More Closures As Coronavirus Surges, San Diego Unified Goes Online For Fall, And Community Conversation: The Future Of Policing (KPBS Midday Edition)…

As coronavirus cases surge in California, Gov. Gavin Newsom ordered closures of gyms, salons, churches and other indoor operations. What has to happen before the closures are reversed? Plus, defying President Trump, San Diego Unified and LAUSD Californias two largest school districts announced they start the school year with distance learning. After the police killing of George Floyd demonstrators in San Diego took to the streets to call for change. But can community members and law enforcement in San Diego agree on what reform measures and policy changes are necessary?

Speaker 1: 00:00 San Diego hunkers down again. As many indoor businesses are ordered closed,

Speaker 2: 00:05 Right? If we don't retain control of the spread of coronavirus, it threatens the entirety of our economy.

Speaker 1: 00:11 I'm Maureen Cavenaugh with Mark sour. This is KPBS day edition. The County revises COVID testing guidelines because supplies are getting tight. San Diego unified prepares to get back to school online. And we'll bring you highlights from last night's KPBS community forum on policing

Speaker 2: 00:38 The so-called reforms. If you actually read them, don't sound much like reforms to me at all. If anything, it sounds like, um, a statement saying that they're already doing things correctly. They'll continue to do things correctly.

Speaker 1: 00:52 That, and more ahead on midday edition,

Speaker 1: 01:00 San Diego was forced to take a step back on Monday as governor Gavin Newsome ordered all indoor operations in gyms, houses of worship non-critical office businesses, hair salons, and personal care services to close. Once again, the move was prompted by a continuing increase in COVID-19 cases. The overall number of cases in San Diego County passed the 20,000 Mark on Monday as cases spike the need for testing increases, but San Diego health officials also had some bad news on that topic. Yesterday, San Diego's testing capacity is decreasing because of an overburdened supply chain. The result County testing will be reserved for people who have symptoms and not for anyone who wants one. Joining me is KPBS health reporter, Taran, mento, and Taran. Welcome to the program. Thanks Maureen. Now, San Diego, wasn't the only County in California that had to take a step back and reopening how much of the state was also impacted.

Speaker 1: 02:02 Yeah, it's more than three quarters of the state's population. About 80%. There's about 29 counties give or take a few as more might be added, but all of the counties in Southern California, LA orange, Riverside, San Bernardino, we're all on there. How are our County officials responding to the governor's order? Well, yesterday's a news conference supervisor, Nathan Fletcher acknowledged the hardship that these businesses are experiencing. You know, they were only just recently allowed to reopen. After months of shutdown, probably had to spend a lot of money getting these safety measures in place to be able to open safely. And now they're being closed down again. So he, he acknowledged that it is a hardship, um, but he felt it was necessary because if we take these measures now, um, to protect public health, it could also protect our county's fiscal health in the long run

Speaker 2: 02:53 Rest assured I don't believe that anyone takes any, any steps lightly. And it is with a great sense of understanding that if we don't retain control of the spread of coronavirus, it threatens the entirety of our economy. Uh, and so these are unfortunate steps, uh, steps that we're certainly gonna have a negative economic impact on your business. Uh, but the things that the state of California believes we must do in order to reign in control of the spread, uh, so that we can hopefully resume and be in a good position. Moving forward,

Speaker 3: 03:21 Supervisor Jim Desmond has been a vocal opponent to the shutdown orders. Um, he was very against it. It's another round of shutdowns and, and was critical because he said, you know, hospitalizations in San Diego County has not been increasing, even though the governor has been saying statewide, they've been increasing. And this is kind of the issue because shutdown orders from Fletcher's perspective are intended to prevent the virus from spreading so much that we are overwhelming our healthcare system with hospitalization. So Fletcher did acknowledge that sometimes these shut down orders are coming before they're painfully obvious what has to happen before these closures can be reversed. So in San Diego County, we have to significantly reduce the spread, the community spread that's the trigger or the metric that the state is tracking. That seems to go County has been flagged for it's our case rate. So the state wants case rates to be, you know, no more than 100 per 100,000 residents.

Speaker 3: 04:18 San Diego is about one, one 37 per 100,000. So we would have to significantly reduce the spread of infections in the community in order to, um, for the state to reevaluate and lift these restrictions. But right now, as all we know is that they are there in place indefinitely previously, when we just had that first round of closures was supposed to be after three weeks, we'll reassess. All we know now at this point is that it's indefinitely. And why are we back in this situation with a limited number of COVID tests, right? This goes back to those supply chain issues that we heard about, you know, way early in the pandemic, because we are seeing cases, uh, surge, not just in senior County, not just in California, but in a couple of other key States in the country, you know, Texas, Arizona, and Florida, or some of those that have been mentioned when you have more people testing positive, you have more people that are seeking test.

Speaker 3: 05:09 Um, there's more demand. And then that means that resources become limited as more States and jurisdictions are trying to meet this demand because we've also scaled up our testing. So we've had a greater demand. We have a larger volume of testing that was being offered, but a greater need and therefore limited resources being distributed across these States where we're seeing surges. And one of you heard, what has it been like in recent days for people trying to get tested at County sites here in San Diego? So the director of health and human services, Nick meshy on himself has said, some people have had to wait five to seven days just to get an appointment. Um, you know, and then some people are talking about five to seven days longer to get results. You're talking about from the time you get tested at the time that you know, whether you have virus to be about two weeks.

Speaker 3: 05:59 And I know I spoke to a local protest organizer who actually went to not a County cause I went to CVS and it took 11 days, including weekends, 11 days to get her results back. This is being kind of a, a leg affecting, not just County sites, but other sites as well. What exactly are the new guidelines for getting a County test? Right? So one of the ways that the County is trying to address this as limiting, um, those individuals who can sign up for an appointment at the county's, um, testing sites. And so that's going to be limited to symptomatic people. Previously, people could get a test, no matter what their symptoms were, but now it's less limited to symptomatic individuals and high risk people. So people who are asymptomatic, but may work in a healthcare setting or may have a chronic disease, or may be in a nursing care and nursing facility, um, where we we've known a lot of outbreaks to, to be linked back to. I've been speaking with KPBS health reporter, Teran, mento, and Taran. Thank you. Thanks Maureen.

Speaker 4: 07:02 After months of grappling with the vexing challenge of reopening schools in a pandemic San Diego unified shut down, the idea of returning to classrooms for now, the school year will start as the last one finished online. Joining me to examine the details of this decision is KPBS education reporter Joe Hong, Joe, welcome to the show. Thanks for having me. We'll start with the decision itself. It was made in conjunction with the LA school district and instruction. We'll start on August 31st as originally planned, but what were some of the factors cited preventing students and teachers from going back into classrooms now? So the two main things that a district cited were the rising infection rates. They want to see a consistent drop in case numbers before reopening schools. And the second component was testing capacity. Um, the districts don't feel like that the local governments are providing enough COVID tests to safely reopen. Ideally you want to have on demand testing for both students and staff. I spoke with Richard Berrera who's on the school board, and here's what he gets.

Speaker 3: 08:08 The countries that we see schools reopening are countries that have brought the virus under control until we do that as a society, we're going to continue to be in this situation where schools are having to balance risks, that we shouldn't be trying to balance.

Speaker 4: 08:26 And how many students are affected by this decision and our students at charter schools in the same boat. Yeah. So Ella unified in San Diego unified are the two biggest, and it's more than 700,000 students who are going to be affected by this decision, both at traditional schools, as well as charter schools and some other local districts have made similar decisions already, is it likely most will follow San Diego Unified's lead on this? Uh, we're sort of across the spectrum right now. I mean, between San Diego unified and Ella unified, just geographically there's, uh, orange County, uh, where that school district has, you know, is pushing forward with reopening and is not even a requiring masks. So there's really no sort of way to tell where all of these districts are gonna land.

Speaker 5: 09:19 Now, this obviously will have a direct impact on jobs, the San Diego economy, the prospect of parents returning to work or trying to work from home if possible. Uh, it seems too soon to really understand all the implications of this decision. Right,

Speaker 4: 09:33 Right. But I think educators right now they're really, they're really emphasizing the fact that opening schools really is the foundation to effectively rebooting the economy. And so if we want to reopen schools, it's really going to take a community effort to lower these infection rates, uh, through social distancing. And, you know, just kind of going back to where we were, uh, in the earlier months of this pandemic.

Speaker 5: 10:00 Now this decision by two of the nation's largest school districts goes directly against the insistence by president Trump and education, secretary Betsy DeVos to reopen classrooms immediately, they threatened her withhold federal funding. Is that a major concern for local districts and making this decision?

Speaker 4: 10:17 Yeah. So look, I think educators right now are really focused on listening to the experts and the scientists to figure out once reopened schools and that political pressure doesn't seem like, uh, something that's gonna really work. Um, just because student safety and teacher safety is what comes first. And federal funding really makes up about 10% of overall school funding. So it wouldn't be a huge hit for San Diego unified. And again, uh, when you compare that to the risk to public health and safety, it's, it's, you know, not even really a question for them,

Speaker 5: 10:55 The district is upfront about how disappointing this is for everybody. Uh, what are they saying about when it might be possible to return to the classroom in some way?

Speaker 4: 11:04 Right. So at San Diego unified, they've teamed up with UC San Diego and public health experts there to sort of come up with a localized plan for when it'll be safe to reopen. Because, you know, as we all know, there's guidances coming from the federal government, the state government and local County governments, and it can be tough to sort of reconcile all that. So, uh, by August 10th, uh, the team at San Diego unified, uh, in partnership with UCLA should have a better idea of when the schools will be able to reopen. Um, and if not, at the very least, they'll have a better understanding of what needs to happen before schools can reopen what case numbers need to look like, what hospitalization numbers need to look like and things like that. I've been speaking KPBS education

Speaker 5: 11:54 Reporter Joe Hong. Thanks, Joe. Thank you.

Speaker 1: 12:03 This is KPBS mid day edition. I'm Maureen Cavenaugh with Mark Sauer for the first time. And on-duty San Diego law enforcement officer has been arraigned on charges of murder in connection with an officer involved shooting former San Diego County Sheriff's deputy Aaron Russell faces. Second degree murder charges for the shooting death of Nicholas bills. Last may. The district attorney's office says Bill's escape custody and was running away at the time of the shooting. Aaron Russell was arraigned in superior court this morning. He pleaded not guilty. Here's deputy district attorney Steven market.

Speaker 6: 12:39 The defendant fired five rounds while Nicholas Bill's who was running, not toward, but away from the officers on scene. No other officer on scene, as much as unholstered a firearm to stop those from running those officers either assess the situation, call for backup and or pursued Nicholas bills on foot

Speaker 1: 12:58 And it's complaint. The district attorney cited a law that went into effect in January authored by San Diego assembly woman, Shirley Webber that allows police to use lethal force only when necessary to defend against an imminent threat of death or serious injury to officers or bystanders. Russell's bail was reduced to half a million dollars. He will be back in court on July 24th.

Speaker 5: 13:22 These charges against a white, former Sheriff's deputy for killing an unarmed white suspect come as demonstrators in San Diego and across the nation call for police reform in the wake of the police killing of George Floyd, a black man in Minneapolis in recent weeks, the San Diego police department took action. It banned the controversial carotid restraint, neck hold. And more recently it introduced a standalone deescalation policy as well as a new requirement that police officers intervene. When a fellow officer uses excessive force, San Diego voters will weigh in on a ballot measure this fall to grate an independent panel that would investigate officer misconduct, but can these policies create the change that some in the community are looking for? And where does the movement to change policing go from here, we'll explore those questions and the special broadcast of KPBS and the national conflict resolution centers, community conversation on the future of policing in San Diego, San Diego city, council, woman, Monica, Montgomery, Khalida, Alexander founder, and president of pillars of the community, a social justice organization, and detective Jack Schafer, president of the San Diego police officers association. The union that represents officers within the San Diego police department joined the conversation led by KPBS investigative reporter, Claire Traeger, sir.

Speaker 1: 14:46 So I wanted to start with a question for all of you. There have been some recent

Speaker 7: 14:52 Attempts at reforming the San Diego police department. Um, as I mentioned for each of you say, whether those changes are enough and if not, what is another specific change you think should be made? And we can start with you council, woman.

Speaker 8: 15:08 Um, thank you for the question, Claire. Um, I know, I don't think that they are enough. I think that we are making progress. And when I say, I don't think there are enough, that's not to say that I'm, um, I am happy about the progress that we may, but we have so much time to make up for, we have to, um, exhibit a cultural change within the department within the city. And, you know, we cannot be, um, stagnant with this type of movement. So I would say, no, I acknowledge the progress, but I would say we definitely have a lot more to do.

Speaker 7: 15:45 Is there a specific thing that, that you would like to see changed going forward?

Speaker 8: 15:51 Uh, quite a few. Um, we'll be looking at, um, a surveillance ordinance on a Wednesday at the public safety livable neighborhoods committee in the fall. We're going to take up, um, uh, another, uh, ordinance that has to do with how we control, um, the stops that are heading, uh, contacts, um, how we be doing those, um, well while keeping the public safe. And so there are quite a few things, but I think overall, um, this is my work is to change policy, but also to, uh, change hearts, to change minds, to change how we interact with each other. Just generally speaking, I can put all the policies in the world, uh, on paper and we can get them passed. But if, uh, interactions do not change, it really doesn't matter if we reward the same behavior, even though those policies are there, then it won't matter. So it's, we need to do all of those things.

Speaker 7: 16:44 How about you, um, mr. Alexander, are there, have there reforms been enough and if not, what's a specific thing that you would want to change going forward?

Speaker 9: 16:53 Absolutely not. I mean, in fact, the so-called reforms, if you actually read them, don't sound much like reforms to me at all. Um, if anything, it sounds like, um, a statement saying that they're already doing things correctly. They'll continue to do things correctly. And then it's filled with a bunch of legal jargon that can be used as loopholes for, uh, almost like a blueprint for police to be able to explain why they did what they did without getting in trouble. So they said, you know, uh, reforms that they're talking about about DSG, supposedly deescalation policies, um, and, um, encouraging police to turn on one another when they do, uh, when they violate people's rights, um, you know, is, is, is, is, you know, doesn't even approach lip service for me. Um, if I was going to say that, you know, what needs to be done, I mean, first of all, there needs to be an acknowledgement that racial profiling even exists.

Speaker 9: 17:50 Like I don't think up until now, uh, the police chief, um, or, you know, some or Stephens or any of kind of law enforcement's representatives have come out publicly and acknowledge that racial profiling exists. This is despite, you know, the overwhelming feeling from the community, as well as a San Diego state university report, uh, ACL documentation, uh, tons of documentation. And so unless we can begin to have a, a shared foundation to have the conversation, I'm not sure, uh, what type of reforms they seen having. And then the last thing that I'll say is even the conversation around reforms needs to change. So for example, um, NCRC mentioned kind of their attempts to create an environment that helps navigate through cultural differences. We're not talking about cultural differences here. When we talk about racial profiling. When we talk about the abuse of everyday people walking down the street by law enforcement, that's not a cultural difference.

Speaker 9: 18:47 Um, if, if, if people in the Hoya, if people in largely white and affluent communities were treated the same way that community members in Southeast San Diego were treated treated, um, I don't think anybody would dismiss it as a cultural difference. Nobody likes being molested by police. Nobody likes being misspoken to by police. Nobody likes being disrespected by police. Nobody likes being hassled by police. So it's not a cultural conversation it's that there has to be a stop to the culture of law enforcement to take advantage of and disrespect black and Brown people in our community.

Speaker 7: 19:18 Mr. Shaffer, I don't know. Do you want to first just start by saying, if you feel like these changes have been enough, and if there are changes that you see that you want to be made or that the police officers you represent want to be made

Speaker 9: 19:33 Well, I'm, I don't think it's ever really enough. I think if we're not striving to get better, um, you know, we're, we're going to end up falling behind. So, um, I agree with what both the previous speakers, um, that we need to look at things, look at things that can actually work, um, try to implement the things that have been, um, successful in other places. Um, but you know, my, my opinion is that if we're not always trying to find a better way to do things, um, that we'll be stuck back in 1950s and we don't want to be there. You know what I mean? So, um, I feel I'm fortunate that to be a member of San Diego police department, because we have been pretty progressive and doing a lot of things, probably leading the country in a lot of things, but that doesn't mean that we're, um, by any means perfect. And we do have a lot of work to do. Um, and I think having some of these discussions, um, can lead to some of those revelations that might lead to maybe the next best way of doing things.

Speaker 7: 20:29 Is there a specific thing that you think of that, you know, you would like to see changed?

Speaker 9: 20:34 Yeah. I can't think of one thing off the top of my head, but I haven't heard a lot of really good ideas from community members and others weeks.

Speaker 7: 20:41 Councilman Montgomery, the move to defund policing is continuing to spread the country. And recently you were criticized by some community members for voting in favor of a city budget that did not include a hundred million dollar cut to police funding, but you've asked for an independent analysis of police funding. So what specifically do you think could be cut from the police budget? And do you think you could get those cuts passed by the council and the mayor?

Speaker 8: 21:08 Um, Claire, that's exactly why I asked for that deep dive into the police budget, which is something that the city has not done. Um, and so I believe in diverting, um, the Alec V allocating resources, uh, to, to further causes that really, uh, keep us that keep us safe. I do believe that a law enforcement component, um, in exactly the way that it serves now. Um, but I also believe that we do spend too much on this type of public safety. And I think there are so many other mechanisms that can keep us safe. I had a, I have a constituent that is having some issues in our neighborhood, but she doesn't want her son to be profiled. So she doesn't want to call the police. And so we have community members that can step in in situations like that that will keep everyone safe.

