But in the United States, its difficult for people to talk about prison without assuming there is a population that must stay there. When people are looking for the relative innocence line, Gilmore told me, in order to show how sad it is that the relatively innocent are being subjected to the forces of state-organized violence as though they were criminals, they are missing something that they could see. It isnt that hard. They could be asking whether people who have been criminalized should be subjected to the forces of organized violence. They could ask if we need organized violence.

Another widely held misconception Gilmore points to is that prison is majority black. Not only is it a false and harmful stereotype to overassociate black people with prison, she argues, but by not acknowledging racial demographics and how they shift from one state to another, and over time, the scope and crisis of mass incarceration cant be fully comprehended. In terms of racial demographics, black people are the population most affected by mass incarceration roughly 33 percent of those in prison are black, while only 12 percent of the United States population is but Latinos still make up 23 percent of the prison population and white people 30 percent, according to the Bureau of Justice Statistics. (Gilmore has heard people argue that drug laws will change because the opioid epidemic hurts rural whites, a myth that drives her crazy. People say, God knows theyre not going to lock up white people, she told me, and its like, Yes, they do lock up white people.) Once you believe prisons are predominately black, its also easier to believe that prisons are a conspiracy to re-enslave black people a narrative, Gilmore acknowledges, that offers two crucial truths: that the struggles and suffering of black people are central to the story of mass incarceration, and that prison, like slavery, is a human rights catastrophe. But prison as a modern version of Jim Crow mostly serves to allow people to worry about a population they might otherwise ignore. The guilty are worthy of being ignored, and yet mass incarceration is so phenomenal that people are trying to find a way to care about those who are guilty of crimes. So, in order to care about them, they have to have some category to which they become worthy of worry. And the category is slavery.

A person who eventually either steals something or assaults someone goes to prison, where he is offered no job training, no redress of his own traumas and issues, no rehabilitation. The reality of prison, and of black suffering, is just as harrowing as the myth of slave labor, Gilmore says. Why do we need that misconception to see the horror of it? Slaves were compelled to work in order to make profits for plantation owners. The business of slavery was cotton, sugar and rice. Prison, Gilmore notes, is a government institution. It is not a business and does not function on a profit motive. This may seem technical, but the technical distinction matters, because you cant resist prisons by arguing against slavery if prisons dont engage in slavery. The activist and researcher James Kilgore, himself formerly incarcerated, has said, The overwhelming problem for people inside prison is not that their labor is super exploited; its that theyre being warehoused with very little to do and not being given any kind of programs or resources that enable them to succeed once they do get out of prison.

The National Employment Law Project estimates that about 70 million people have a record of arrest or conviction, which often makes employment difficult. Many end up in the informal economy, which has been absorbing a huge share of labor over the last 20 years. Gardener, home health care, sweatshops, you name it, Gilmore told me. These people have a place in the economy, but they have no control over that place. She continued: The key point here, about half of the work force, is to think not only about the enormity of the problem, but the enormity of the possibilities! That so many people could benefit from being organized into solid formations, could make certain kinds of demands, on the people who pay their wages, on the communities where they live. On the schools their children go to. This is part of what abolitionist thinking should lead us to.

Abolition, as a word, is an intentional echo of the movement to abolish slavery. This work will take generations, and Im not going to be alive to see the changes, the activist Mariame Kaba told me. Similarly I know that our ancestors, who were slaves, could not have imagined my life. And as Kaba and Davis and Richie and Gilmore all told me, unsolicited and in almost identical phrasing, it is not serendipity that the movement of prison abolition is being led by black women. Davis and Richie each used the term abolition feminism. Historically, black feminists have had visions to change the structure of society in ways that would benefit not just black women but everyone, Davis said. She also talked about Du Bois and the lessons drawn from his conception of what was needed: not merely a lack of slavery but a new society, utterly transformed. I think the fact that so many people now do call themselves prison abolitionists, Michelle Alexander told me, is a testament to the fact that an enormous amount of work has been done, in academic circles and in grass-root circles. Still, if you just say prison abolition on CNN, youre going to have a lot of people shaking their heads. But Ruthie has always been very clear that prison abolition is not just about closing prisons. Its a theory of change.

