely circulated essay, published in 2018, has popularized an alternative heuristica partition between what he calls mistake theorists and conflict theorists. Mistake theorists, he writes, look at any difference of opinion and conclude that someone must be making an error. They reckon that when the source of the mistake is identifiedwith more data, more debate, more intelligence, more technical insightthe resolution will be obvious. Conflict theorists are likely to look at the same difference of opinion and assume that no mechanism will provide for a settlement until incompatible desires are brought into alignment. The former tend to believe that after we sort out the problem of means, the question of ends can be left to take care of itself. The latter tend to believe that the preoccupation with means can serve to obscure the real issue of ends. Mistake theorists default to the hope that we just need to fix the bugs in the system. Conflict theorists default to the worry that what look like bugs might be featuresand that its the system that has to be updated.

Link:

Slate Star Codex and Silicon Valleys War Against the Media - The New Yorker

Fire Island Partier Who Flouted COVID Rules Says He’s Not Sorry, Reveals Himself to Be QAnon Follower: WATCH – Towleroad

Giancarlo Albanese, a Fire Island partier who was shamed across social media for flouting COVID rules after photos (one of which was his) and videos of packed 4th of July parties at the gay New York resort destination of Fire Island Pines went viral, is speaking out in a new clip.

Albanese, you may recall, posted a photo of a packed gathering and wrote: F**k Your mask. F**k your social distancing. F**k your vaccine. F**k your eugenics. Kiss my a**hole if you think Im an ass

In a new video posted this week, Albanese doubled down on his remarks and behavior, and revealed himself to be a follower of the conspiracy theorist group QAnon.

Albanese tagged his new clip #newworldorder#agenda21 #predictiveprogramming#hollywood #massmedia#fakenews #coronavirus#covid19#coronavrus#qanon#Qarmy#WWG1WGA #wwg1wgaworldwide#wwg1wga #thegreatawakeningworldwide #darktolight#love#conciousness #america#covid#pandemic#nwo #instadaily#instagood #conspiracytheory#falseflag

QAnon, is an alt-right conspiracy theory that believes in a deep state plot against the government to undermine Trump. The phrase where we go one, we go all is often shortened to WWG1WGA and used as a hashtag by Q followers.

ICYMI: Fire Island Trends After Videos of Packed Parties, Defiant COVID Carriers at NYC-Area Gay Resort Go Viral: WATCH

Said Albanese: If you came to this video to try and get an apology, unfortunately youre not going to get it because I have nothing to be sorry about. The hundreds and thousands if not millions of people that also went out Fourth of July weekend to celebrate? Theyre also not going to apologize either.

The world has been consumed by mass hysteria and paranoia on an unprecedented scale right now, Albanese added. People like me arent falling for it. Were not going to fall for the lab-made virus, were not going to fall for the mass-media marketing campaign thats been going on because its all bullsh*t, every single ounce of it. And you have to be woefully ignorant to honestly think that its not.

Albanase then went on to attack the keyboard warriors that want to criticize him

A lot of people right now have a lot of pent up anxiety. A lot of pent up fear and hate because of maybe the lockdowns or their life isnt going well right now. This isnt school guys. You cant play tattletale. You guys need to grow up! Instead of wasting time and energy trying to criticize somebody else for their life, their viewpoints, and how they see the world.

Watch Albaneses clip:

Read the rest here:

Fire Island Partier Who Flouted COVID Rules Says He's Not Sorry, Reveals Himself to Be QAnon Follower: WATCH - Towleroad