Speaker 8: 22:01 Um, and so those are the types of things we're looking into develop the plan for that, um, asked for the deep dive into the police department, because really, I still don't know where everything goes. And in order for me to make the decisions, the thoughtful decisions that I think my community deserves, I need to have that information on top of that. Uh, council did recently, um, when we passed the appropriations order, this, we did set aside about $29 million to be reviewed at the mid year. Um, and so that gives us an opportunity and some time, um, to, to get the information that we need so we can have an impactful, um, make an impactful decision.

Speaker 7: 22:40 Mr. Alexander, I know you and other activists have called for abolishing the police department entirely, fully, and starting over hiring new officers with new policies. So when smaller cuts to the department, um, would that satisfy you?

Speaker 9: 22:56 It wouldn't satisfy me, but it would be a nice appetizer. I mean, I'm not at all opposed to reform on the road towards abolition. Um, if you look at the amount of money that the police are getting, I think it's San Diego city alone is something close to $600 million. Um, I have no problem with taking some of that $600 million and putting it into programs that will actually, um, work towards preventing crime, as opposed to putting it into a police department whose basically sole responsibility is reacting to crime. So unless we take a more proactive approach by investing into communities, um, you know, I don't think we'll ever get to the area of abolition. And I think the more that we invest, um, in communities, the less prime we'll have and the less crime we have, the less, the majority of people will see, um, a need or a use for, uh, police officers. Mr. Schaefer, the

Speaker 7: 23:46 Analysis that we referenced at the start of this, um, that I did, uh, was a local police department records. And it showed that police when they use force on a suspect, if the suspect is a person of color, they're more likely to shoot than if the suspect is white. How would you explain this disparity?

Speaker 10: 24:06 Well, it's pretty complex, but, um, mostly, um, uses of force are not dictated usually by the officers are dictated by the person that's, that's being contacted with the subject. Um, we, we act to whatever is done in front of us. Um, and I think that, um, you know, I think they mentioned it earlier, but it's pretty rare that any force at all is used, um, especially using a firearm, um, especially, you know, when you compare it to how many contacts we have per year of people. Um, but again, you know, the officers can only react to whatever's put in front of them. Um, everybody, you know, we have the, uh, we give commands, we tell people what to do to, to not make us need to use force. Um, but sometimes they don't do that. And then we have to do what we need to do to, to effect an arrest or do whatever else we needed to do.

Speaker 7: 24:54 Council member Montgomery. Does that explanation satisfy you?

Speaker 8: 24:59 Here's what I know. I know that officers, uh, tell me, uh, that they are told to treat people that are in, uh, North of the eight different than South of the eight that's. That's what I know. And those are for people who are on the ground. And so it goes back to what I said, which is how do we interact with each other? We live in America, the, you know, law enforcement started off athletic patrol. So when, uh, mr. Alexander talks about an acknowledgement of racism, this is what we're talking about, that, you know, people of color are treated differently, even when those commands are made. Um, even when there is, um, you know, a behavior shift in the contact, you know, I am not satisfied with it. Um, Jack and I have had these conversations, I've seen it, I lived it. And I've also been told by officers that this is what goes on on the inside. So I think that, that, that definitely needs to change that everyone should be treated the same. And that's, you know, again, we have 400, 400 years to make up for, and we have, um, a foundation of our law enforcement that is rooted in that type of racism. And so we do have to talk about that, um, for sure. And there needs to be an admission of that

Speaker 7: 26:23 When you have those conversations, is it about, is it a training issue? Is it, what, what are the things that, that you're looking for, or to address that disparity?

Speaker 8: 26:36 I am looking for resolution and understand understanding the training. I'll never going to say we don't need training. Uh, but this is a, this really is a matter of the heart and the way we see each other, when we do talk about like a place like Camden, who dismantled their department and built it back up over a period of time, um, probably what they were doing when they were building it back up as assessing these types of things, these types of bias, um, uh, biases. And so we, um, we do need to do that. I don't, I don't know, it's, it's really deep. So I don't know if this training will, uh, will solve that, you know? Um, so mr. Alexander, are there things that, that you would be looking for specifically?

Speaker 9: 27:19 Well, I mean, with all due respect to Jack, I mean, just the language that he's saying to, to put the onus on the victim of police violence, that, that violence that has been perpetrated against them, um, is somehow this, their fault is again, is, is exactly why there's such a disconnect between the community itself and, and police officers, somebody with a gun, somebody with taser, somebody with pepper spray, somebody who has absolute power to do whatever they want to, to you. That's the person who needs to be held accountable, uh, for the violence, not the person who the violence is being perpetrated against. And I think it's just an example that, you know, the police aren't interested in form in reform. What they're interested in is, um, the freedom to act with impunity, to be able to do whatever they want to, to our community members and have nobody questioned it.

Speaker 9: 28:07 Um, you know, uh, the, the, the, the misnomer of police unions or the fact that you have police unions, whose job is to represent, uh, uh, police officers and, and to fight for police officers who molest people in searches, who abused people, physically who abused people, mentally, who abused people verbally, and their job is to advocate for them to stay in the police department, um, is a perfect example of, of how severe and how prop, how problematic the entire system is. And so that's when people like me and other people look at the police department, we say, look, how can we even begin to have a conversation if our humanity and our, uh, ability to say, Hey, we're being victimized here. Isn't even recognized by the people who are perpetrating that violence.

Speaker 8: 28:51 Mr. Shaffer, do you want to respond to that?

Speaker 9: 28:53 I think that, um, the issue is I, and I, and I've heard the narrative basically that the unions are bad because we're trying to protect people. Um, and I don't see it really as that. I think people like me and, and unions can, can actually be part of the solution in that we're, you know, nobody wants to get rid of, um, people that aren't doing the right thing more than people that are doing the right thing, right. As far as police officers. Um, but you know, our, our job is just to make sure that they have due process just like anybody else. It doesn't mean that we're trying to save them on the job. Um, it's very different. Um, um, the reality is very different than that. Um, I have a job to do, and, uh, but all it is is to make sure that just like any American that people would get their due process. Um, but, but that said, I, I think that when there is a problem officer, um, they need to be dealt with absolutely. But do you think about

Speaker 7: 29:42 The idea of, you know, asking police to recognize and sort of apologize for, you know, some of the racial disparities that we've seen in the past as a way to build trust with the community going forward?

Speaker 10: 29:57 I don't think I know enough about, um, that whole picture to really respond to it. Well, I'm not sure about apologizing and all that.

Speaker 1: 30:15 This is KPBS midday edition. I'm Maureen Kavanaugh with Mark Sauer, as the nation continues to grapple with how to address racial injustice and police violence. We're now going to hear the second half of a community conversation with San Diego city council member, Monica, Montgomery activist, Khalid Alexander, and San Diego police union, president Jack Schafer about the future of policing and San Diego KPBS, investigative reporter, Claire Traeger, Sarah moderated the panel. And she continues by addressing calls to reimagine the role of police officers.

Speaker 7: 30:49 Some police officers have said they didn't sign up to be social workers or mental health professionals. So are there some responsibilities that could be shifted to other city workers who may be better equipped to handle those

Speaker 10: 31:01 Gosh for at least four years? Um, but that we get a lot of stuff as police officers get a lot of stuff thrown on our laps, um, things that aren't necessarily what we're, um, best at. Um, and part of that is like, there's just been a huge, um, you know, homelessness problem, mental health problems within San Diego, um, that there are probably other people that could probably do as good or better of a job. Um, now of course, you know, they need to be safe also. So there's probably a law enforcement element to it, but it seems like whenever there's something going on in society, it always ends up giving, you know, being given to the police officers. And I think some of that should be diverted, um, you know, to, to people that might be like in social workers or clinicians and things like that for, for special issues.

Speaker 7: 31:46 What do you think could happen? And it seems like there's such a vast gap between, um, people, activists, people on the ground and the police department are there, are there things that we can do to try and repair that relationship? And yeah, I think this, this community conversation is a start, but again, it goes back to the core. This is, um, when there is not an admission that not, we're not even dealing with individual racism yet, we're not even dealing with that, but when there is not an admission of, um, a structure being a part of a racist system and perpetuating that system, then it's hard to start anywhere. Um, whenever we are trying to repair relationships, you can go from your own life one-on-one relationships. There always has to be an admission of, um, wrongdoing.

Speaker 8: 32:40 There always has to be that, and if it's not there, then we don't have anywhere to really start. So I'm gonna continue to do what I do at the city and push, push these reforms and push these conversations and get more understanding around it. Just knowing that that's the starting point right there, because everything builds off of that understanding. And if that understanding is not there, then what we build on it, as far as

Speaker 7: 33:07 Mr. Alexander pillars of the community is part of a coalition that's pushing to end pretext stops and consent searches. Can you explain what those are and why you feel like those should be banned?

Speaker 9: 33:19 Yeah, I mean, uh, Jack Shaffer might be able to give a better definition of what pretextual stops are because police are very sophisticated and using them as a reason for pulling police over people over and harassing them. My understanding is, uh, you know, uh, black people are, I think it's up to three times more likely to be pulled over by pretextual stops. So that's for example, saying, Oh, you didn't change lanes or you didn't, uh, you have, uh, a light off in the back. Um, and then in the process of that thought, what they do is they try to become more intrusive into the individual's personal life. They'll ask to search the car, they'll ask where you're going. They'll ask a number of different questions, um, which, uh, you know, the majority of times, uh, w which African Americans are less likely to actually have a crime, um, that has actually been committed from those pretextual stops.

Speaker 9: 34:10 So, yeah, I mean, one of our demands is all pretextual stops immediately in, uh, the district attorney of San Francisco. He's gone so far as to say, Hey, when we look at the numbers that show that black people are pulled over and harassed by police pretextual stops more than, than anybody else, more than white people, more than others. And then Latinos are also, uh, being, being targeted by these things. You can't look at those systems and not say that it's racist. And so because of its racist, he said that I'm not going to prosecute crime things that were found based off of a pretextual stop. Um, because unless from the top up, unless we have district attorneys that refuse to prosecute people that are based off of racist practices, um, it's going to continue to be, uh, an issue. So for us protects fuel stops mean, uh, coming up with an excuse to pull people over and harass them.

Speaker 9: 34:56 Uh, Jack was a part of a notorious. Uh, my understanding was a part of a, kind of a notorious, uh, department of the police, the gang suppression unit gang suppression unit are the ones who are most kind of subject to that things where they pull people over and then they ask them, are you a documented gang member? Are you a gang member? Do you have any tattoos? Um, so the reason for being pulled over in the first place, although you can come, it's kind of like let's make up an excuse to pull them over and then use that to be intrusive into a kind of, uh, violate them and, and, uh, uh, target them as, as, as, as minorities. And the reason they're able to get away with that is because there's no accountability. There's no accountability from the district attorney. There's no accountability from elected officials. There's no accountability from, from the

Speaker 10: 35:38 Community. So, uh, ceasing pretextual stops would be a good way to move towards and admitting that, uh, racial profiling and racism exists apologizing for the harm has done. Those are both good steps towards, uh, creating an environment where a dialogue can begin until those things happen. How can, how can we even have a conversation when Jack says he doesn't have enough information to apologize for the racist policies and practices of the police,

Speaker 7: 36:04 Mr. Shaver, do you want to, is that an accurate description of, of what those stops are or how do you want to respond to,

Speaker 10: 36:13 Um, I mean, that's the, an accurate description of the perception of some people in the public it's not accurate as far as factually, what a pretext stop is, a pretext stop would be finding probable cause. Um, somebody does something wrong in a vehicle. Um, maybe that vehicle matches the description of something like a violent crime, and you find out who's in the vehicle besides stopping them. You know, what I was working as a detective in the, in the gang unit is, um, mr. Alexander mentioned, um, you know, part of what we did was, um, we would get a violent crime and we'd have a suspect description. Um, if somebody made a stop, um, it's seems to be prudent as a police officer that you'd want to find out if that, if that car or that, or the people inside it, um, matched the description of a, of a violent crime. That's how a lot of crimes gets get to get, uh, solved. Um, you know, San Diego police department solves about 90% of our murders. You compare that to most big cities. Um, and you know, some of the big cities in America are solving about 20%, 25% of their, of their murders. Um, but that means there's a lot of people who are very violent out on the street that probably shouldn't be in the end. And, uh, you know, perhaps, you know, that probably makes a lot of, a lot of people, a lot safer.

Speaker 7: 37:29 It sounds like that's not something you'd be willing to, to stop doing.

Speaker 10: 37:34 Let's be clear because a lot of times people mix it up with, with racial profiling. Okay. It's stopping. I had, um, you know, I'm part of the cab cab commission, and I had people talking about it, like it was stopping somebody for being a race, you know, stopping somebody from being black. That's not a pretext stop that's racism. Um, if that is happening, that shouldn't be happening in that, and that needs to be taken care of, um, and handled. But, uh, but a pretext stop has very little, the only thing that race has to do with a pretext stop is a, this is a description of a, you know, of a crime.

Speaker 7: 38:06 I wanted to read a quote from the former New Jersey police chief. And he was quoted as saying within a police department, culture eats policy for breakfast. You can have a perfectly worded policy, but it's meaningless if it just exists on paper. So this is a question for all of you, and we can start with you again, uh, council member Montgomery, how do we begin to change attitudes and culture within a department, uh, specifically around use of force? So I agree with that quote, I

Speaker 8: 38:36 Think I've said it in one way or the other while we've just been in this conversation. Um, I do want to go back and say this though, in every area, in, in, uh, city politics, we, um, use the data to make our decisions and that's never questioned, but when it comes to this particular subject, the data is, is questioned. So when the data tells us that black and Brown people are more likely to be stopped, but less likely to have contraband in their white counterparts that tells us that there is racial profiling going on, and many of those stuffs were pretext stops. So, you know, we, there again, there, there's a big gap in what we are defining as racist and what is not. We know that it is a very hard to prove intent and the way policies are written allow for a lot of work arounds, um, and explanation from officers that kind of get them off the hook when it comes to these stops.

Speaker 8: 39:38 So, um, we, again, it's a, it's a culture change as a culture shift. It does have to start from the top, um, because we are so conditioned oftentimes, and we don't even realize that we are stopping someone because they're a person of color we've been conditioned to believe we should be, uh, in our education in this country or on TV or whatever it is that, uh, black people commit crimes. So if you stop at a black person more than likely they're guilty. So that's in our, you know, our minds and we have to work to, to, uh, get ourselves away from that conditioning. And so if there's, no, again, it goes back to this. If there's no admission there that we start from there. Um, and then it's really, really hard to change a culture, and that has to start from the top. And there has to be that admission from the top. Mr. Alexander, did you want to say anything about changing attitudes, changing culture, um, specific specifically around use of force?

Speaker 9: 40:38 Well, yeah, I mean the only thing that I would say, and I know it sounds like I'm beating up on Jack, but you know, um, it's not, it's not Jack Paul or anything. I mean, that's his job. His job is to defend the police no matter what. Um, and if, if, if, if that wasn't his job, then perhaps they could be the ones who were finding the bad apples in the bunch and, and removing them. But I don't expect that to happen because that's not in the job description, but if we're going to talk about stops, if we're going to talk about violence against people, if we're going to talk about kind of, how can we change that culture? I think there's really, there's two, two, two ways of doing that. One is we have to address the racism that Councilwoman Montgomery did a very good job at, uh, um, breaking down and explaining.

Speaker 9: 41:20 That's a long process. It takes a long time to get rid of the preconceived notions in our minds that black people are dangerous, that black people are criminals, um, that black people are gang members that black people deserve to pulled over because you know, more than likely they're guilty of something that's going to take a long time. Um, but the second reason why these things are able to happen is because they can get away with it. And, and that's not necessarily their fault either. Like if they've been trained to do something, if they've been trained to pull people over in a certain area, if they've been trained to pull people over who match a description, if they've been trained to do all of the things, that's not necessarily their fault. So we have to begin to look to see, well, who are the people who allow these things to happen?

Speaker 9: 42:01 Who are the people who, despite the community's cries of racial profiling, despite the statistics and the studies that say, uh, racial profiling exists, um, despite all of those things have yet to actually be able to stop in and reign in the police departments, that they, they are the ones who fund. So when, when I say that the elected officials fund police departments, that's also kind of disingenuous because it's my money. It's our tax paying money. It's the money from overtime that police are doing for policing our neighborhoods without living in our neighborhoods. It's the money, uh, that, that, that I'm paying. That's going to fund the oppression that's happening on the people that I love and that I care about. Um, and so we have to begin to talk about accountability. Um, the measures that we talked about that the police, uh, came out with recently, um, there's nothing in there about accountability.

Speaker 9: 42:51 Uh, there's nothing in there about, okay, well, when this doesn't happen, what is going, what are the consequences going to be? So there need to be consequences for bad policing. There need to be consequences for a lack of, of customer service, for lack of a better idea. If someone from Starbucks or someone from subway, uh, were to treat me the way that the police officers treat, uh, people every day in Southeast San Diego, there would be so many complaints and that person would be fired immediately. But because we have unions because we have people who, uh, fight strongly for police to be able to act with impunity, it's very difficult to hold them accountable, but that has to change that culture of not holding police accountable has to change. And so accountability, I think, is the number one thing to do in order to stop that

Speaker 1: 43:36 That was Khalid Alexander of pillars of the community. We also heard from San Diego city council member, Monica, Montgomery, and police union leader, Jack Schafer speaking as part of a community conversation project from KPBS and the national conflict resolution center KPBS invited the San Diego police department to be part of this conversation. But a department spokesman declined our invitation.

Link:

More Closures As Coronavirus Surges, San Diego Unified Goes Online For Fall, And Community Conversation: The Future Of Policing (KPBS Midday Edition)...

If Black Lives Matter, we must abolish prisons – The New European

Opinion

PUBLISHED: 16:40 14 July 2020 | UPDATED: 16:59 14 July 2020

Ashish Prashar

A interior view of Chelmsford Prison.Picture: PA/ Andrew Parsons

PA Archive/PA Images

We cant build a strong and supportive community for our young people of colour until we abolish the inhuman system of prison, argues Ashish Prashar

Email this article to a friend

To send a link to this page you must be logged in.