When Gilmore encounters an audience that is hostile to prison abolition, an audience that supposes shes navely suggesting that those in prison are there for smoking weed, and wants to tell her whos really locked up, what terrible things theyve done, she tells them shes had a loved one murdered and isnt there to talk about people who smoke weed. But as she acknowledged to me, Part of the whole story that cant be denied is that people are tired of harm, they are tired of grief and they are tired of anxiety. She described to me conversations shed had with people who are glad their abusive husband or father has been removed from their home, and would not want it any other way. Of her own encounter with murder, shes more philosophical, even if the loss still seems raw.

Link:

Is Prison Necessary? Ruth Wilson Gilmore Might Change Your Mind

Once seen as an extreme or radical point of view, discussions of prison abolition are suddenly being taken seriously in the mainstream. It's a remarkable change, one that Angela Davis isn't taking any credit for. "I don't really consider myself so significant as an individual," she says on this week's episode of theLGBTQ&Apodcast.

"I'm aware of the ways in which, especially in capitalist societies, there's a tendency to focus on the individual at the expense of allowing people to understand that history unfolds, not as a consequence of the actions and the words of great individuals, but rather as a consequence of people coming together, joining hands, and uniting with their differencesnot across their differences, but with their differencesin a quest to create more freedom and more happiness in the world."

While credit for this new moment can be assigned to the work of many people, including a large number of names that history will never know, it's Angela Davis who's become a symbol for some of the boldest, most essential work of our lifetime: abolition, feminism, anticapitalism, the list goes on. From the movement that rose up around her arrest in 1970, she has appeared on murals and t-shirts, in songs by The Rolling Stones and John Lennon and Yoko Ono. This type of international attention wasn't something she ever desired, not something she's ever become fully comfortable with, but all along, she's used that attention, shrewdly pointing it away from herself and onto her work.

Davis' latest book,Abolition. Feminism. Now., is co-written with three other leaders of the movement, Gina Dent, Erica R. Meiners, and Beth E. Richie. It's a call to action, one that reframes abolition and feminism as the same political struggle.

Angela Davis joined the LGBTQ&A podcast this week to talk about why her incarceration was crucial in shaping her political journey, why we must challenge the notion that there is only one important revolutionary struggle, and why she supported the LGBTQ+ movement long before she discovered her own queerness.

You can listen to thefull interview on Apple Podcastsor read excerpts below.

Jeffrey Masters: You describe the period you were incarcerated as being "immensely fruitful," not only was it critical in shaping your political journey, but you write that it also helped you discover your intellectual vocation. What specifically did you learn or experience during that time that was so influential?Angela Davis: First of all, I should say, as the years have passed and as the negative aspects of imprisonment have begun to recede, I've recognized how fruitful that period was and in many ways, how much of a gift it was.

Before being imprisoned, I had devoted many years to struggles for the freedom of political prisoners, along of course with many other activists. And I really thought we understood the role of jails and prisons as instruments of racism and oppression. But when I was arrested myself, I began to realize that we were not taking into account the degree to which these institutions were so deeply gendered. Of course, we did not have access to the theoretical language at the time. But I realized there was a profound gap in our understanding that we had been engaged in these struggles as if the only people who went to jail and prison were men.

That was a time that witnessed the rise of the women's liberation movement. I supported the women's liberation movement, but I was deeply critical at the same time. During the time I was in jail, I had the opportunity to engage in extended reflections. I can say that as someone who had been active for quite a long time and who had been rushing around from one rally to the next and trying to engage in intellectual labor at the same time, this was really the first time that I had the opportunity to reflect deeply on this question of gender.

JM: Not to oversimplify things at all, but do you think you might not have found your way to becoming such a significant figure in the abolitionist movement had you not spent time behind bars?AD: I don't really consider myself so significant as an individual. I see all of the work that I've done in relation to abolition and other movements as a part of collective struggles. So I don't know whether I would have played exactly the same role had I not gone to jail, but I like to think that there would not have been any major difference in the role that I played. Whether I would've become a known figure or not, probably not, probably hardly anyone would've known my name, had it not been for the incredibly phenomenal movement that was organized all over this country and all over the world.