Become a Supporter

Almost four years after its creation The New European goes from strength to strength across print and online, offering a pro-European perspective on Brexit and reporting on the political response to the coronavirus outbreak, climate change and international politics. But we can only continue to grow with your support.

The impact of the Black Lives Matter movement is nowhere near close to fully surfacing. As the movement continues with protests across the world there is a wider social awakening to the issues faced by black people. This demands more from society than pulling old TV episodes from streaming platforms or black Instagram squares that are quickly relegated to the history of peoples grid. This is an intersectional movement - one that makes room for feminism, LGBTQIA equality and for other marginalised groups across the world. This means that this is not a topic that is going to be quietly dropped. If we accept that the movement will continue until we achieve radical change, then it is now time to outline what that looks like.

A key focus point must be around ending the entrapment of our citizens into unending lives of crime and deprivation, which forces both dehumanisation and stigma onto its victims. I am, of course, talking about the justice system. The prison system is supposed to balance the repayment of debt to society by an individual with enabling that person to return to society as a law-abiding citizen. The proof of the efficacy of this system must be in the pudding: in the UK, 29% reoffend within the year and data suggests that 75% of ex-inmates reoffend within nine years of release.

Prisons criminalise: from the moment an incarcerated person sets foot in one, they are stripped of their possessions, clothes and dignity. Aggressive and volatile correctional officers abuse inmates, encourage fights, over-use forceful tactics and isolate prisoners through solitary confinement, a commonly known torture method. Once out, prisoners are given virtually no support - financial, emotional or otherwise - and are sent back to the systems of deprivation that usually got them there. This time, though, they have few job prospects thanks to the stigma attached to a criminal record, they have spent time being treated as less than human and will have internalised some of that rhetoric - and their communities may now reject them as less than.

This is disproportionately an issue for black and minority ethnic people. More than half of young people in jail are of BAME background, and 26% of the overall prison population, 22,683 people, are from a minority ethnic group. The Lammy report found that black people are 53% more likely to be sent to prison for an indictable offence at the Crown Court, while Asian people are 55% more likely and other ethnic groups 81%. The Prison Reform Trust estimates the economic cost of BAME over-representation in our prison system to be 234m a year.

Instead of investing in an alternative, the government has pledged to spend 2.5bn on creating 10,000 additional prison places instead of social support and investment, when the UK already has the highest prison population in Europe. Pouring cash into four new prisons to embed even further a broken system which rarely has positive outcomes for society is a populist move designed to prove that Boris is tough on crime. Really, we should call this tough on the vulnerable but supportive of and further encouraging criminal activity.

Imagine a world without prisons: rather than pouring money into a broken system that is both ineffective and cruel, the 2.5bn committed to building four new prisons could be invested in people. If we divest resources from incarceration and work to change the justice system from the roots up, we can begin to address the inequalities rife in the system.

Police, prosecution, sentencing and jailing practices have disproportionately criminalised black and brown communities, LGBTQIA people and disabled people. For example, in the UK, drug searches make up 60% of stop and searches - not ones looking for guns and knives, despite the claim that these are for the protection of others. These drug searches often identify petty amounts - serious drug-buster missions they are not. Black people are nine times more likely than white people to be stopped and searched. The inevitable conclusion here is that police are racist and target black people, who are then taken to racist courts to be handed down sentences by racist judges.

Divesting from these existing structures to fund new community safety programmes founded on empathy is crucial. This money can then go into people; into preventative social initiatives that help to build a strong and supportive community for our young people of colour in this country. Rather than building walls like Boris counterpart in the US, he should be working out how to build up people and society at large. Only by abolishing the inhuman system of prison is this possible.

And we cant stop at the prison walls. We must reshape our society as a whole. We are not doing nearly enough to address the root causes of poverty, addiction, homelessness and mental-health crises. Criminalising poverty through harsh fines and debt regulation, criminalising addiction through drug laws, criminalising homelessness by conducting sweeps of people sleeping in parks and criminalising mental illness by turning prisons into de facto psychiatric hospitals are all treating the symptom instead of the disease. This is one of the key differences between reform and abolitionism: the former deals with pain management and the latter with the actual source of the pain.

Abolition is what we call for through Black Lives Matter - this is what must be delivered, or the system will continue to punish black and brown communities, LGBTQIA people and disabled people for the offense of their very existence.

Dominic Raab, whose views encapsulate the small-mindedness of his government as much as Boris do, may dismissively compare taking a knee to something out of Game of Thrones, but he wilfully misunderstands that change is happening. The movement, one that calls out injustices in all walks of life, will not end until we have rebuilt society into one in which vital needs like housing, education, and health care are met, allowing people to live big, beautiful, fulfilled liveswith not a prison in sight - ultimately creating better conditions and improve the lives of all its citizens.

Ashish Prashar is a justice reform campaigner who sits on the board of Exodus Transitional Community, Getting Out and Staying Out, Leap Confronting Conflict and the Responsible Business Initiative for Justice

Almost four years after its creation The New European goes from strength to strength across print and online, offering a pro-European perspective on Brexit and reporting on the political response to the coronavirus outbreak, climate change and international politics. But we can only rebalance the right wing extremes of much of the UK national press with your support. If you value what we are doing, you can help us by making a contribution to the cost of our journalism.

See the original post:

If Black Lives Matter, we must abolish prisons - The New European

How Prison Abolitionists Are Meeting The Moment – The Appeal

The intersection of a pandemic and a public uprising to address police brutality has created a unique moment in historyand a distinct moment for prison abolitionists.

Two arguments now entering the mainstreamthat incarceration is an urgent public health crisis and that policing takes needed resources from communitieshave long been argued by abolitionist organizers.

Abolition is about fighting the prison industrial complex as a whole, because these violent systems are interlocking and feed off each other, explained Mohamed Shehk, national media and communications director for the abolitionist organization Critical Resistance.

Whats become clear, Shehk said, is that the prioritization of policing that led to the killing of George Floyd, and the ongoing prioritization of imprisonment in this country, are the same reasons that our healthcare systems and communities were underequipped and underfunded to address the pandemic effectively.

The greater movement is keenly aware of what Shehk called a vast opening in the political horizon. Organizers have shifted tactics with once local campaignslike No New Jails NYC, a group that led the movement last year to close Rikers Island jail complexmorphing into coalitions that are increasingly engaging the broader public.

Mon Mohapatra was a No New Jails NYC organizer and is now with Free Them All for Public Health, a coalition formed in light of COVID-19 that demands the immediate release of all people held in city jails who are over the age of 50, are jailed because of parole violations, are at high health risk, and have less than a year remaining on their sentences. Though the city has not met those demands, the number of people entering jails since mid-March declined compared to the same time last year, and the number leaving3,400 peoplewas nearly twice the number entering. The effect of this was a daily population decline of 1,480 people, according to a city report published in late May.

Participants holding a banner at a June 19 rally in Rikers Island. Photo by Erik McGregor/LightRocket via Getty Images

Mohapatra said because the campaign to close Rikers had already organized a coalition, the same group was able to rapidly mobilize and expand into COVID-19 advocacy. Other local campaigns to shutter jails and prisons have similarly shifted gears in response to the pandemic.

Massachusetts nonprofit Families for Justice As Healing, founded by formerly and currently incarcerated women, shifted its prior organizing against a proposed womens prison to coordinating with 30 organizations to demand that Governor Charlie Baker release incarcerated people as COVID-19 continues to spread. JusticeLAwhich successfully fought the Los Angeles County jail expansionjoined over 40 advocacy groups on a set of demands for the county sheriff, district attorney, Superior Court, and Board of Supervisors.

The moment has not only expanded abolitionist campaigns; it has given them increased power to demand more. Mary Hooks, co-director of Southerners on New Ground, now running a campaign to end money bail and pretrial detention, said, Demands we thought that couldnt be met, could actually be met now, when we talk about freeing all of our folks and getting people out of jail. With public pressure, the Fulton County district attorneys office identified at least 300 people incarcerated in the county jail for release, though the office did not respond to The Appeals request for how many of those people were released. And when organizers got word that Fulton County Jail planned to use $23 million of federal COVID-19 relief funding to build COVID-19 isolation units, they held a rally outside the countys headquarters that attracted media attention and at least 90 protesters. The county commissioners voted against the isolation unit in early June.

Across the country, authorities have released thousands of incarcerated people from jails. (Significantly fewer have been released from federal prisons, where the number of cases continue to rise.) Abolitionists argue the current reductions are not nearly enough as cases inside prisons continue to soar. In June, demands intensified for large-scale decarceration in response to findings that upward of 300,000 people were in some form of solitary confinement in response to COVID-19.

At Californias San Quentin State Prison, a significant outbreak of the disease and prisoner hunger strike in response to poor treatment has led organizers to demand that Governor Gavin Newsom go further than releasing prisoners within 180 days of their original release date.

And budget cuts in New York City could delay the planned closure of Rikers in January 2027, The Appeal reported last month. The whole justification for building these jailsclosing Rikers, getting people out of this horrible penal colonyis now moot, Mohapatra said then.

Demonstrators march through the streets against police brutality and racism on June 20 in Atlanta. Photo by Joe Raedle/Getty Images.

As decarceration demands persist, so have demands to defund police, an abolitionist tenet. George Floyds murder at the hands of Minneapolis police in May was a tipping point in the movements organizing.

With a health emergency on our hands, there was a realization that the police cant keep us safe while the government fumbled its response, Shehk noted. And much like the strengthening ties between public health and decarceration, theres growing acknowledgment of law enforcement violence as a public health issue.

Abolishing police, said Shehk, had seen less mainstream traction than the movement to abolish prisons. Theres been a more blatant and visible effort to legitimize police as people who serve the community, he added. Thats taken a whole media apparatus and propaganda machine fighting day in and day out to paint police as the good guys you call on when somethings wrong.

In less than 24 hours, Mohapatra and a small team created #8toAbolition, an abolitionist framework countering the widely shared 8 Cant Wait campaign that outlines eight police reforms aimed at reducing police violence. Quickly after the #8toAboltion frameworks launch in May, there were over 20 translations of it in the works, with some now available on the groups site.

In New York City, Free Them All for Public Health contributed to recommendations to defund the NYPD with no new jails and by closing Rikers now. The Oakland, California, chapter of Critical Resistance started an assessment of policing there, with the goal of strengthening ongoing organizing around defunding the department. Its Portland, Oregon, chapter successfully pressured lawmakers to disband the anti-gang unit of the Portland Police Bureau. The city agreed to end its policing partnership with schools and transit police, and the City Council also voted to cut $15 million for the police budget. In June, Minneapolis Public Schools terminated its contract with the police department and the City Council unanimously passed a resolution intending to disband its police department and create a new model of public safety.

Abolitionists are not just responding to a moment. Organizers, and Black organizers in particular, have long been reimagining policing and incarceration.

This work didnt come out of nowhere, organizer Mariame Kaba said in a June webinar that was co-hosted by Critical Resistance, Project NIA, Survived and Punished, Reclaim the Block, and Black Visions Collective. There are people on the ground doing this work, tilling soil, so that when the rebellion came and when the spark was literally lit, there were already some things in place that people could mobilize and organize themselves around to push, further than theyve ever been able to push before.

In Minneapolis, groups like Reclaim the Block, MPD150, and Black Visions Collective were paving the way for the political shift the city is seeing now in response to Floyds murder. Back in 2017, MPD150 released a report outlining what the city could look like without police, addressing alternatives to policing for issues like violent crime and domestic violence. (The group will release a revamped report in coming weeks.) It is one of several abolitionist blueprints suddenly made relevant: No New Jails NYC released Close Rikers NOW, We Keep Us Safe last year, while JusticeLAs successful organizing against county jail expansion pushed the county Board of Supervisors to create an Alternatives to Incarceration Work Group, which released its Care First, Jails Last report earlier this year.

Most arguments against abolition are based on the idea that police vanish and theres a wave of crime, said MPD150 organizer Ricardo Levins Morales. In this next period, the work not just of our group but many others will be to change that story in a much wider public than weve been able to reach so far.

Excerpt from:

How Prison Abolitionists Are Meeting The Moment - The Appeal

How can nations atone for their sins? – Prospect

Finding redemption from within: German chancellor Willy Brandt kneels in front of a war memorial in the former Jewish ghetto of Warsaw in 1970. Photo: DPApicture alliance/Alamy

What is the ideal approach for a nation confronting its historical crimes? In dealing with historical guilt, are nations better off working to become normal, or should they strive to be exceptional?

In Britain, historians attempting to critique the legacy of the empire or its role in slaveryas opposed to its abolitionhave set off furious debates, which in recent weeks have poured onto the streets. Some statues may have fallen, but there has been a backlash too, and whether or not any deep mark on the countrys sense of itself will endure is far from clear. For those hoping to inspire lasting change and sustained atonement, it is important to ask what has and hasnt worked elsewhere in the world.

The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which tried to account for apartheid, may have been an exceptional case and not one with universal applicability as some human rights activists would like to believe. Similarly, the German model for contending with its Nazi past has failed to be replicated, most notoriously in Russia in regard to its Stalinist history, because of the very exceptionalism inherent to it.

But is there a way out of this impasse? We will argue that the only way to make peace with a bloody history is through exceptionalismreckoning with what is exceptional in your own countrys story, and finding, too, a distinct and homegrown way to face up to the truth and its consequences. Those consequences, and their lessons, will after all be different for different peoples.

The work of Susan Neiman is instructive in this respect. Neiman is a philosopher, an American citizen, a Jewish woman, and a committed leftist who has spent the last 35 years living in Berlin trying to make sense of the moral dilemmas of her city. In her 2019 book, Learning from the Germans, Neiman invokes Tzvetan Todorovs insistence that only the Germansthe perpetratorsshould talk about the singularity of the Holocaust. By contrast, Jewsas the victimsshould be focused on its universality.

Original sins

With this moral map as her guide, Neiman returns to her native Mississippi to ask why an America that twice elected Barack Obama cant arrive at a consensus around the legacy of slavery and the continued discrimination against African Americans. Is it not time, Neiman wonders, for Americans to do what the Germans pulled off decades agoto work off their past (in German Vergangenheitsbewltigung, a key concept for her)to speak forthrightly about the countrys racial inequalities, and finally do something to compensatethe victims?

Other American progressives agree. The writer Ta-Nehisi Coates gained widespread attention for his stirring 2014 article in the Atlantic demanding financial reparations for black Americans. Coates made the argument that such reparations are about slavery, but not only slavery. Centuries of racial terror and billions of dollars of economic theft from African Americans in the time since abolition also, in his view, require compensation. The power of his argument led to a hearing in the House of Representatives last June, where Coates himself testified in support of a bill to begin a study into this complex question.

Also last summer, a daring work of historical re-envisioning became the subject of public debate. The New York Times 1619 Projectnamed for the date when the first slave ship of 20 Africans from what is now Angola came to the new world, landing in Jamestown, Virginiasought to move back the starting point of American history by over a century. The horrors of slavery, rather than the liberal pieties of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, were positioned at the centre of the American experience.

The gambits of both Coates and Nikole Hannah-Jones, the progenitor of the 1619 project who was recently awarded a Pulitzer Prize, are similar: to ensure that the tragic history of African Americans in the US would not be made comparable to any other. In short, it was an effort to exceptionalise the American experience: to make clear that the social, political and cultural dimensions of African American history were distinct, the scale of the prolonged crime unique. By proceeding in this fashion, US history might be made credible and convincing to those who suffered from its ravages.

In an ironic twist, their efforts echo the 19th-century description of slavery as a peculiar institution. In this earlier effort to make American history exceptional, although in this context it meant exceptionally blameless, the modifier peculiar was used to soften the travesty of slaverycontrasting it favourably with other forms of earlier human bondage. The term, coined by southern slave-owners, was meant to imply that the US was more benevolent and paternalistic in its treatment of those in bondage. Subject to criticism by American historians starting from the 1950s, the term had previously been the dominant frame by which a southern consensus on slaverys ignominious past was justified. American slavery, for these critics, was no better than any other kind. Modern activists, by contrast, think of it as much worsea shorthand for the depths to which mankind can sink.

From downfall to redemption

Neimans book came as a result of her Berlin-Mississippi intellectual journey. Part memoir, part historical inquiry, part philosophical investigation, it is a book of comparative redemption. It focuses on what has happened in German history since the Second World War, and what has failed to change in the American South since the Civil War.

Neiman is not an uncritical admirer of the German approach. In the 1950s, West Germans were silent about their participation in the crimes of the Nazi regime, and were instead absorbed by the idea that they were the real victims. Not only had they to survive among the ruins, they believed, they also had to live with the humiliation of defeat. Neiman argues that the Allies attempt to de-Nazify Germany after the war was both insincere and ineffective. For Neiman, working off the past is not something that can be imposed from without. In her eyes, German success in facing its past is rooted in the revolt of the generation of 1968that cohort compelled by history and fate to ask their parents questions about what precisely they did during the war.

Facing the past:Convicts at a hard labour camp in Siberia. Photo: GL Archive/Alamy

And ask they did. The 68 generation brought the conversation into the public sphere, demanding the terrible details. This struggle was ferocious but necessary, and enabled Germany to properly reckon with its past. The concept of Sonderweg or special path, which German historians had once deployed to describe a uniquely German trajectory from Bismarck to Hitler, can be also seen in the countrys approach towards grappling with the Nazi era. Only through its own distinct experience and approachits Sonderwegcould a workable path to a new consensual perspective be reached. Making it a crime to deny the Holocaust, as the Germans have done, could never have been legitimately and credibly imposed from outside.

Reflecting on the opportunities and risks of adopting the German approach, we have struggled with why Germanys lessons have not worked particularly well in central and eastern Europe. Most concretely, why has the wests external pressure on Russia to confront its Stalinist past in the same fashion as Germany failed so spectacularly? The answer is worth dwelling on.

Russia today

Today the majority of Russiansincluding younger Russians who we might have expected to demand answers to the thorniest historical questionsassess Stalin in a positive light. As we witness toppled statues in Europe and the US, in Russia the state has sanctioned the erection of busts of Stalin in various cities including the countrys third largest, Novosibirsk.

In 2019 the most respected pollster in Russia, the Levada Center, found that these efforts are working, with 70 per cent of Russians believing that Stalins rule had been good for the Soviet Union. In fact, the number who admired Stalin was greater than at any point since Levada started polling on the question in 2001. Lev Gudkov, the head of the Levada Centre, stated that theres been a quiet rehabilitation of Stalin on the part of the government.

The director of Moscows Gulag Museum, Roman Romanov, claims, or rather hopes, this attitude is about using Stalin as a way to fulfil something missing in peoples livesand that such admiration will fade with the older generation. But giving the rising tide of support for the dictator, this seems unlikely, and we must ask how truth and atonement went into reverse. Can it be chalked up to simple false consciousness or historical ignorance? In an age when many young Americans and British leftists, concerned with slavery and empire, are eager to learn from the German experience, what can we instead learn from Russias failure to deal with its past? Why has revisionism failed in Russia and indeed large swaths of central and eastern Europe?

First, and most obviously, while Nazi rule lasted a dozen years, Soviet rule in Russia lasted some seven decades. Nazi Germany experienced a humiliating military defeat, while the Soviets eventually won the great patriotic war during which, for all its agonies, no foreign army ever marched on Moscow. Post-war Germany was stewarded by leaders who sought a decisive break with National Socialism, whereas Khrushchev sought a break from Stalin but never really from his system, and Russia is today run by a former colonel of the secret police.

Germanys post-war economic achievements eventually allowed its citizens to face their collective guilt in a more confident, rather than a defensive spirit, with contemporary success encouraging hope that society could continue to recover and prosper into the future after drawing a line under past crimes.

The rocky and, for a time, ruinous road of the Russian economy after the Soviet collapse stands in stark contrast. Yet there is something more fundamental in Russias failed replication of the German model in the post-Cold War world. The historian Carlo Ginzburg was on to something when he suggested that the country one belongs to is not, as the usual rhetoric goes, the one you love but the one you are ashamed of. We rarely experience our national belonging as powerfully as in those moments when we feel ashamed for somebody different from us for something we are not involved in, but for someone whom we nonetheless feel a sense of responsibility.

Ones homeland is a place from which you cannot morally escape. You can emigrate, sure, but that sense of shame will always catch you up. This shame may grow out of a powerful sense of belonging, but whether it is the right material for re-building a nations political identity is another question. Is a nations courage in facing down its historical crimes an effective glue to bond a societyor, alternatively, is victimhood a better wellspring for solidarity? Might shame, victimhood and for that matter pride intermingle in confecting that complex cocktail that is national identity?

The politics of memory

Birthed out of a common trauma, the European Union is at its core a Freudian project, with all founding members of 1957 being recently defeated or occupied nations. After 1989, the approach that post-war Germany had taken in tackling its grim past became Europes assumed archetype of how eastern Europe would accomplish the same for Communism. But the eastern European countries failed to emulate it, and indeed many now fear, that with the rise of the far-right German AfD, the model itself may be in crisis at home as well. Perhaps successful atonement relies on the contingencies of time as well as place.

Central and eastern Europe returned instead into a world where competitive victimhood has the status of natural law. Nation states lost interest in the suffering they had piled on others, and insisted instead that a laser-like focus be placed on the suffering they had endured.

The Polish parliament enacted a law (later amended) in 2018 that could incarcerate any person claiming that Poles contributed to Jewish suffering during the Second World War. (The saga of the Polish-American historian Jan Gross, who in 2015 caused controversy in his native country by sayingcorrectlythat Poles had killed many more Jews than they had Germans, was undoubtedly a factor in the Polish governments whitewashing of its history). And for its part, in the most historically specious way possible, Russia began to blame Poland for starting the Second World War.

Exceptionalism is a necessary condition for effective reconciliation

The resistance to the German model of working off its past was most spectacular in Russia. During Putins second term one of us happened to be in Moscow when US historian and writer Anne Applebaum presented the Russian translation of her prize-winning book Gulag. In a smoked-filled caf not far from Lubyanka, the old KGB (now FSB) headquarters, the book launch turned out to be anti-climactic. Few showed up to celebrate with the author and the general mood was one of torpor.

In the late 1980s, in the heady days of perestroika, publication of a book like this would have been an event packed with a surfeit of political and intellectual worthies. But during Putins second term, the atmosphere had changed: the audience was now composed of mostly older people for whom events like these had become ritualised as a kind of civic duty.

Applebaums talk, in the end, was actually not about the gulag. Rather, it was about the reluctance of the Russian authorities and the majority of the Russian public to condemn Stalins crimes. When we know that Stalin killed more Russians than any foreign invader, she asked, why are so many reticent to impugn him or his regime?

Without saying so explicitly, Applebaums puzzle was to understand why post-communist Russia had become markedly different from post-war Germany. Where was the Russian counterpart to Willy Brandt falling to his knees in atonement at the Warsaw ghetto in 1970? Why was this generation of young Russians unwilling to raise the inconvenient questions that youthful Germans peppered their parents with after 1968? The audience was respectful but unmoved. None of those present could ever be suspected of being an apologist for Stalin. Yet Applebaums message fell on deaf ears.

Somehow the intellectuals had grown to think that denouncing Stalin would be acquiescing too readily in what the west was asking (demanding, really) of them. They were finished with living according to western edicts. Back in the 1990s signing on to the German approach to the politics of memory had been seen by Russians as joining a civilised club whose members all wished to credibly confront their demons. But once this wave of correctness had run its course, Russianseven former true believers in the German modelwere often looking for the restoration of the nations power, and for the restoration of its exceptionalism. Russians demanded their own Sonderweg.

Russian intellectuals have lost faith that their nation should follow the turbulent self-examination that Germans endured. Russias liberals at the book launch were still hostile to Communism, if somewhat nostalgic for the clarity and communality of the Soviet Union. Two decades after the Cold Wars end they felt like losers (more like post-Versailles than post-Second World War Germany perhaps). Of course, they were appalled by their governments efforts to normalise Stalin; certainly they looked on aghast at the polling numbers already showing Stalin valorised. But they feared that by condemning Stalin they would become complicit in the wests impulse to deprive Russia of its role defeating Hitler, and saving the world from fascism. (A similar reluctance can be seen in Britain when Churchills imperial adventures are criticised, as though this is somehow sullying his heroic role in the war.)

Overall, they tended to understand the short Soviet century as an unfinished civil war in which perpetrators became victims and victims perpetrators. This struggle will need to be resolved in Russiaatonement, after all, begins at home. It is a domestic problem and reinforces the necessity of exceptionalism.

Ultimately, what made Russia different from Germany was that, paradoxically, Germanys politics of memory was a way to resurrect German exceptionalism. Germany became an exception because it parted with the received wisdom that evil is what others do and concentrated instead on its own crimes and misdeedsa unique evil in the history of the world.

Exceptionalism is, in the analysis here, a necessary condition for effective reconciliation. It cant be imported; it should be invented. What was significant about Germany is how it was able to justify its coping with the past. When this coping is truly exceptional you can even craft, as was done in Germany, a new national identity. But this will only work if you can turn guilt into pride. If guilt ends in humiliation it wont workso the post-Soviet Russian transformation into a kind of submission was destined to backfire.

What the Russian experience instructs us is that Americas and Britains wider attempts to deal with their sorrow-filled legacies will have a chance to succeed only if it is framed as a victory of sorts. Instead of being proud of its empire, its peculiar institutions or its dictators, a country should aim to become proud of the distinctive way in which it has dealt with its distinctively troubled legacy. This cant be a way to make a country normal, but must be an opportunity to reclaim its exceptional character and set it to work for the good.

Read the original post:

How can nations atone for their sins? - Prospect

National media gets it wrong on Trump’s 4th of July speech – LancasterOnline

I did not watch or listen to President Donald Trumps Fourth of July speech at Mount Rushmore. But I did read the reactions the next day from three national newspapers: The Washington Post, The New York Times and the Los Angeles Times. They characterized the speech as stoking a culture war and pushing racial division.

Then, I downloaded and read the full transcript of the speech, twice. It turns out these newspapers had printed gross fabrications about the presidents positively stirring, emotionally charged and factually faithful presentation of Americas history and greatness. I challenge all Americans to read and ponder the presidents remarks and, with this knowledge, evaluate the liberal national media reports (it can be read at this link: bit.ly/RushmoreSpeech).

And not just the ones in those three aforementioned newspapers. There was, in my judgment, an overwhelming misrepresentation of Trumps Mount Rushmore speech that amounts to journalistic malpractice.

And the liberal national media which includes television gets away with it, because its narrative fits the Democratic Partys narrative. And sadly, too few liberals take the time to read or listen to the original content on which that narrative is based. So, the biased narrative circulates and poisons minds and misleads the uninformed.

In his speech, Trump did refer to destructive rioting, and the damage actually and proposed to be inflicted upon statues and monuments, and the defamation of national heroes. The president was reminding us that we are still not a perfect union, but that we have the desire and fortitude to continue our work toward this goal.

Three years ago, when I was a community member of the LNP | LancasterOnline Editorial Board, this newspapers Fourth of July editorial referred to the Museum of the American Revolution in Philadelphia.

While strongly recommending that Lancaster County residents visit the museum, the editorial stated: You are likely to leave the museum wanting to learn more about the years and events that followed: the Civil War, the Emancipation Proclamation, the battles for suffrage and womens equality, the civil rights movement. Vestiges of those subsequent struggles are threaded through our politics even now.

Those were issues that could not have been resolved by the American Revolutionary War. That war liberated our budding nation from Great Britain and paved the way for the creation of a republic capable of dealing with those formidable concerns.

This July, I read some news reports indicating that some Americans would not be celebrating our nations Independence Day. One hand-lettered sign called the national holiday White Mans Independence Day.

Success! An email has been sent with a link to confirm list signup.

Error! There was an error processing your request.

And its true that in a July 5, 1852, speech, abolitionist Frederick Douglass referred to the immeasurable distance between white Americans and enslaved Americans on Independence Day.

The blessings in which you, this day, rejoice, are not enjoyed in common, Douglass said, adding, What, to the American slave, is your Fourth of July? I answer: a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim.

Trump, in his Mount Rushmore speech, rightly called slavery an evil institution, but that statement seems to have been overlooked by the national liberal media.

A Washington Post article about Trumps speech began: President Trumps unyielding push to preserve Confederate symbols and the legacy of white domination, crystallized by his harsh denunciation of the racial movement Friday at Mount Rushmore. ...

To which Holman Jenkins, in a July 7 op-ed in The Wall Street Journal, replied: Except that Mr. Trump made no reference to the Confederacy or any of its symbols. His only reference to the Civil War was to Abraham Lincoln and the abolition of slavery as fulfillment of the American Revolution.

The writers of that Washington Post article, Robert Costa and Philip Rucker, purported to offer an analysis of the presidents views, tweets and performance. They seemed more interested in getting something off their chests rather than providing an honest review of the presidents masterful speech. So much for objective journalism!

With such bias in our national liberal press, how can we look forward to creating an informed electorate prepared to cast a responsible vote for president in November? I would be happy to hear from friends and readers. I need to be encouraged. Is anything going to change? Can there be an honest interchange in our nations press?

Stuart Wesbury, a professor emeritus in Arizona State Universitys School of Health Administration and Policy, is a resident of Willow Street. He has a Ph.D. in economics and business administration. He is a former community member of the LNP Editorial Board.

Subscribe today for only $2

' + submsgtxthtml + '

Get unlimited access to breaking news, ancestry archives, our daily E-newspaper, games and more.

Subscribe today for only $2

' + submsgtxthtml + '

Get unlimited access to breaking news, ancestry archives, our daily E-newspaper, games and more.

Subscribe today for only $2

' + submsgtxthtml + '

Get unlimited access to breaking news, ancestry archives, our daily E-newspaper, games and more.

Subscribe today for only $2

' + submsgtxthtml + '

Go here to read the rest:

National media gets it wrong on Trump's 4th of July speech - LancasterOnline

Penn Museum to remove Morton Cranial Collection from public view after student opposition – The Daily Pennsylvanian

Samuel George Morton's collection of about 1,000 crania will be removed from public display. (Photo by Eric Sucar, University Communications)

Penn Museum will remove the Morton Cranial Collection, a collection of about 1,000 crania with some belonging to enslaved individuals, from public view after students called for the crania to be repatriated.

The collection is the work of Samuel George Morton, an 1820 Perelman School of Medicine graduate who used the skulls of enslaved people to argue that there are inherent differences between the brains of people of different races.

Morton, who is from Philadelphia, was an active participant in the medical and scientific community in the early 19th century.

During the Penn & Slavery Projects 2019 symposium, students presented findings that the Morton Cranial Collection includes 53 crania belonging to enslaved individuals from Havana, Cuba and two crania belonging to enslaved Americans. A portion of the collection is currently in public view in a Center for the Analysis of Archaeological Materials classroom in the Museum.

The collection on display in the CAAM classroom will be removed from public view by the end of the summer, but will still be accessible for research, Williams Director of the Penn Museum Julian Siggers wrote in an email sent to The Daily Pennsylvanian on Wednesday.

Morton used the findings from his cranial collection as a scientific justification for slavery and is known as the founding father of scientific racism, according to Discover Magazine. His research, as described on Penn Museum's website, was taken as proof that Europeans, especially those of German and English ancestry, were intellectually, morally, and physically superior to all other races.

Morton's personal views were largely white supremacist, according to the Museum site, and his work contributed to the development of racist thought through his suggestion of innate hierarchies among different races. Credit: Kylie Cooper The Penn Museum released a statement explaining that the Museum is working to change the racist narratives it was built on.

Biases within the Morton collection have been criticized for years, including in a June guest column in the DP by rising College sophomore Gabriela Alvarado.

Alvarado said the statement the Museum recently released in solidarity with the Black Lives Matter movement is ironic as it still has the Morton Cranial Collection on display to the public.

The statement reads that the Museum is working to change the racist narratives it was built on.

"Racism has no place in our Museum," the statement reads. Recognizing it was built on colonialism and racist narratives, the Museum wrote it is working to change these narratives and its associated institutional biases.

I think it's really clear that they're not being sincere, Alvarado said. They are fully aware that they have [The Morton Collection], and theyre fully aware that people arent okay with it but they keep it anyway.

In their guest column, Alvarado argued the Museum should repatriate the crania in addition to moving them out of their current public display.

Through the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act, the Penn Museum repatriated various Native American crania from the collection. NAGPRA, however, only protects the remains and certain cultural objects of federally recognized tribes, native Alaskan corporations, and native Hawaiian organizations. This leaves many crania in the collection unprotected, allowing the Museum to continue to keep and display the Morton Cranial Collection.

Were committed to exploring what we should do with repatriation of the crania of the enslaved individuals within this collection, Siggers wrote to the DP. He added that the repatriation process it is complicated because there is little information about the individuals other than that Morton acquired them from Cuba.

School of Arts and Sciences Ph.D. second-year VanJessica Gladney, who studies history and is a Penn & Slavery Project fellow, said that while she understands that repatriation of the crania may be difficult, she is excited to see the Museum take action.

Im glad theyre committed, Gladney said. So are we. Im excited to start working together.

Alvarado said removing the crania from public view is a good first step, adding that the Museum must do more than consider repatriation.Its going to be tough, but that makes it all the more important, and Im sure there are many people who want to help with repatriation, Alvarado said.

Police Free Penn, a newly formed assembly calling on Penn to abolish policing and transform community safety at the University, has also called for the abolition of the Morton Cranial Collection. School of Arts and Sciences Ph.D. third-year Jake Nussbaum, who studies anthropology and is a member of PFP, said entirely abolishing Morton's collection is complicated.

When we say abolish we are talking about finding ways to return all of those remains or either give them proper burials or return them to descendent communities, and that's going to vary a lot from the different communities that are within the collection, he said.

Nussbaum said Penn Museum's plan to remove the collection from display is great, but said any repatriation process should include students and represent the interests of BIPOC communities.

School of Arts and Sciences Ph.D. fifth-year, Paul Mitchell, who is also studying anthropology, said that despite the removal of the collection from display, the injustice surrounding Morton's collection should not be forgotten. Facing the injustices embodied in the collection requires a commitment to restorative methodologies which address the impact of the scientific racism Morton helped construct, he said.

Just as these remains were transformed into objects through their collection, they must now be uncollected, [and] recognized as persons, Nussbaum said. Approaching this ethical challenge is as complex as it is crucial.

Get our newsletter, Dear Penn, delivered to your inbox every weekday morning.

On July 2, Penn announced that it will remove the century-old statue of George Whitefield, a former slave owner, from the Quad, and stated it will create a Campus Iconography Group to research and advise the University about memorialization on Penn's campus.

Gladney said that the Morton Cranial Collection should be included in this University-led research endeavor.

It's important to note that many of these remains are traced back to people in descendant communities who would not want their kids on a shelf in the museum, Mitchell said. And the Museum needs to acknowledge that if its going to make statements about solidarity.

See original here:

Penn Museum to remove Morton Cranial Collection from public view after student opposition - The Daily Pennsylvanian

National View: Defunding police would only prove that Black lives don’t matter – Duluth News Tribune

Thats because, in the wake of the memorial services, protests, and riots, there has been a steady call for changing the police by defunding them.

On the June 14 edition of Face the Nation, an interview with Seattle Police Chief Carmen Best was prophetically titled, Policing will never be as it was. Truer words have yet to be written.