And so I like to think of myself as standing in for that movement rather than as an individual who has the kind of distinctive qualities that would lead to becoming a known person.

JM: Isn't that the great irony of it all? Arresting you and putting you on trial made you into an international rockstar, in many ways. And you were able to use that celebrity to become even more effective in your work.AD: I have to say that I did not welcome that role, and I still feel a bit uncomfortable in that role.

JM: You write extensively in your autobiography about your time in The Women's House of Detention, specifically about what a queer place that prison was. How aware were you of your own queerness at that time?AD: Well, I cringe, when I look at some of the language that I use in describing life in The Women's House of Detention and how I was often critical of the way that some of the women seem more interested in hooking up, in personal relationships and developing surrogate family formations than organizing against the jail administration. That was how I saw my major identity, as political, and to a certain extent, I still do.

I didn't identify as queer at the time. It would be many years before this identification would become meaningful for me as an individual. But I do think that spending time in The Women's House of DetentionThe House of D, we called itand being inside the culture had a great impact on me.

JM: I was wondering because in your autobiography, which amazingly was edited by Toni Morrison, your sexuality isn't mentioned. But the book was published in 1974 and I didn't know if including your own sexuality would have even been an option at that time.AD: There really would've been nothing for me to write about at that time. I was supportive of what we then call the Gay Liberation movement, but I myself did not identify as queer and was not involved in the kinds of relationships that would have generated that kind of identification.

I totally support the politics of coming out, but at the same time, I'm critical of the assumption that one's identity has to be the major driving force that determines one's politics. And I should say that I was supportive of the Gay Liberation movement long before I identified as a member of the LGBTQ community. This is a logic that is pretty much the same that I've attempted to use with respect to other movements of liberation. I don't have to be a member of the Latinx community to be a passionate supporter of anti-Latinx racism, to place the defense of immigrants, for example, at the center of my own political awareness.

And I should point out that I've always been critical of movements whose sole aim is assimilation, including those Black movements that are only concerned with integration, inclusion, and not radical transformation. So while early on, before I entered as a member of the LGBTQ community, I embraced those sectors of the gay movement that were anti-racist and anti-capitalist. I didn't identify with narrow demands for equality in the military or marriage equality. Not that I wouldn't be supportive of these demands as civil rights demands. But just as civil rights for racially oppressed people don't go nearly far enough in terms of calling for economic and social and cultural transformation, I've always supported those radical sectors of the LGBTQ movement that called for the abolition of marriage as a capitalist institution and the dismantling of the military.

JM: Looking at these movements, the fight for Black liberation, for queer liberation, from my perspective it looked like in the '70s and '80s that these acted as separate movements that did not interact. For you, advocating for communities that you're not a part of, did you feel like you were in the minority doing that?AD:Not really, as an activist who grew up in Marxist and communist circles, I always identified with people who were trying to challenge the notion that there was only one important revolutionary struggle and that was the struggle of the working class. Now I am not myself a member of the working class, but I learned early on to identify with working-class struggles and to recognize their importance, but also at the same time to be able to treat Black struggles as equally important.

JM: You always go out of your way to make it clear that your work and activism includes trans people. That stands out, frankly, because that's not always the case for older generations. The awareness and understanding of trans people has not always been as great as it is today.AD: This emerged from the work we were doing in critical resistance. And I can remember very clearly that the first stage was a kind of defense of the rights of trans people in prison. And then we recognized the degree to which the experiences of trans people represented an institutional gendering of the prison industrial complex. We had to think about this focus on gender as structural, therefore, I think I'm not the only one whose awareness was expanded by involvement with trans people in prison.

And at the same time, I was involved in campaigns against gender violence. And those campaigns that developed in defense of trans women, such as CeCe McDonald, especially trans women of color helped us to understand the structural nature of gender violence. And I can say that TGIJP, the Transgender Gender-Variant & Intersex Justice Project that Miss Major led for such a long time here in the Bay Area, had a profound impact on my thinking with respect to the absolute centrality of defending trans people.

JM: Part of me wanting to talk to you about your queerness came from seeing you being interviewed at such a large number of places and it's not mentioned. I feel like we focus on these other identity points. AD: Well, I'm a person who doesn't focus so much on individual identities as I do on collective struggles. I'm a member of the Black community, but I don't usually say, "as a Black person..." My whole notion of identity comes not from what a person happens to be, but from that person's willingness to engage in radical struggles to create a better world. And so I would say that tension between identity and politics or one might describe it as the politics of identity or the identification of political struggles as central in our quest to change the world.

I'm interested in struggle. Let me put it that way. And I've always been since I was a very young child, more so than being interested in simply naming the identity of a person, whether it be myself or someone else. I mean, I always point out that there're so many Black people with whom I cannot identify. Therefore, I don't talk about the Black community as a homogeneous community. And I don't talk about the Black struggle as a struggle only of Black people. I talk about the Black struggle as a struggle in which people of many different racial and ethnic backgrounds have participated and are responsible for the victories that have been won.

JM: We are talking about abolition and the prison industrial complex in the mainstream more than ever before. But when it comes to these public discussions about mass incarceration and abolition, I often hear them being framed as a Black issue, something that only affects Black people. How can we talk about these issues and acknowledge that Black people are disproportionately affected while also letting people know that this affects all of us?AD: We are engaged in this conversation in the aftermath of the recall of Chesa Boudin from his position as district attorney of San Francisco. So I have to acknowledge that we are in a period that is a kind of a counter-revolutionary period, one would say. In which there are liberal politicians pulling out the crime issue, the ideology of the war against crime, and are attempting to push us back in a backward direction.

I think abolition is still a radical demand. I think particularly in the recent period, since the rise of Black Lives Matterand especially since the summer of 2020, when more people went out into the streets than ever before, when more white people demonstrated in this country than ever before in its history, that we are at a period where there is beginning to be an understanding of the intersectionality of all of these issues of the fact that racism doesn't simply affect Black communities and communities of color, but it affects everyone.

Capitalism is racial capitalism. Capitalism is founded on slavery and colonialism. And you can't really talk about the history of Black people without also talking about the genocidal assaults on Indigenous people and on Latinx populations and also on white people. Perhaps I'm referring to a quest for a different kind of intersectional understanding, but I do think that now more than ever before, we can glimpse the possibilities of that kind of understanding. Mass incarceration is not simply a reenactment of slavery. Of course, we are living continually the afterlife of slavery, but when one looks at the extent to which what we call the prison industrial complex emanates from global capitalism and the soaring prison populations that we have experienced in this country have focused largely on communities of color on Indigenous, Black and Latinx and Muslim communities, but also poor white communities that this same phenomenon is now beginning to be seen in places like Brazil, in Egypt, for example, in Europe.

So this is a global phenomenon that is important, even as we recognize the globality of climate change.

JM: I was thinking about this because there are many who say they support different issues, but when it comes to voting, their votes don't line up with those spoken desires.AD: It's an indication of the fact that there is so much more work to be done in this country. And if I point to the summer of 2020 as a turning point, it is not so much because of what was accomplished then. But rather because I think that we have created the foundation for a new kind of organizing that emphasizes ways in which we are all interconnected and not only as humans but that our fate is interconnected with the fate of other animals, other non-human animals on this planet and the flora of this planet.

JM: You mentioned Chesa Boudin who was recalled, but are there big wins you can point to in recent years that indicate a more positive change?AD: Well, yes, there have been big wins, but they've also been big losses. In a sense, it's been about one step forward and two steps backward.

I'm especially concerned about this tendency now to challenge the abolitionist movements that have emerged in conjunction with the Black Lives Matters movement. And let me say parenthetically, that I think that so many people came to identify with the call to make Black Lives Matter, because they recognize that it wasn't focused only on Black people, but rather the message of that demand is that in order for all lives to matter, we have to guarantee that Black Lives Matter. So there's a kind of logic of intersectionality inherent in the very demand.