Chief Best appeared to be at odds with Seattle Mayor Jenny Durkan over how to deal with protesters who created CHAZ, or the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone. Later called CHOP, or Capitol Hill Organized Protest, this occupation of several square blocks of the Emerald City best showed how the sides lined up in this raging debate.

While she said there was not a cop-free zone in her city, Bests decision not to forcibly disband the CHAZ/CHOP reflected a hesitancy among departments in dealing with protesters. CHAZ/CHOP insisted they were free of a police presence, and the mayors office wanted only a limited first-responder presence there.

Whichever side had the upper hand, the bottom line was that governments are anxious to avoid the next high-profile police use of deadly force and rioting thereafter. Consider what happened in Atlanta, which was the latest city to suffer arson and vandalism after Rayshard Brooks was killed by an officer there. That officer was immediately fired and charged with murder. Incidents like this will only increase demands for defunding.

Defunding may actually be more of a wish than reality given complex webs of municipal, state, and federal law in addition to civil-service and police-union regulations to be untangled before what is an obviously dangerous goal can be attained. While there still may be cops, however, they may have to deal with significant funding cuts like those already proposed in Los Angeles and New York City.

But people like me safety citizens who value our communities and want to work with authorities to keep them crime-free must take these radical activists at their word. The screaming protesters and slightly less shrill elected officials are demanding defunding. Safety citizens need to make it clear we support fully funded and empowered police departments. Period. And they need to know that we also support punishing rogue officers.

Both safety citizens and police critics hoped earlier community policing policies would be the solution to long-term tensions between law enforcement and urban communities. Its focus on relationship-building at all levels, however, seems to have fallen short of the mark. In fact, it appears that relationship-building between police and the public gave way to calls for diminished police powers and even abolishing the profession altogether.

Defunding proposals couldnt come at a worse time. Culturally, American law enforcement became increasingly unpopular since the 2014 death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. This tipping point birthed "de-policing," where officers who feel they are under too much scrutiny cease being proactive for fear of termination or even prosecution by state and federal authorities.

A bitter irony emerges with the rise of Black Lives Matter activism. Less empowered and underfunded police departments will effectively be set up to fail in underserved low-income, high-crime communities. My grassroots security consulting began in such an area. I know firsthand that less-monied and less-empowered departments mean more misery for majority-black communities.

These poorly funded departments already experience personnel shortages and lengthy 911 response times. Residents in the occupied CHAZ/CHOP complained about a lack of first responders. How will matters be made worse by withholding or terminating police budgets there and across America?

Regardless of whether defunding demands are wishful thinking or determined steps toward an abolition of the police profession, one inescapable conclusion remains: Defunding police is defeating public safety. This defeat would be acutely felt in the very communities screaming that black lives matter.

Nadra Enzi is a member of the Project 21 black leadership network and is a grassroots security consultant in New Orleans. He wrote this originally for InsideSources.com.

Read more here:

National View: Defunding police would only prove that Black lives don't matter - Duluth News Tribune

Who Were The Enslaved People Who Fought For The Abolition Of Slavery? – BBC History Magazine

When the African-American Frederick Douglass who was a towering figure in the history of US slavery and its abolition was born into bondage in 1818, a resurgence in slavery was about to begin in the US, Brazil and Cuba. Indeed, despite 1791s seismic slave uprising in Haiti, which had destroyed that nations slave trade and sown the seeds of defiance across the Americas, slavery remained profitable. Yet by the time Douglass died in 1895, slavery had not only vanished from the Americas but had become universally reviled.

It was a staggering turnaround. In the course of a lifetime, slavery had been overthrown across the western hemisphere. The story of this transformation is a complex, sometimes confusing one and at its heart lie the efforts of slaves themselves.

An undated photograph of African-American abolitionist Frederick Douglass. Born into slavery in 1818, by the time he died in 1895, slavery had been eradicated in the Americas. (Bettmann/Getty Images)

In the early 19th century, enslaved Africans, their offspring and their descendants were ubiquitous across the Americas. Though African slaves travelled with Columbus, and were later settled in the Spanish Caribbean, the enslavement of Africans in the western hemisphere essentially started with the Portuguese traffic of people from the continent early in the 16th century. Slavery did not take secure root until the Portuguese settlement of Brazil and the introduction of sugar plantations there in the late 16th century. Over the next 300 years, more than 12 million Africans were loaded on to slave ships bound for the Americas.

In the 17th century, slavery spread throughout the English and French Caribbean colonies, where slave labour serviced tobacco, cotton and then sugar industries, and in the North American colonies, where enslaved people worked primarily in tobacco and rice cultivation.

In North America, the Caribbean and Brazil, these people formed a mighty, vital force, though elsewhere they were more marginal. All of Europes major colonial powers Portugal, Spain, the Netherlands, Britain and France were eager participants in the Atlantic slave trade, and all shipped staggering numbers of Africans across the ocean to tap the bounty of their American possessions.

Until the mid-18th century, this had provoked hardly a whimper of objection or resistance by religious, legal or moral commentators. Yet by the late 19th century those same nations, and their churches, laws and politics, had utterly renounced slavery. The British ended slavery in 1838; the French after earlier false starts followed suit in 1848. The 13th Amendment of 1865 formally ended slavery in the United States, but it continued in Cuba until 1886 and Brazil until 1888.

The slave poachers of earlier centuries had become the aggressive gamekeepers of the 19th century. It was little less than a revolution and the story of the fall of slavery in the Americas is also the story of slave defiance.

Though only one major colony fell to slave revolt Haiti (known then as Saint-Domingue) on Hispaniola it would be wrong to diminish the significance of such defiance. Douglass was often asked why, if slavery was as violent and repressive as he claimed, slaves not did overthrow their oppressors across the Americas as they had in Haiti. The answer, as he knew, was that slavery was a system sustained by draconian control and management.

True, slavery was also sustained by other elements such as inducements and small rewards, but enslaved people everywhere were left in no doubt about what would happen to those who openly resisted. Planters capricious blows and whippings, as well as the daily rigours of plantation life, were reinforced by bloody penal codes in all slave societies. Whenever revolts erupted as they did regularly on Atlantic slave ships and in the colonies suppression was swift and extreme, and invariably out of all proportion to the initial violence of the uprising.

Even so, African slavery was peppered with open revolt across the Americas, though it was less widespread and less violent in North America than in the Caribbean and Brazil. In the long years before the last enslaved Africans stumbled ashore in Cuba in 1867, there were many who were prepared to take a risk and turn to violence in an effort to win liberty. Indeed, many had been enslaved during conflicts in Africa, and brought that combat experience to the Americas.

Though most slave defiance fell well short of open revolt, it remained a feature of all slave societies. Enslaved people dragged their feet at work, feigned ignorance, took revenge on crops and animals, and measured out their days and tasks in ways that suited them, but were always careful not to transgress too flagrantly. Complaints about slave behaviour of apparent laziness, stupidity, inattention and downright disobedience echo through the literature of slave-holding life.

Just as common was the universal sense that slaves could not be trusted. Although slave-owners often lived close to their possessions some even living with them as common-law partners and although many slaveholders felt that they had gained their slaves trust and loyalty, most nursed deep-seated concerns. Time and again, trusted slaves turned: they hit back, ran away and proved disloyal in ways their owners had not expected. Hence there was a widespread, recurring and abiding sense of betrayal among slave-owners.

After the Declaration of Independence of the United States cut that countrys ties from Britain in 1776, the new nations ideals (all Men are created equal) seemed to augur an end to slavery. Yet, ironically, several of the Founding Fathers who drafted and proclaimed those ideals were slave-owners. The American republic ushered in a new form of democracy, while being anchored in slavery. Moreover, slaverys value increased after 1800, thanks to the dramatic impact of the cotton boom in the American South. The United States was, then, born arguing about slavery and those arguments had repercussions throughout the enslaved Caribbean. What followed in Haiti, however, was totally different.

After the outbreak of the French Revolution in 1789, Frances most valuable possession, Saint-Domingue, was propelled into a maelstrom of conflicts that lasted from 1791 until the colony gained independence in 1804. Saint-Domingue was worked during that period by around 600,000 enslaved people, a huge proportion of whom had been brought to the colony in the previous ten years. They produced enormous volumes of sugar and coffee; indeed, the value of the French colonys exports exceeded those of Brazil and Mexico combined, and was double that of the entire British Caribbean.

Yet this was a fragile system, powered by an army of recalcitrant slaves owned and supervised by 30,000 white people and a similar number of gens de couleur (people of mixed race). After the outbreak of revolution in the mother country, it rapidly splintered into conflicts with colonial authority and between and among the colonys social groups. Each group fought for its own interest: for dominance (the white population), for an equal role (the gens de couleur) or for freedom (the enslaved population). The French struggled to maintain their colonial control, and revolutionary upheavals and violence swept the colony on an apocalyptic scale.

The conflicts in Haiti destroyed slavery, swallowed invading British and Spanish armies, and devastated the economy. They sent refugees fleeing often with their slaves for the safety of Jamaica, Cuba or the United States; indeed, memorials in the Catholic graveyards of New Orleans and Charleston bear witness to the presence of slave-owners from the French colony. By the time the independent nation of Haiti emerged in 1804, the population of the former Saint-Domingue had fallen by a third and the lush landscape was pockmarked by the ruins of plantations and devastated properties.

However badly damaged it was, though, Haiti was the first independent black nation outside Africa, and its leaders notably Toussaint LOuverture were elevated to heroic status among slaves everywhere. For the enslaved and the freed alike, the complexities of the Haitian revolution were easily distilled into a simple issue: black freedom had been won by the defeat of a colonial system and its imperial armies. Whatever the cost and whatever the flaws, Haitis independence offered a beacon of hope for millions of slaves elsewhere. It was an inspiration for those who yearned for freedom.

An engraving from a British anti-slavery publication of 1826 shows an overseer whipping an exhausted black slave on a plantation, where violence and bloody penal codes subdued resistance (Photo 12/Getty Images)

Slaveholders, naturally, viewed it differently. For them, it was a terrifying tale with a cautionary lesson: slavery was a volatile system, and you tampered with it at your peril. All subsequent slave troubles in Brazil, the Caribbean and the United States were viewed through the historical prism of Haiti, which hardened slaveholders hearts. The events in Saint-Domingue in the late 18th century strengthened slave-owners belief that if you gave slaves an inch they would take an African mile. The story of slave freedom evolved thereafter in the shadow of Haiti.

Throughout the 19th century, violence and unrest preceded or accompanied slave freedom everywhere. The British Caribbean colonies worked by enslaved people had always been volatile, but the first half of the 19th century witnessed large-scale uprisings in Barbados (1816), Demerara (1823) now in Guyana and Jamaica (183132). The last of those, the 11-day rebellion dubbed the Baptist War, came close to defeating the British, and was a sign of the profound changes taking place among the enslaved. The British slave trade had ended in 1807, and enslaved populations increasingly comprised local-born people, growing numbers of whom were Christians. Chapels, slave preachers, the Bible (with its powerful imagery of freedom and salvation) and huge gatherings of enslaved people away from plantations combined to create a radicalising brew. Planters had once feared African defiance; now they worried about enslaved Christians.

Equally, the violent suppression of enslaved Christians caused outrage among fellow worshippers in Britain. Thousands of Christian voices were added to growing demands for an end to slavery, and abolition became a widely popular movement that British parliament was unable to resist though the pill was somewhat sweetened by a growing sense that sugar might be more easily acquired from non-slave sources in Asia.

Economic criticisms of the system, observing that free labour was more economic than slave labour, were not applied to US cotton or Brazilian coffee, however. Both of those huge slave-based industries, which helped transform the western hemisphere in the 19th century, were made possible by new large-scale domestic slave trades that replaced the supply of labour from across the Atlantic. Almost one million slaves were forcibly moved across North America to the southern cotton empire, and an even greater number were transported from older Brazilian settlements to newly developing areas of the country.

The abolition of slavery in the French colonies is proclaimed on 27 April 1848, depicted in a contemporary painting by Franois-Auguste Biard (Heritage Images/Getty Images)

As people were transferred from old slave-powered industries to new slave regions to feed the voracious labour demands of the US cotton and Brazilian coffee plantations, a miserable story of violation and upheavals was repeated, with many families broken up. This reignited slave defiance, so that fugitives and resistance became even more pressing problems for slave-owners. In response, tighter controls and more severe management strategies were implemented to keep the enslaved at their tasks.

This brutal repression by these slaveholding regimes sparked growing outrage among a swelling band of opponents. Christian sensibility was again critical, especially in the US. Though the South found biblical justifications for slavery, the growing tide of criticism was also rooted in American faith, sharpened by evidence of the violence meted out to slaves in their moments of defiance notably fugitives seeking freedom in the North.

The entire story changed with the outbreak of the American Civil War in 1861, when enslaved people began to tip the balance. They abandoned the plantations in their thousands, undermined the Souths economic ability to fight the war, and provided massive collective evidence if more were needed of their detestation of bondage. For all its military uncertainties, the Civil War proved the coup de grce for US slavery.

A similar pattern was evident across the old Spanish empire in Central and South America. There, wars for independence in the 1810s and 1820s had undermined local slavery, which in other areas had already withered. Numbers of enslaved people were in any case small compared with other regimes: in 1800, there were about 250,000 enslaved people across Spains vast empire, compared with 1.5 million in the US and 1.2 million in Brazil.

War and upheaval proved corrosive to Spanish slavery. The major exception was in Cuba, where initially, at least slavery was revitalised by a massive expansion of tobacco and sugar plantations, thanks in large part to US investment during the 19th century leading to modernisation and industrialisation. Yet there, too, slave insurgency and the inevitable violent repression by planters and colonial authorities fuelled demands for freedom from both slaves and their supporters on the island and in Spain. As with earlier Spanish colonial revolts, Cubans fighting for independence encouraged slave rebellion and flight. Slavery began to unravel in the military and political confusion of the struggle for independence in the second half of the 19th century. Abolition finally came in 1886.

Two years later, Brazil where African slavery had proved so vital to European settlers three centuries before became the last country in the Americas to abandon slavery. Again, warfare and the tumultuous struggle for independence from Portugal (finally achieved in 1822) had provided the backdrop for slave resistance. After independence, revolts continued to punctuate Brazils slave expansion in the 19th century, these uprisings often led by recently imported Africans, many of them Muslims and others with experience of African warfare. The flight of slaves from the plantations to free communities in the wilderness or to the anonymity of the expanding cities was a constant drain on enslaved populations. So, too, was recurring social disorder, allowing slaves to flee from the fighting or to join it. Violence, again, enabled slaves to seize their freedom. Brazils slaves were also backed by a growing band of supporters, mainly urban-dwelling, literate, educated people increasingly outraged that Brazil was the sole Christian nation left sustaining slavery.

Opposition to slavery flourished on both sides of the Atlantic. The outrages of slavery were reported and disseminated in cheap printed publications, and from pulpits and in crowded lecture halls, to an increasingly literate and educated urban population. The voice of popular, often reforming politics turned decisively against slavery. So, too, did churches, which earlier had been silent bystanders.

So, by the end of the 19th century, slavery fell. It had been denounced and reviled by both secular and religious interests but the balance was tipped decisively by the subversion of the slaves themselves. In that transformed climate, the old traditions of slave defiance came into their own. Slaves took their chances, and finally helped to overthrow the system that had held them and their forebears in miserable bondage for so long. It is time we recognised fully the role played by the enslaved themselves in bringing down the slave empires that had lasted for so many shameful centuries.

James Walvin is professor of history emeritus at the University of York. His latest book is Freedom: The Overthrow of the Slave Empires (Robinson, 2019)

This article was taken from issue 16 of BBC World Histories magazine

Link:

Who Were The Enslaved People Who Fought For The Abolition Of Slavery? - BBC History Magazine

Unlocking the Bars on Life: Understanding Criminal Justice Reform – The Emory Wheel

We have the power to forge a righteous future for our country and recent events have made that clear. Police forces are being defunded in Los Angeles, New York City and Minneapolis. Additionally, local officials plan to eventually dismantle the Minneapolis Police Department entirely; even Congress is taking action to reform the police nationally. These steps toward justice for the murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery and so many others are small victories in the larger, ongoing battle for a more impartial justice system. However, that fight encompasses more than police brutality and if we desire sustainable change, we must grow more knowledgeable and organized, keep up the pressure on our elected officials and educate those ignorant of the flaws prevalent in our justice system.

For decades, the United States has claimed to be the Capital of the Free World. The fact remains, however, that the U.S. holds almost 5% of the worlds population, yet about 20% of the worlds prison population. This is unacceptable. Since 1970, the U.S. prison population has risen by nearly 700%. This is unacceptable. Tough on crime campaigns and prison building programs encouraged by federal subsidies have supplemented the prison crowding epidemic. This overcrowding is an economic burden. This is unacceptable. Racial disparities at every level of the U.S. justice system have promoted an environment in which Black people have become the targets of civil and literal extermination. The word unacceptable is beyond inadequate; it could never adequately describe the 243-year affliction that is institutionalized racism in the U.S.

A just criminal justice system is one of the most important tools available to any society. To qualify as just, such an institution must demonstrate impartiality toward all racial and socioeconomic groups while balancing punishment and rehabilitation. To this end, a just system should have a series of measures that combat racism, classism and recidivism (the tendency of ex-convicts to reoffend), all of which fuel mass incarceration in the U.S. The current justice system punishes those with criminal records long after they have paid their debts to society this approach is counterproductive by both moral and economic standards.

Ex-convicts face discriminatory practices inherently enabled by our current justice system. Popular belief is that after an individual commits a crime and does their time, the punishment is over, but the reality is much harsher. According to Katheryn Russell-Brown and Angela J. Davis Criminal Law, former convicts are rendered ineligible for welfare, student loans, public housing, and food stamps. In 21 states, formerly incarcerated individuals lose their right to vote. These restrictions constitute lifelong barriers to rehabilitation and cause most people to end up back behind bars. In 2005, 68% of state prisoners released were arrested again within the next three years, 83% within nine years.

Black and Hispanic people disproportionately suffer from this cruel reality. A 2020 study of traffic stops between 2011 and 2018 found that Black and Hispanic drivers were, on average, much more likely to be pulled over during traffic stops than white people. Further, those drivers were more likely to be searched after being pulled over. This correlation suggests racial profiling plays a significant role in our justice system. The victims of profiling are more likely to be arrested, sent to jail or prison, and are subsequently forced into a vicious cycle of recidivism. However, this disproportionality is much more than a statistical quirk. As more Black and Hispanic individuals are incarcerated, fewer are able to vote. If we are not able to vote, our children will be less likely to vote as well. Racist criminal justice policies threaten to destroy Black and Hispanic communities in the present and ensure they remain politically weak in the future.

The scope of judicial inequality explains why there are so many solutions being proposed to secure a more impartial justice system. We must demand the prioritization of convict rehabilitation. Doing so could redefine our prison systems mission by helping ex-convicts avoid reincarceration through safe, truly voluntary in-prison jobs, skill training, educational programs and parole reform, among other strategies. We should also work to strengthen the existing social safety net for ex-convicts. The justice system should work alongside different agencies to ensure former criminals are able to receive an education, find a place to live and a job to receive legal income. The recent buzzwords, police abolition, have been popularized by Campaign Zeros #8CantWait project. It entails the defunding and abolition of police departments. Following the steps outlined by #8CantWait, we could implement a system like community policing, in which officers are recruited from and specially trained to work within communities to develop compassionate relations with inhabitants and the area.

After their release from prison, many ex-convicts endure a cycle of poverty and discrimination that, all too often, enables their eventual reincarceration. Structural flaws in our justice system have allowed racism and classism the would-be ghosts of Americas depraved past to haunt our countrys modern pursuit for social justice and equality. Our goal as a nation should be to help end systemic racial injustices and assist victims of the prejudicial justice system. We must pressure our elected officials and demand they assist us in changing our justice system. Reforms proposed to combat police violence are receiving attention, but we cannot stop there. Prison reform still demands our attention. Members of our communities are still in need of our help to end their prolonged victimization at the hands of the current justice system. The definition of justice is dictated by the people. It is time we step up to the challenge of doing so.

Peter Nicholas Cooke (23C) is from Atlanta, Georgia.

Visit link:

Unlocking the Bars on Life: Understanding Criminal Justice Reform - The Emory Wheel

Frederick Douglas saw hope in the Declaration of Independence – St. Albans Messenger

During this past Fourth of July weekend many people were posting on social media that the Fourth of July should not be celebrated because slavery was practiced when the Declaration of Independence was written. To further support their assertion, they used an excerpt of Frederick Douglass keynote address at an Independence Day celebration in Rochester, New York on July 5, 1852 that asked, "What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?"

Learning about history and understanding it in the context of time is so very important. When I read Frederick Douglass whole speech, instead of just the small section that was posted, I had a very different perspective. I personally feel the strongest section of that speech is at the conclusion:

Allow me to say, in conclusion, notwithstanding the dark picture I have this day presented, of the state of the nation, I do not despair of this country. There are forces in operation which must inevitably work the downfall of slaveryI, therefore, leave off where I began, with hope. While drawing encouragement from "the Declaration of Independence," the great principles it contains, and the genius of American Institutions, my spirit is also cheered by the obvious tendencies of the age

The obvious tendencies of the age he refers to were referencing a greater ease of communication. Certainly, if Douglass, a fugitive slave in the 1800s could hold much hope and encouragement from the Declaration of Independence, so we can, too, have encouragement. Constructive communication and finding common ground can heal the racial tensions we are experiencing today. We have a lot to learn from Frederick Douglass. Americans of every background can celebrate the anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, the document that started this country but also laid the groundwork for the abolition of slavery.

You can read his entire speech here: masshumanities.org/files/programs/douglass/speech_complete.pdf

Patricia Crocker

Go here to see the original:

Frederick Douglas saw hope in the Declaration of Independence - St. Albans Messenger

Viewpoints: ‘Hamilton’ is actually perfect for this moment – The Daily Herald

Daveed Diggs portrays Thomas Jefferson in a filmed version of the original Broadway production of Hamilton. (Disney Plus via AP)

By Tyler Sperrazza / The Washington Post

Americans rush to watch Hamilton on Disney Plus has reignited conversations about the award-winning musical during a time of racial reckoning for the United States. While early criticism of the play in 2016 focused on its glorification of the Founders and the institutions they championed, the focus has now shifted to the shows erasure of slavery, the politics of Lin Manuel Miranda and the creative teams silence in the wake of George Floyds killing, which Miranda apologized for in a video on May 30.

But while it is easy to attack a single 2-hour musical for not solving racism (much in the way many blame Barack Obama for not solving racism) the show was groundbreaking when it first launched in a moment eerily similar to now. The show debuted at the Public Theater five months after the police killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., amid a national uprising spurred by the Black Lives Matter movement. And now, the films premiere on Disney Plus in the context of the protests spurred by the police killing of Breonna Taylor, George Floyd and others reminds us that it is critical and perhaps even the perfect show for this moment.

Why? Because Hamilton rests on the long tradition of black and brown theater makers using their craft to subvert white Americas dominant narratives. Since the Reconstruction Era, black theater has offered a space to present a counter-perspective of American nationalism; the perspective that centers on black voices and black experiences.

Theater has long been a venue for creating meaning from the nations history, and often its most violent eras. In Hamilton, Miranda forces his audience to confront the fundamental paradox of the American Revolution: How could a war fought for freedom also uphold slavery? But the script rarely asks that question. Instead, the presence of black men and women embodying the founding generation demands an answer every time they step onstage. Mirandas project follows a long line of black playwrights and theater makers who have interpreted and reinterpreted Americas wars onstage since the Reconstruction Era.

In the wake of the Civil War, over 180,000 black men who had served in the United States Colored Troops arrived home looking for ways to commemorate their time served and to memorialize the war as a war to end slavery. Many formed veterans organizations under the umbrella of the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR), the largest and most politically powerful Union veterans organization in the nation.

The white membership of the GAR almost universally adopted the dominant narrative being peddled to ascribe meaning to the Civil War: It was fought to preserve the Union; the abolition of slavery was merely a fortunate by-product of the nations reunification. Like the majority of white Americans, these veterans also believed that Reconstruction was about this reconciliation, not addressing racial inequality. To that end, white GAR members commissioned and wrote dozens of melodramatic plays that pushed the narrative of a war fought to preserve the Union.

Black veterans within GAR, however, balked at this interpretation of the war, and some used theater to challenge it. In 1871, the racially integrated Sedgwick Post of the GAR in Norwich, Conn., commissioned The Volunteer, which incorporated a sharp critique of any narrative that dismissed slaverys role in the war. The play explicitly mentioned the greater sacrifices made by black soldiers because of their inhumane treatment at the hands of Confederate armies.

Another integrated post in Springfield, Mass., performed The Post of Honor, which centered on a black soldier heroically fighting to end slavery. Newspapers reported large crowds at these integrated performances, reflecting the desire of black Americans to centralize black stories in public interpretations of the war.

In the wake of Reconstruction and through the turn of the 20th century, when Jim Crow segregation and white supremacist violence were sweeping the nation, multiple black playwrights used the stage to center black families experiences with lynching. Koritha Mitchells book, Living With Lynching, asserted that black communities used art to sustain conceptions of themselves as modern citizens in a nation that allowed their execution at the hands of white lynch mobs.

These lynching dramas countered the way in which lynch mobs openly celebrated the murders of black Americans. They demanded that attention be paid to the plight of black citizens at a time when governments, especially in the South, had codified segregation and endorsed African Americans deaths at the hands of white mobs. While these lynching dramas were not necessarily widely performed, the scripts themselves reflected what Mitchell refers to as self-conscious efforts to build community.

Black dreams for citizenship and equality were at the core of the scripts. Lynching plays focused on the experiences of black American families as a direct counter to the dominant narrative found in minstrel shows, vaudeville and mainstream melodrama that portrayed African Americans as violent animals or ignorant buffoons.

Black theater was critical to campaigns for racial equality long before the modern civil rights movement of the 1950s. W.E.B. Du Boiss pageant, The Star of Ethiopia, portrayed by a cast of more than 300 black performers, asserted the importance of black Americans to the founding of the United States. The pageant premiered in New York in 1913 as part of the National Emancipation Exposition commemorating the 50th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation.

In his 1916 essay, The Drama Among Black Folk, Du Bois explained the significance of subverting the dominant historical narrative, claiming that pageants like The Star of Ethiopia presented black Americans with the meaning of their history and their rich emotional life while simultaneously revealing black Americans to the white world as a human, feeling thing. Like the lynching dramas and plays for black veterans, Du Boiss black theater humanized African Americans in ways that the dominant white narrative never could. It allowed black voices to tell black stories, and insert themselves into the nations whitewashed history.

This is why Hamilton and the legacies it builds upon are vital to our current moment. Sure, it does not offer a perfect history. But it is musical entertainment, not a piece of historical scholarship. Yet, what it does offer is a continued legacy of black and brown theater makers using the stage to deal with the historical contradictions of our nations founding. By putting black bodies into the roles of the founding generation, Hamilton forces white audiences to sit and consume a reinterpretation of our national mythology, which for too long has only celebrated the work of white men.

As the country debates how history is portrayed through monuments and statues, the reintroduction of Hamilton streaming into our living rooms reminds us of how artists of color can use a tradition deeply rooted in the history of African American theater to reshape the dominant national narrative. Black theater has long offered a master class in anti-racist pedagogy and practice, and now, thanks to the Hamilton film, hundreds of thousands of Americans are paying attention.

Tyler Sperrazza researches black theater history and civil rights in the postbellum, pre-Harlem era.

Gallery

Chris Jackson portrays George Washington (left) and Lin-Manuel Miranda portrays Alexander Hamilton in a filmed version of the original Broadway production of Hamilton. (Disney Plus via AP)

From left, Daveed Diggs, Okieriete Onaodowan, Lin-Manuel Miranda, Leslie Odom Jr. and Anthony Ramos appear in a filmed version of the original Broadway production of Hamilton. (Disney Plus via AP)

See more here:

Viewpoints: 'Hamilton' is actually perfect for this moment - The Daily Herald

In Plain Sight skywriting project targets US culture of incarceration: ‘We have a brief moment of clarity’ – The Guardian

If you look skyward on the fourth of July in the United States, you can usually expect to see fireworks burst forth above towns and cities as people celebrate Independence Day.

This year, in the sunny skies above the land of the free, the loaded question of independence for whom, and on whose terms? was brought into clear focus by sky-typing planes that wrote messages including CARE NOT CAGES, ABOLISH ICE and ESTOY AQUI (Im here) above detention facilities, immigration courts, borders, and historically significant sites in dozens of cities across the US.

The messages were part of In Plain Sight, an artwork by a coalition of 80 artists and activists. Over the course of a number of weeks, these messages will be delivered to the sky by two fleets of five planes. Founded by the interdisciplinary artists Cassils and rafa esparza, In Plain Sight is as ambitious in its scale as it is in its intention: working towards the abolition of immigrant detention and the US culture of incarceration.

I was shocked to learn that there are over 50,000 people in detention at any given moment, and that this is a for-profit industry, says Cassils, who is Canadian but lives in Los Angeles.

This is a humanitarian crisis. And its hiding in plain sight, thus the title. The idea is to really use the skywriting as a way of piercing through electoral politics, to focus on the fact that this is not a partisan issue.

Theres poetry to the skyward messages of In Plain Sight. It is literally visible, perhaps through windows of detention facilities, by the people whose liberation the action works towards. But it also recalls both the patriotic messages and red, white and blue smoke plumes that are daubed across the sky on 4 July.

Delivered by a method usually used to advertise car sales or insurance, In Plain Sight brings to mind the work of other artists who have harnessed the language of advertising, but does so in a uniquely 21st century fashion; its not just a shareable, photogenic action, but one that has an impact team led by the organiser, Set Hernandez Rongkilyo working to ensure the message lingers. In this way, the artists behind In Plain Sight hope to push the viewers experience of the artwork beyond contemplation and into direct action.

Oftentimes this speculative space that exists between an artwork and its reception by the viewer is filled with the hope that something generative is experienced by the viewer, esparza explains, saying the artists wanted to make something that can be of service to organisations that have been seeking justice for immigrant folks in detention for decades.

Sky-typing may appear, upon first glance, to be an ephemeral mode of performance (albeit one that can reach around 3 million people with each message), but the work will live on via the free Augmented Reality app 4th Wall: users will be able to see the messages floating in the sky above key locations they visit.

The hashtag #XMAP directs viewers to the accompanying website, xmap.us, allowing viewers intrigued by the heavenly messages to see, via geolocation, the detention facilities in their town. They will also be able to donate to local bond funds and engage with the 17 immigrant justice organisations involved such as ACLU Southern California, RAICES, and Freedom for Immigrants and their work being done on the ground.

The coalition of activists and artists involved is nearly as jaw dropping as the scale of the work, including former minister of culture for the Black Panther party, Emory Douglas, the Cree artist Kent Monkman, the conceptual artist Mary Kelly, the writer and performance artist ALOK Vaid-Menon and the revolutionary artist Dread Scott.

The Aboriginal Australian cross-disciplinary artist and writer SJ Norman contributed the message NO SUCH PLACE (the literal meaning of utopia), which appeared over the Laredo detention center in Texas. When Indigenous peoples speak the names of our nations we are frequently told, implicitly or explicitly, theres no such place, Norman said in the artists statement. The maintenance of the colonial project is contingent on atrocity and the perpetration of atrocity is largely contingent on denial. Settlers live with the ancestrally coded fear of losing what they know they stole in the first place.

Indeed, many Australians who shared the In Plain Sight images on social media were quick to note Australias significant rates of Aboriginal deaths in custody, incarceration and immigration detention such as the former Manus Island detainees now being held in Melbournes Mantra Hotel and how the inhumanity of such policies is magnified by the Covid-19 crisis.

The artists hope that as the messages fade from the sky, they will inspire in viewers a desire to bring about change. We knew it was ephemeral, but the quickness [with] which the wind erased the cloud really for me spoke to the moment were in currently, Cassils says. We have a brief moment of clarity with Covid, with uprisings, theres momentum thats building but we must act now, we must be relentless, we cannot give up.

The final fleets of planes will head to the skies in the coming weeks. Above the Statue of Liberty, where Emma Lazaruss inscribed sonnet Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free came to symbolise the hopefulness of immigration to the US, Dread Scotts message will float in the sky. It will read Carlos Ernesto Escobar Mejia, the name of the first immigrant to die in US detention from Covid-19.

In Plain Sight will continue in July, weather permitting. Visit xmap.us or follow @inplainsightmap on Instagram for updates

See original here:

In Plain Sight skywriting project targets US culture of incarceration: 'We have a brief moment of clarity' - The Guardian

Five Halifax councillors wouldn’t support letter advocating abolition of nuclear weapons – Halifax Examiner

Coun. Bill Karsten speaks during Tuesdays nuclear weapon debate.

It was meant to be a symbolic gesture a wish for peace but concerns over jurisdictional meddling kept some of Richard Zurawskis colleagues from fully supporting his call to abolish nuclear weapons.

Zurawski brought the four-part motion to councils meeting on Tuesday. It read in full:

That Halifax Regional Council:

This motion is a commemoration, a wish for peace, a wish for the abolition of nuclear weapons and a small act on our behalf to write a letter in support of those in the federal government who would support the abolition of nuclear weapons, Zurawski said.

Coun. Bill Karsten was the most vocal opponent of Zurawskis motion.

Its not about me being a warmonger or me thinking this is great to have nuclear weapons in the world, Karsten said.

What it is for me is so near and dear to my hear; its jurisdictional.

Karsten was worried about stepping on the toes of the federal government which has yet to sign or ratify the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, according to the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons website.

We dont know the federal governments position, Karsten said. Why would a council in Halifax, Nova Scotia want to weigh in on something that in reality is the federal governments responsibility?

Coun. Stephen Adams had the same concern, and also worried that the third part, allowing the creation of removable chalk outlines on the Grand Parade, would encourage gathering during the pandemic.

I have an immense amount of respect for Councillor Zurawski and I understand why hes brought this forward, Adams said. I get that, but as Councillor Karsten said, its a bit outside what we should do and who knows what it will lead to.

Coun. David Hendsbee expressed concern that the motion might lead to Halifax declaring itself a nuclear-free zone meaning big U.S. Navy ships carrying nuclear weapons wouldnt be welcome in the harbour. He was assured that wouldnt be the case.

The first part of the motion passed with only Karsten voting no. The second part passed unanimously. The third part passed with only Adams voting no.

On the fourth part the letter councillors Steve Streatch, David Hendsbee, Lorelei Nicoll, Sam Austin, Richard Zurawski, Paul Russell, Tim Outhit and Mayor Mike Savage and Deputy Mayor Lisa Blackburn voted yes.

Councillors Bill Karsten, Tony Mancini, Russell Walker, Stephen Adams, and Matt Whitman voted no.

Tuesdays motion was reminiscent of another by Zurawski. In 2018, he sought his colleagues support for a motion opposing offshore oil drilling.

As the Halifax Examiner reported the next day:

Zurawski cited the release of the International Panel on Climate Changes most recent report last week, which underscored the need to cut greenhouse gas emissions pretty much immediately or face irreversible climate change and all the human horrors that will come along with it.

The reason for this motion is a message to the public that we must stop this we have a dire report saying the continued use of fossil fuels is bad said Zurawaski, and the offshore is the epitome of continued use of fossil fuels.