But I'm someone who's learned never to simply assume that one or two or three or four progressive victories means that we are moving in a radical direction. We not only have to defend the victories that we win, but we have to push forward. And this is a period I think that calls for even more intense organization, organizing efforts on the part of everyone who believes in justice and equality and freedom.

JM: When it comes to your legacy, you're on posters, murals, you're in songs by the Rolling Stones, by John Lennon and Yoko Ono. Knowing that your name and face have become something so much bigger than you, you won't have control over what your legacy will be, but does that differ from what you would want it to be?AD: I'm not so interested in my individual legacy as I am in the legacy of the movements that I have been involved in. I feel pretty uncomfortable in this position of an individual who should be concerned about a legacy.

JM: Even after all these years, that's true?AD: Yes, even after all these years because I'm aware of the ways in which, especially in capitalist societies, there's a tendency to focus on the individual at the expense of allowing people to understand that history unfolds, not as a consequence of the actions and the words of great individuals, but rather as a consequence of people coming together, joining hands, and uniting with their differences not across their differences, but with their differences in a quest to create more freedom and more happiness in the world.

Click here to listen to the full interview with Angela Davis.

This is part of the LGBTQ&A podcast's LGBTQ+ Elders Project, which has featured interviews with titans of queer history, including Tracey 'Africa' Norman, Andr De Shields, Jamison Green,Charles Silverstein, and Miss Major Griffin-Gracy.

LGBTQ&A is The Advocate's weekly interview podcast hosted by Jeffrey Masters.New episodes come out every Tuesday.

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Angela Davis on Abolition, Capitalism, and the Politics of Coming Out - Advocate.com

Hours after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade last week, a man with a wiry, squared-off beard and a metal cross around his neck celebrated with his team at a Brazilian steakhouse. He pulled out his phone to livestream to his followers.

We have delivered a huge blow to the enemy and to this industry, the man, Jeff Durbin, said. But, he explained, our work has just really begun.

Even the states that have trigger laws, which ban abortion at conception without exceptions for rape or incest, did not go far enough, Mr. Durbin, a pastor in the greater Phoenix area, said. They do not believe that the woman should ever be punished.

Resistance to the question of whether or not people who murder their children in the wombs are guilty, he said, is going to have to be something we have to overcome, because women are still going to be killing their children in the womb.

Even as those in the anti-abortion movement celebrate their nation-changing Supreme Court victory, there are divisions over where to go next. The most extreme, like Mr. Durbin, want to pursue what they call abortion abolition, a move to criminalize abortion from conception as homicide, and hold women who have the procedure responsible a position that in some states could make those women eligible for the death penalty. That position is at odds with the anti-abortion mainstream, which opposes criminalizing women and focuses on prosecuting providers.

Many people who oppose abortion believe that life begins at conception and that abortion is murder. Abolitionists follow that thinking to what they believe is the logical, and uncompromising, conclusion: From the moment of conception, abolitionists want to give the fetus equal protection as a person under the 14th Amendment.

Abolitionists have long represented a radical fringe, minimized by prominent mainstream national groups who have focused on advancing incremental abortion restrictions.

But the abolitionist reach has been growing over the past year, largely through online activism and targeted efforts in some state legislatures and churches. Mr. Durbins group, End Abortion Now, which started in 2017, filed an amicus brief in the recent Supreme Court case overturning Roe along with the Foundation to Abolish Abortion and 21 other like-minded groups from states like Idaho and Pennsylvania. His Apologia Studios YouTube channel has more than 300,000 subscribers, and he leads Apologia Church, a congregation of about 700 people.

They see the Roe reversal as a significant boost to their argument, and an opening to advance their goals and seize the broader movements future.

Abolitionist views have picked up support in the ultraconservative wing of the Southern Baptist Convention, the countrys largest Protestant denomination. We have been listening to and following the wrong leaders, Tom Ascol, a prominent ultraconservative Southern Baptist pastor, said a week after the Supreme Court decision. Mr. Ascol came in second in the recent election for president of the Southern Baptist Convention.

The future of the anti-abortion movement will be led by those who hold to a consistent and genuinely pro-life ethic, which is to say that since life begins at conception and fertilization, the full personhood of an unborn life must entail equal protection under the law that is afforded to all other persons in the U.S. Constitution, he said.

All mothers who abort their children are culpable at some level, though not necessarily equally culpable for homicide, he said.

Some states have already banned abortion without exceptions for rape or incest. State legislatures can no longer use Roe as an excuse to avoid abolitionist proposals, Mr. Durbin said on his livestream. He urged churches to join his group and expand their protests from abortion clinics to places like Target and CVS where women might access medication abortion.

Mr. Durbin, driven by his set of Christian beliefs, and others in the abolitionist coalition recently pushed a bill in Louisiana that would have classified abortion as homicide and enabled prosecutors to bring criminal cases against women who end a pregnancy. The measure failed, but it got further than any of the other equal protection bills abolitionists have worked to introduce in about a dozen states over the past two years.

The bill generated significant opposition from other anti-abortion groups. In an open letter, about 70 anti-abortion groups urged all state legislators to reject such initiatives.

As national and state pro-life organizations, representing tens of millions of pro-life men, women and children across the country, let us be clear: We state unequivocally that any measure seeking to criminalize or punish women is not pro-life and we stand firmly opposed to such efforts, the letter stated. It was signed by groups including National Right to Life, Susan B. Anthony Pro-Life America and Americans United for Life. Other groups, like Students for Life, say they want to abolish abortion and make it unthinkable and unavailable but oppose criminalization of women.

Privately, some leaders of mainstream groups worry about how quickly abolitionists have gained a foothold. In Texas, the Foundation to Abolish Abortion opposed the states six-week ban because it discriminates against someone who doesnt have a detectable heartbeat, Bradley Pierce, the groups president, said. A group called Free the States is pushing abolitionist campaigns from Oklahoma.

About one in three American adults believe that, if abortion is illegal, women who have the procedure should serve jail time or pay a fine or do community service, according to a Pew Research Center study conducted in March. Men, white evangelicals and Republicans are among the most likely to believe that a woman should be punished, the study found.

They reflect an undercurrent of the anti-abortion movement that Donald J. Trump elevated in 2016, when he said that women who receive abortions should receive some form of punishment if the procedure were banned in the United States, before bipartisan outrage pushed him to recant.

Ultimately, abolitionists believe they are fighting a holy Christian mission, answerable to the God they worship.

In their amicus brief, they wrote, The court is not only bound by the text of the Constitution, but it is also bound by the limits on human civil authority revealed by God.

To stop a woman from entering an abortion clinic, you have about 15 seconds to make her change her mind, Mr. Durbin said, casually holding a yellow Yerba can in his Tempe, Ariz., office recently, and pointing to a stack of signs his team takes to clinics that say, Babies are murdered here.

Mr. Durbin is working to achieve abolitionist goals with a multipronged approach: evangelizing online and preaching at his church; training congregations on how to keep women from walking into an abortion clinic; and traveling to state legislatures to promote bills classifying abortion as homicide.

He works in a studio office space behind a door with a sign displaying the name of a meat shop and crossed knives. The sign is a decoy for security, he said, to throw off opponents. The inside is dark, industrial and metal, with movie posters for films like Quentin Tarantinos The Hateful Eight. Tubs of 4Patriot emergency food survival kits were stacked nearby, with water, protein powders and chia seeds.

Mr. Durbin, 44, has five children, as well as three grandchildren and five black belts. Before he was a pastor and online activist, he was a national karate champion who played Johnny Cage in Mortal Kombat: The Live Tour. He married his wife when he was 20 and she was 18 and pregnant with their first child, and he devoted his life to Jesus after he nearly overdosed on ecstasy, he said.

He often tells the story of how they adopted their youngest son after the boys birth mother sought an abortion when doctors wrongly expected him to be born with spina bifida.

He is motivated by a belief he is obeying God. Its a command of God to rescue those who are being led to the slaughter, he said. Thats not a request or a suggestion. Its, rescue them.