The motion was defeated on a 10-6 votes. The yes votes (in opposition to drilling) came from councillors ShawnCleary, Lisa Blackburn, Stephen Adams, Waye Mason, Lindell Smith, and Zurawski. Mayor Mike Savage is in China and so didnt vote. All others voted pro-drilling.

Understand this was a toothless motion. Had it passed, it would have had no force of law. Stephen McNeil and his government would have kept on with their plans to expand the offshore. The motion was merely symbolic, a statement of concern.

The Halifax Examiner is an advertising-free, subscriber-supported news site. Your subscription makes this work possible; please subscribe.

Some people have asked that we additionally allow for one-time donations from readers, so weve created that opportunity, via the PayPal button below. We also accept e-transfers, cheques, and donations with your credit card; please contact iris at halifaxexaminer dot ca for details.

Thank you!

Visit link:

Five Halifax councillors wouldn't support letter advocating abolition of nuclear weapons - Halifax Examiner

Debbie Kilroy: Why we must abolish the prison system – Green Left Weekly

Debbie Kilroy is a long-term prison rights campaigner, particularly focused on protecting the rights of women and children. She helped establish Sisters Inside and is its CEO. She is a strong supporter of decarceration to end the use of prisons and other systems of social control in response to crime and social issues. Below is an abridged transcript of Kilroys presentation to an online Green Left forum on June 28 where she spoke alongside Gumbaynggirr Dunghutti Bundjalung woman Elizabeth Jarrett and Mervyn Eades, a Menang/Wilaman man from the Noongar nation.

* * *

First, the abolition of the prison industrial complex is our destination and decarceration is our journey. Its not something Im going to see in my life. But, right now, with a new movement on the streets there is a conversation around abolishing the prison industrial complex and decarceration strategies.

Its really important to imagine a world without prisons and police and punishment. The models we know of now are killing First Nations people, black and brown people. I hope you all demand we defund police and abolish prisons: its now a global movement.

In Australia, we must demand divestment from police and punishment and prisons. This must include every entity that uses carceral mechanisms. By this, I include corporations and non-government organisations that are funded with taxpayers money and use carceral mechanisms to control people that they are funded to support. They must be defunded.

We cannot continue to use carceral responses and think we are going to get something different than what we have today: the killings of First Nations people, black and brown people by police, prisons and other institutions. And, as Lizzie Jarrett said, the removal, the kidnapping of Aboriginal children is still a huge issue.

Until recently, society has not questioned whether policing and punishment and prisons should exist. Its only now, that a new generation of young people are thinking about the world and wanting a different one to this racial capitalist society.

Prisons have become part of the subconscious landscape in our mind. When we think of behaviour we dont like, we think of calling cops and engaging courts and prisons to respond. This must end.

We cant rely on the same structures to deal with cops within a system that doesnt deal justice to anybody. We have to come up with other models of public safety and security.

Its time. There are groups in our community that are working on these strategies. We know Aboriginal women will not go to the police for help around domestic and family violence because theyll be arrested. We know that black trans women wont call the police to deal with a violent interaction, whether its interpersonal or with the state, because they will also get violated and may be killed. Non-binary communities have other strategies to deal with the violence in their lives. We must start talking to these communities because theyre already doing it.

Women in prison today dont rely on screws to deal with the violence in the prison system. They know that they will be violated even further. We take it into our own hands.

To say that we need prisons because of certain people that are violent just means that the violence will continue, because prisons are violent. To end violence, we need ways to deal with people in a way thats respectful and dignified.

But, if someone is violating someone else, causing harm, how do we address that? It cant be with police and punishment and prisons. Weve got to stop thinking about punishment models. Weve got to start thinking outside the bars. My sister in the United States Angela Davis says: Its as if prisons were an inevitable part or fact of life, like death and birth. We cant rely on prisons to be part of our lives, like life and death. They do not give us life. They kill us and we know more so for Aboriginal people, Torres Strait Islander peoples and black and brown people around the world.

An important question today is about how to prevent the net widening? How do we prevent the further criminalisation and imprisonment of First Nations peoples and other disadvantaged peoples in our community here and around the world?

In Australia, were now having the conversation about defunding police and the abolition of prisons. We need to keep this conversation going. We cannot bolster the expansion of the prison industrial complex.

I dont support justice reinvestment, because I dont see any justice in the first instance. The reinvestment thats usually made in those type of models are Back to white academia, universities or researchers. The money is not given back to elders or to communities to distribute how they want.

Money saved in the government-funded justice reinvestment models is removed from the community and spent elsewhere. In New South Wales, a new 1700-cell prison, run by Serco, has just opened, something weve been fighting against for years. Justice reinvestment is only on the agenda because new prisons are opening their doors.

We must imagine and creatively explore new ideas of justice, new models of community safety and security. We can no longer rely on the racial, capitalist, punishment models and those institutions that it calls justice.

People call it the criminal justice system. I call it the criminal punishment system. That is the reality. There is no justice. Weve got to take justice back and develop the models ourselves.

We must continue to expose racial capitalism and its punishment institutions.

We must declare, now, a moratorium on building any more prison cells in whatever form. No more. Not even if the reform is to say, well, the children are cramped together or the prison is overcrowded. Well, release them!

During the coronavirus pandemic in Queensland, the watchhouse was not locking up women and more women were being released from prison; the numbers were coming down and more lawyers were taking action for women and girls and men.

The numbers came down because the watchhouse didnt want people coming in under arrest in case they had the virus. Instead, they would give them a notice to appear in court on a certain date. So the watchhouses were cleaned out. Sisters Inside was going into the biggest watchhouse in this state, where usually about 30 women or more were being held and processed in a week, and it went down to four or five.

Its only now that were seeing the restrictions ease that watchhouses have become active again.

We knew that the cops could do things differently. But now, because the watchhouse is open again, were seeing the numbers of people go up.

The time has come to push back on the cops.

Pam Palmater, my Indigenous activist sister from Canada said it so beautifully: we can and must stop taxpayers dollars yours and mine from continuing the oppression of First Nations peoples. The time has come to defund the police, take the resources from them. The time has come to move funding from those organisations, whether they are non-government organisations or corporations or companies, she said.

Funding must be removed from carceral mechanisms to control people, that carceral institutions are funded to support. Whether its housing, for example, and they want someone to move out, rather than call the cops and criminalise someone, they need to talk to the person to work out the issues.

The same goes for when they take a baby from mum, and mum's upset. They call the cops to come with the child protection workers to kidnap that Black baby. The baby is never returned home to its mother, its family and its community. This is the ongoing genocide happening to First Nations peoples in this country.

What Palmater says must happen for Canadian Aboriginal people is also what we must call for here: weve got to stop using taxpayers money to fund the oppression of First Nations peoples.

We must decarcerate and create a national plan about how are we going to do this together. We also need to stop criminalising people. Weve got to repeal the laws that criminalise people.

Ruthie Wilson Gilmore, an activist, academic and prison abolitionist in the US, says three words, twice. I want to end by saying them too, because I really believe this: Life is precious. Life is precious.

Read the original here:

Debbie Kilroy: Why we must abolish the prison system - Green Left Weekly

Why lawyers were as culpable as any slaver – Prospect Magazine

Attorney general Philip Yorke, of the 18th-century YorkeTalbot slavery opinion. Photo: Wikimedia Commons

Aslave is a human being who is the property of someone else: a human being who can be owned, bought and sold just like other forms of property. Property rights, in turn, depend on being recognised and enforceable by a system of law.

Of course, a person can be kept captive by brute force and forced to work on pain of violence, and this too perhaps can be called slavery. But for slavery to be sustainable in any organised society, the complicity of laws and lawyers is required. A system of slavery needs to have laws and lawyers to make it work.

Slave owners and traders such as Edward Colston, whose statue was recently toppled in Bristol, were not on some frolic of their own. They were part of a wider enterprise in which many others in British society were complicit. They were practical businesspeople supported by specialist banks and insurers, supplied by expert chain and weapon makers, and advised by attorneys and barristers on how to avoid and minimise risk in their commerce in human flesh.

Few at the time thought any of this exceptional. Slaves were regarded as chattels or even as investment opportunities. Ownership of a slave in the faraway plantations was as normal then as, say, owning a timeshare in Spain would be now. Slave ownership was prevalent throughout society, and not just the preserve of a few wealthy merchants in Liverpool and Bristol.

There is a comforting national myth promoted by some commentators and politicians that slavery was not known to English law. Certain 18th-century cases are pointed to as deciding that slavery was always repugnant to the common law. But this is not correct: English law was quite at ease with slavery until its abolition across the Empire in 1834. This is demonstrated by the immense compensation arrangements that were required for the abolition to happen. If slavery was already unlawful, then what were the slave owners being compensated for losing?

The celebrated cases of the 1700s touched on what rights a slave owner could assert if their slave happened to be on British soil. The sordid practice was fine, as long as owners exercised their property rights from afar.

Other legal cases reveal how the horrors of slavery were normalised. In the Zong shipping case of 1784, the court heard how in order to protect a ship and its crew with depleted onboard supplies, slaves had been thrown overboard to drown. The commercial law issue for the court to rule on was whether the cargo owners could make a claim on the insurance policy. The judges took their decisions on a technical point of evidence, and nobody concerned in the case made any objection to slavery as a matter of principle. The insurer defendants certainly did not object, even if they disputed this case, as they were as much a part of the overall slavery system as the cargo owners who brought the case.

Any doubts that human beings could be property had much earlier been waived aside with a formal legal statement of 1729 by the two law officers of the Crownthe attorney general and solicitor general. The so-called Yorke-Talbot Opinion was, in substance, little more than an assertion that the practice was acceptable with no authorities cited. But with this endorsement by the British state, practical people saw no need to give the matter a second thought.

And once you know about how deep and wide slave ownership was before 1834, many familiar things become disconcerting. Fine Georgian squares, great public schools, handsome Oxbridge colleges and the Inns of Court: many of these things have hidden foundations at least in part in slave ownership. The social satires of Jane Austen are more sharply excruciating when you realise what many of the estates of her characters were ultimately based on.

Even after the abolition of 1834, British economic development depended in part on the slaves held elsewhere and then, later in the 19th and early 20th century, on the annexation of properties belonging to others, the very essence of imperialism. And at each step, lawyers and others were there to counsel those who were seeking to commercially exploit such misery.

No doubt many of those involved considered themselves then just as kind as we consider ourselves now. One could own, buy and sell slaves, and profit from their exertions, without ever encountering anyone actually enslaved, as they were far away in the Indies and out of mind as well as sight.

Understanding the complicity and connivance of law and lawyers (and of society generally) is essential to filling out the picture of the past. The archives show how central the miseries of slavery and imperialism were to our national history: the evidence is there in the detailed legal instruments, inventories and other business records that were needed to sustain them. There are shelves of volumes of ledgers of everyday bookkeeping and due diligence. They constitute our own version of the banality of evil, as Hannah Arendt described a later bureaucratic system ofmethodical horror.

The current focus on individual traders, like Colston, means that those who facilitated and enabled the trade, such as lawyers and other advisers, are out of sight. Systems make the difference. In more modern times, the police officer who abuses their power does so because he or she knows that they will probably get away with it: the system is rigged against anybody facing real accountability.

The wider legal system means that bad things can easily happen. Laws and due process are never neutral in their application, even if legal equality is the ideal.

Slaves could be thrown overboard just as a police officer can now kneel on a black mans neck, because the legal system will operate so as to protect those inflicting the harm. The system of law is better at protecting those abusing power more than those they are dealing with. Some lives, and livelihoods, matterand some do not.

See the article here:

Why lawyers were as culpable as any slaver - Prospect Magazine

On Goodwill Versus History and the Potential Renaming of Franklin Pierce Law School – IPWatchdog.com

It was trademark malpractice to remove the name Franklin Pierce which had become synonymous with excellence in IP in the first place. It would be negligent to rush to judgment, caught up in a whirlwind, and remove it a second time.

According to the Concord Monitor, the University of New Hampshire is being petitioned by several students to drop the name of Franklin Pierce from the law school. And although the decision will not rest with the faculty of the law school, sources tell IPWatchdog that 12 of the 25 full-time law school faculty support the petition.

With the movement that were currently in, it felt like an opportune time to take the name off there, Adrin Coss, a rising third-year law student at the law school who is involved with the petition told the Concord Monitor. Its wrong to begin with. This is racially insensitive.

Why is the name Franklin Pierce racially insensitive? In a nutshell, Pierce, who did not himself own any slaves and abhorred slavery, did not do enough to put an end to the practice of slavery during his turbulent one term as President of the United States.

I consider slavery a social and political evil, Pierce said, and most sincerely wish that it had no existence upon the face of the earth. See Franklin Pierce. Unfortunately for the legacy of Pierce, he saw as his primary responsibility the preservation of the Union, and made several compromises to keep the Union together, which ultimately failed and pleased no one. History teaches that Pierce did not live up to his own convictions because he did not think the Union could survive the abolition of slavery, see Id., a prophecy that unfortunately turned out to be true.

This story matters to me because I graduated from Franklin Pierce Law Center more than a generation ago. This matters to many within the intellectual property community in the United States and all across the world because Franklin Pierce Law Center, which was subsequently acquired by the University of New Hampshire, was one of the top intellectual property institutions in the world. A tradition carried on by Franklin Pierce Law School, the school has never been outside the top 10 rankings for intellectual property law schools since the rankings began. In the early years while I was walking the halls, FPLC enjoyed the status of the top school in the nation three years in a row. In recent years, the school has been again rising.

Once upon a time, many hundreds of international students would descend upon FPLC in Concord every summer to learn about intellectual property at the Intellectual Property Summer Institute (IPSI), which the school just relaunched this summer in virtual form due to COVID-19. Some 50 to 100 students from abroad would stay throughout the academic year. Indeed, a more diverse institution would be hard to find, with students from America, Asia, South America, Europe and Africa. That is what Franklin Pierce means to me and so many others. These international students would take turns each week sharing their stories, their culture and food from home with the school community. It was a most inclusive place.

Over time, Franklin Pierce Law Center and then the University of New Hampshire lost its focus on intellectual propertyand even lost the name Franklin Pierce for nine years, when it was acquired by UNH in 2010but somehow still managed to maintain a top 10 ranking. This lost focus caused many alums to distance from the school. With the recent hire of Dean Megan Carpenter, the school has become rededicated to intellectual property, has restored the name Franklin Pierce, and many alumni are cautiously reengaging with the school in hopes that the diverse law school that focused on intellectual property in New Hampshire named after the only President in the States history might regain its mojo.

And therein lies the issue. Robert Rines was the founder of Franklin Pierce Law Center. He was a patent attorney, Hall of Fame Inventor with more than 60 patents to his name, and a composer of both Broadway and off-Broadway productions. Rines chose the name Franklin Pierce precisely because he was the only President from the state of New Hampshire. Are we at the point in American history where institutions cannot be named after former Presidents? Perhaps we are. Princeton University made the decision to remove the name of Woodrow Wilson from its School of Public and International Affairs, a decision supported by some, and questioned by others as setting a bad example.

If we are going to judge who can have a school named after them based on the worst, most difficult or most complicated decisions the individual ever made, will we ever be able to name anything after anyone anymore?

When it comes to names, there is so much good will that attaches over time that has nothing to do with whether the name is, was or should be defined in totality by one, a few, or a series of decisions or actions devoid of consideration of the complete picture. When the University of New Hampshire removed Franklin Pierce from the name of the law school in the first instance, it severed ties with a past that had nothing to do with slavery, or racism, or even Franklin Pierce the individual. Instead, UNH severed ties with what Franklin Pierce had come to mean to those who attended a quirky and shockingly diverse institution that just happened to be named after the only President in the states history.

When UNH removed the name Franklin Pierce it severed itself from the memories many alums had of a genuinely good place, with genuinely good people who genuinely cared, and signaled it was something different. It lost the good will it had accumulated. Alumni openly and mockingly joked that they attended the school formerly known as Franklin Pierce, and student resumes made obvious notations to make sure employers knew that the University of New Hampshire was really the old Franklin Pierce Law Center. Why? Because the name Franklin Pierce had become synonymous with excellence in the field of intellectual property, wholly devoid of any association with the man who was President during the most difficult period of time in U.S. history.

It was trademark malpractice to remove the name Franklin Piercewhich had become synonymous with excellence in IP in the first place. It would be negligent to rush to judgment, caught up in a whirlwind, and remove it a second time in order to appease what appear to be a small group of petitioners that in the words of Mr. Coss admit their actions are purely opportunistic (i.e., it felt like an opportune time, he told the Concord Monitor).

In the heat of the moment it is impossible to reflect with the proper perspective. Franklin Pierces name was on the school for over 35 years, it was removed for a handful of years, and now it has been reinstated after great deliberation and much celebration by alums because it has always been synonymous with excellence in IP education.

As the U.S. Senate was created as a cooling saucer for the hot passions of the House of Representatives, greater perspective ought to be brought to bear and alumni consulted before another change is made. The reputation for excellence the school rightfully deserves was built by the hard work of alums all over the world. Shouldnt they be at least consulted?

Gene Quinn is a Patent Attorney and Editor and President & CEO ofIPWatchdog, Inc.. Gene founded IPWatchdog.com in 1999. Gene is also a principal lecturer in the PLI Patent Bar Review Course and Of Counsel to the law firm of Berenato & White, LLC. Genes specialty is in the area of strategic patent consulting, patent application drafting and patent prosecution. He consults with attorneys facing peculiar procedural issues at the Patent Office, advises investors and executives on patent law changes and pending litigation matters, and works with start-up businesses throughout the United States and around the world, primarily dealing with software and computer related innovations. Gene is admitted to practice law in New Hampshire, is a Registered Patent Attorney and is also admitted to practice before the United States Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit. CLICK HERE to send Gene a message.

Follow this link:

On Goodwill Versus History and the Potential Renaming of Franklin Pierce Law School - IPWatchdog.com

Freeing the World of Nuclear Weapons: Arms Control Today interviews Hiroshima Mayor Kazumi Matsui – Arms Control Today

July/August 2020

As the site of the first atomic bomb attack, Hiroshima has served as a vital center for education about nuclear weapons and their effects. The people of the city, along with those of Nagasaki, have been steadfast in their advocacy for abolishing nuclear weapons. The survivors of the U.S. atomic bombings on Japan, the hibakusha, have worked to communicate their experience to global citizens and leaders. Kazumi Matsui, Hiroshimas mayor since 2011, has played a major role in that effort. He serves as president of Mayors forPeace, an assembly of thousands of cities worldwide devoted to protecting cities from the scourge of war and mass destruction.

In response to the coronavirus pandemic, Hiroshima is planning to scale back large gatherings and instead hold virtual events marking 75 years since the August 6, 1945, bombing. Matsui spoke with Arms Control Today on June 23.

Arms Control Today: Seventy-five years after the first nuclear test explosion and the atomic bombings that destroyed your city and Nagasaki, what message do you, as the president of Mayors for Peace, and the people of Hiroshima, including the hibakusha, have for others around the world about living under the dark shadow of nuclear weapons?

Mayor Kazumi Matsui: In August 1945, two single atomic bombs dropped on the cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki instantly reduced them to rubble, taking more than 210,000 precious lives. With almost 75 years since the bombings, the hibakusha, those who barely survived, still suffer from the harmful aftereffects of radiation. While their minds and bodies are in pain, they, together with other members of the public, continue to make their appeal that no one else should suffer as we have.

However, today, the nuclear-armed states possess about 13,000 nuclear warheads. The destructive power of every one of them is far above the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. These weapons could be used by accident or for terrorism. The current situation is far from what the citizens of Hiroshima, including the hibakusha, have been seeking for so long.

This is because the nuclear-armed states and their allies consider nuclear deterrence as essential for their security assurance, prioritizing the pursuit of only their own misguided national interest. However, this poses a grave threat to the survival of us all, the whole of humanity.

The current global coronavirus pandemic is a transboundary crisis that touches us all. We are experiencing firsthand that we can confront and defeat common threats through solidarity and cooperation. Based on what we have learned from this experience, we must build a robust global coalition of citizens everywhere to address and solve global security challenges, especially nuclear weapons. We must not take action based on self-centered nationalism.

I sincerely hope that everyone in the world will share in the hibakushas message and join us in realizing a peaceful world free of nuclear weapons.

ACT: There are now fewer and fewer hibakusha and fewer people who have witnessed the devastation of the atomic bombings. What can be done over the next 75 years to remind current and future generations of the experiences and the messages of the survivors of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings and the health impacts of the use of nuclear weapons? Are we at risk of forgetting?

Matsui: The average age of the hibakusha has exceeded 82. With their unshakable conviction that no one else should suffer as we have, they have conveyed their experiences and their desire for peace to younger generations. However, if we leave this important task of passing down to the future generations to the hibakusha alone, then unfortunately, sooner or later, there will no longer be anyone able to do so.

In order to ensure that the hibakushas messages will be faithfully inherited and shared with future generations, the City of Hiroshima conducts various initiatives.

The Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum exhibits belongings and photos of victims along with the words of their bereaved family members. Each item conveys to visitors the memories, sentiments, and the pain and sorrow of the victims and the bereaved. In addition, displays on the harm caused by the radiation tell the world of the inhumane nature of nuclear weapons. We encourage all world leaders and their fellow citizens to visit this museum to see the long-term catastrophic effects of the atomic bombings for themselves.

We also have a project to train A-bomb Legacy Successors, volunteers who pass down hibakusha experiences and their desire for peace on their behalf. Today, 131 successors are engaged in such activities.

We also make videos of hibakusha testimonies and collect memoirs in collaboration with the government. We are translating these into many languages so that all can understand their tragic experiences.

We intend to continue our efforts to enrich and expand these and make them available physically and online to share the messages of the hibakusha with the younger generation, who are the future of our society.

ACT: You and others have noted that "vital nuclear arms control agreements are being abandoned, budgets for development and production of new nuclear weapons are growing, and the potential for nuclear weapons use is too dangerous to tolerate. We are badly off course in efforts to honor the plea of the hibakusha and end the nuclear threat. On an international level, how can and should the world get back on track toward nuclear disarmament?

Matsui: We see unilateralism is rising in the international community, and exclusivity and confrontational approaches have increased tensions between nations. Now, the international situation surrounding nuclear weapons is very unstable and uncertain. But why is that? Fundamentally, policymakers should tackle issues, even if they are rooted in local contexts, from a global perspective. However, they are more likely to jump to a short-term compromise, which results in the current international situation.

In order to break the status quo of dependence on nuclear deterrence and get back on track toward nuclear disarmament, it is essential to mobilize civil societys shared values and create a supportive environment to give world leaders the courage to shift their policies.

Those shared values and desires of civil society aim at securing every citizens safety and welfare. As a nonpartisan organization made up of the very heads of local governments responsible for realizing that goal, Mayors for Peace implements a number of relevant initiatives.

Specifically, by utilizing its network of more than 7,900 member cities in 164 countries and regions, Mayors for Peace conveys the realities of the atomic bombings and works to increase the number of people who share in the hibakushas message. In this way, we can build a consensus among global civil society that the elimination of nuclear weapons is key to the peaceful future we need. This consensus will serve as the foundation for a collaborative international environment in which policymakers around the world can take decisive steps forward toward the total elimination of nuclear weapons.

I sincerely hope that all states, including the nuclear-armed ones, will engage in good-faith dialogue led by world leaders who wholeheartedly accept the earnest wish of the hibakusha, that is, the realization of nuclear weapons abolition as soon as possible. Through this, they will surely share wisdom and come up with an approach to make substantial progress in nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation.

ACT: What more can be done at the local level, especially by the younger generations, wherever they may live, to support global efforts for nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament?

Matsui: As I understand it, what civil society is sincerely seeking is to secure the publics safety and welfare. But when it comes to big global challenges to the peaceful existence of humanity as a whole, such as the abolition of nuclear weapons, we should not limit our solutions to the framework of nation-states. Solutions should also be based on that sincere desire of civil society at the grass-roots level across the world. I believe that we should spread awareness of this throughout civil society.

My hope for younger generations, the future of our society, is that they will start thinking about the preciousness of their daily lives, which are supported by rules based on mutual trust. Hopefully, they will then understand that this is exactly what peace is and think what they can do to preserve it and take action.

In civil society, which is based on democracy, if every person develops such concepts of peace and takes action accordingly, it follows that policymakers will be elected who can realize our common wish. It is also not a dream for them to become policymakers themselves.

If more people come to envisage a future different from the past and work to realize it, they will become the drive to change the world.

Mayors for Peace puts emphasis on peace education aimed at raising awareness among younger generations as part of its intensified efforts. Through our various programs, we nurture young leaders who engage in peace activities proactively.

ACT: What more can Japans national leadership do to move us closer to the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons?

Matsui: As the only country to have experienced the devastation caused by nuclear attacks, Japan has a responsibility to share the hibakushas sincere desire to abolish nuclear weapons with the world and take the lead on various initiatives to make that a reality.

Japan has a role in international society as a bridge between the nuclear-armed states and the states-parties of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons to foster and promote dialogue and cooperation. To realize abolition as soon as possible, Japan can and should do even more to fulfil this role. I hope this will happen from the bottom of my heart.

More here:

Freeing the World of Nuclear Weapons: Arms Control Today interviews Hiroshima Mayor Kazumi Matsui - Arms Control Today

Florence resident and Amherst teacher building anti-racism curriculum – GazetteNET

Published: 7/7/2020 6:30:00 PM

NORTHAMPTON As the Black Lives Matter movement continues and discussions about systemic racism take place across the country, a Florence resident who teaches in the Amherst public schools is creating a curriculum that explores race and racism in the United States.

Self-Evident Media, an organization launched by Executive Director Michael Lawrence-Riddell, is putting together narrative-based multimedia resources about the creation and weaponization of race throughout American history.

By knowing and understanding the history of race in America, students will more fully understand who we are as a country and how to imagine and build a just future, reads a statement in a fact sheet the organization is distributing.

Lawrence-Riddell, a teacher in Amherst for 14 years, began the project last August as a collaboration with artists and educators, including Bayet Ross Smith, a member of the organizations advisory board and an artist who also grew up in Amherst.

Though there has been extensive discussion about race in recent weeks following the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis by police, Self-Evident Medias creation came in response to what Lawrence-Riddell said was an urgent need for honestly and rigorously engaging in work to understand the histories and legacies of race and institutional racism.

The project will create a curriculum by working with local schools and will align with the Common Core State Standards for English Language Arts and Literacy in History/Social Studies and the National Council for Social Studies C3 Frameworks.

As part of Self-Evident Medias launch Sunday at 7:30 p.m., there will be an interactive screening of One Minutes Freedom. The film focuses on Elizabeth Mumbet Freeman and the abolition of slavery in Massachusetts that took place in the late 18th century when, after listening to a reading of the Declaration of Independence, Freeman sought a lawyer to argue for her freedom.

A Zoom virtual conference will allow participants to discuss what they are viewing.

For more information about the event, visit eventbrite.com/e/self-evident-media-one-minutes-freedom-screening-tickets-111555930792

Read the original:

Florence resident and Amherst teacher building anti-racism curriculum - GazetteNET

GE2020 official results: PAP slate helmed by Masagos retains Tampines GRC with 66.41% of votes – The Straits Times

SINGAPORE -The People's Action Party (PAP) has retained Tampines GRC, scoring 66.41 per cent of the votes against the National Solidarity Party (NSP).

This is lower than its score in 2015, when it won 72.1 per cent.

In 2011, it took 57.22 per cent of the vote.

This round, the NSP won 33.59 per cent of the votes.

This election, the PAP team did battle without its former anchor minister, Deputy Prime Minister Heng Swee Keat, at the helm. Mr Heng, who is also the Finance Minister, left to strengthen the slate at the adjacent East Coast GRC, facing the Workers' Party.

The five-member PAP team is led by Minister for the Environment and Water Resources Masagos Zulkifli, 57. The others on it areSenior Parliamentary Secretary for Transport and Culture, Community and Youth Baey Yam Keng, 49; Mr Desmond Choo, 42; Ms Cheng Li Hui, 44;and Senior Minister of State for National Development and Trade and Industry Koh Poh Koon, 48, who was previously in Ang Mo Kio GRC .

The NSP slate for Tampines includesparty president Reno Fong Chin Leong, 51, Mr Eugene Yeo Ren Yuan, 43, and Mr Choong Hon Heng, 44. This is the second Tampines GRC outing for Mr Fong and Mr Choong , while Mr Eugene had competed in Sembawang GRC previously.

They were joined by two new faces: senior manager Mohamad Ridzwan, 58, and broker and recruiter Vincent Ng, 48.

The GRC expanded slightly this GEby taking in parts of Pasir Ris-Punggol GRC, and now boasts some 151,708 registered voters - up from 143,518.

The PAP team there had largely campaigned on national issues, focusing on jobs amid the Covid-19 storm. For instance, Mr Masagos pledged that Dr Koh, who is deputy secretary general of the labour movement, will work with unions to preserve workers' job security.

NSP had put forward 14 proposals, including constituency-specific issues such the building of more amenities for the disabled and the elderly.

On the national front, it called for the abolition of the Singapore-India Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement (Ceca) if it is found to disadvantage local PMETs; and lower HDB flat prices.

Speaking to the media, Mr Fong addressed the higher vote share that his party had received in this election, commenting that the ruling PAP party "has not done as well as it should have over the last five years".

He added: "Of course, we are not happy about the result but we respect the will of the voters, and we, of course, thank those who have voted for us."

The use of new media to conduct the election did not help, he said, adding that the NSP still prefers the traditional rallies which are "closer to ground".

Speaking to the media after the results were out, Mr Masagos said that the team is "not done building Tampines yet".

In response to a question on the decease in its vote share this year and whether DPM Heng's move to East Coast was a factor, Mr Masagos said: "We will analyse the impact that this general election has been to Tampines particularly, but more importantly 2015 was an extraordinary year."

Read more:

GE2020 official results: PAP slate helmed by Masagos retains Tampines GRC with 66.41% of votes - The Straits Times

Arrested Professor Xu Zhangrun Was a Voice for Chinese Culture and a Threat to Xi Jinping – Foreign Policy

The knock at the door came Monday morning for Xu Zhangrun. The Beijing-based legal scholar had long anticipated such a day would come, writing more than once that an essay might be his last and keeping a fresh change of clothes by the door of his home. A score of police officers surrounded and seized him, reportedly with an accusation that he had solicited prostitutesa charge so commonly trumped-up against dissidents that Xu himself previously warned it would be used against him. Until recently, he was a well-connected scholar at one of the countrys preeminent universities, Tsinghua. Now he is in the opaque world of the party-state legal system, meaning months of detention without formal charge followed by a brief show trial.

It is perhaps easiest to define Xus place in the tradition of dissent to Chinese authoritarianism by first stating what he is not. Xu Zhangrun is not an ethnic or religious minority. He is not a human rights lawyer. He is not a feminist activist. He is not an artist. He is not known to have been a participant in the 1989 Tiananmen Square movement. All these groups, and many others, have been targeted in Chinese President Xi Jinpings many strikes at opposition, real and imagined, to absolutist rule since his ascension to power in 2012.

Xus role in the vanishingly thin network of resistance to the Chinese Communist Partys spreading social control is different than leaders in each of those laudable groups. Xu is a scholar and critic seeking reform, not revolution. He clearly sees himself in the tradition of reformist personages going back to the imperial era. Figures such as Zhang Zhidong (1837-1909) remained loyal to China but sought to reform the Qing empire and reconcile Chinese sociopolitical traditions with the impositions of foreign thought. This tradition is perhaps vaguely similar to the notion of the loyal opposition in Europe. Xus writings are critical of Chinese political power structures but always evince a care for the well-being of the Chinese nation. It was this visible affection for his native land that allowed him to initially thrive as a scholar.

Xus first monograph, which began as his doctoral dissertation, provides a clue to his character. He discusses the thought of Liang Shuming, a notable scholar and official in the 20th century whose criticism of Mao Zedong in the early 1950s drew a sharp rebuke from Mao himself. Xu openly admires Liang, writing that he was m by rooting it within Chinas cultural heritage. Liang did not call for the end of the Communist Party or flee the country. As Xu explains, Liang criticized Mao and others not only for the mistakes of the early years after the revolution but for seeking social transformations by locating modernity only within external traditions of thought, whether of the Euro-American variety or later Soviet.

Xu and Liang both view communism as foreign to Chinese culture, despite all efforts by the party to weld itself to Chinese nationalism and social traditions. Can groups of humans who were bounded with home-grown traditions survive by totally shifting to those of others, after they have destroyed their own traditions? Xu asks, noting the risk of social dysphoria caused by the broad application of any system not rooted within Chinas own culture, whether liberal or socialist in nature. Without deep roots in the solid meaningful soil of Chinese culture, he argues, the legitimacy of any legal system is questionable.

While Xu praised the reforms of the early 1980s, his suggestion in his work on Liang Shuming that the legal systems legitimacy requires a deeper foundation in Chinese culture is different than the partys oft-touted Chinese characteristics. Xu finds in Liangs work and in the Confucian tradition a basis for equality before the law, and the law standing above any person or movement. Further, he argues that a central tenet of Chinese tradition is that a contemporary political authority may not so dominate as to impede the processes of human reason. This is quite different from the partys notion of Chinese characteristics consisting of an overwhelming central authority, a mixed economy with market and socialist aspects, and Han favoritism.

Just as Liang did not reject the Communist Partys rule outright, even in his harshest criticisms, Xu does not call for an end to the party-state nor even directly call for democracy. Instead, in the 2018 essay that brought him much greater prominence, Imminent Fears, Immediate HopesA Beijing Jeremiad, he offers a series of reforms that he says would improve the social harmony and well-being of the Chinese nation. Perhaps Xus most penetrating insight in this essay was to dissect just how toxic Xis abolition of presidential term limits was. Xu argues that a limit of 10 years on a leaders term meant greater tranquility for the Chinese peopleone less thing to worry about as the chances of yet another period of political instability were reduced. Despite all the vacuous hoopla about other kinds of political reform initiatives, Xu contends, the establishment of term limits in the 1980s had been the only tangible example of real political reform and progress in China in three decades that was actually meaningful to ordinary Chinese people. By further concentrating power, China risked returning back to the Dark Ages of personality cults ruining the lives of ordinary Chinese.

As his own freedoms were relentlessly curtailed, this year Xu allowed himself to admit his own emotions were closest to righteous indignation (a term he carefully delineated as Western) when he considered the political system that had allowed the coronavirus to flourish while stripping him of his occupation for merely writing an essay. Though he despaired that scholars such as himself were useless, he still called on fellow Chinese to rage against this injustice. In his last missive, he even dared to call openly for independent political parties to be formed.

What happened to Xu on Monday is part of the larger constriction of political, social, and cultural thought occurring in China under Xi. Mirroring the aggressive maneuvers Xi has pursued at Chinas periphery while the world is distracted with the coronavirus, it reaches nearly every corner of society. It is becoming more formalized with each passing day.

Late last year, the party removed the phrase freedom of thought from the charters of several major universities, replacing it with language insisting upon allegiance to the party. It remains to be seen how successful the party will be at erasing every smudge of dissent. So far, no force of sufficient power has resisted it. The link that once led to Xus biographical page on the website of Tsinghua University now leads only to an error message stating that the page cannot be found.

See original here:

Arrested Professor Xu Zhangrun Was a Voice for Chinese Culture and a Threat to Xi Jinping - Foreign Policy