It is no accident that abolition is the word the movement chose for itself. Mr. Durbin and his fellow activists portray their mission as comparable to the push to abolish slavery in the United States before the Civil War. And abortion abolitionists as well as many in the broader anti-abortion movement equate supporters of abortion rights with defenders of slavery.

There were people arguing against the abolitionists at the time, he said. They were saying, Well, sure, its wrong. But, if you dont want a slave, dont get one. You know, so everything was sort of, Thats their plantation, their choice.

He takes issue with news articles saying he wants to see women who have abortions executed. But he wants women who have the procedure to be prosecuted for homicide under their state laws.

I do believe that the unjustified taking of human life, if provable, ultimately, justly, ought to be capital punishment, he said. However, I dont trust our system today to deal that out.

He said he also wanted people to know, There can be forgiveness in Jesus Christ.

At a time when church attendance is often shrinking, Apologia Church had so many families on a recent Sunday, about a month before the Supreme Court decision, that it ran out of bulletins. Fathers wheeled in children in wagons, and mothers held babies while leading other small children by the hand. A man at the door greeted them in a black shirt that read, Jesus is Lord, pass the ammo.

Mr. Durbin preached from the book of Proverbs, which he said offered wisdom on every part of life, including about nations rejecting Gods wisdom and then being destroyed, and how a Christian mother looks when she builds a home, over and against the average unbelieving mother. A womans role in the home raises up little heroes, and little image bearers of God, he said.

Later that week, at 7 a.m., about six men from the church lined the only entrance to the Planned Parenthood clinic in Tempe, holding signs as the hot Arizona sun rose. We care about these women, Chad, a father of five who gave only his first name, said. We are their last hope.

He wore a body camera, for accountability and protection, he said, and cited a verse from Proverbs that tells us to rescue those that are being led away to the slaughter.

Another man, Daryl Groves, 55, who found the church online about five years ago, used an amplifier: We would even adopt your child, he said.

Past the line the men could not cross, a group of clinic volunteers in rainbow jackets gathered to escort clients inside.

At the post-Roe celebration at the Brazilian steakhouse, a woman sat at the center of the long table.

Like many people who go to the church, Christine Schwan first stumbled upon Mr. Durbin on YouTube and saw him give a Mothers Day message about a woman who did not abort her baby. Days later, she joined one of the churchs protests at a Planned Parenthood clinic. It was something she felt she had to do.

Because of what I had done, Ms. Schwan, 63, said matter-of-factly in the church studio. Because of having had an abortion.

Asked how old she was when she had the procedure, she simply said, younger, and declined to give specifics. They were irrelevant to the real truth of the matter, she said.

I am not a victim, she said. I was a sinner. I was a complete sinner.

Ms. Schwan is now an assistant to Mr. Durbin and the other pastors, all men. When Mr. Durbin suggested she share her story, she agreed. She had grown up Catholic but said she was not truly saved until several years ago when she abandoned teaching yoga and new age ideas.

What upsets me most is when the pro-life industry says that women are victims, she said. That means I dont have to take responsibility for myself.

She started to cry and took her head in her hands. Im so sorry, she said.

She opened her laptop and read aloud from the Old Testament. The passage was about King Belshazzar of ancient Babylon, who was feasting when mysterious fingers of a hand wrote on the wall of his imminent destruction.

They thought they were impregnable, she said. Her voice grew shaky.

Do you know what I did? I killed a baby. It doesnt get any worse than that, she said. Because that is what we were created for. God created us to bear children. To carry them. That is a gift, that is not a curse. That is a gift. And we are special.

She believed what her pastors taught, even if it meant she would face severe consequences.

I took a life, I should give my life, she said. If authorities were to come for her, I would right now, I would absolutely go to court and say, Yeah, I am a sinner, I did it. And if that was my punishment, I would take it.

Read the rest here:

Abortion Abolitionists Want to Punish Women for Abortion - The New York Times

The Human Rights Council this morning held an interactive dialogue with the Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in the Central African Republic and began an interactive dialogue with the Independent Fact-finding Mission on Libya.

Yao Agbetse, Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in the Central African Republic, said thatsince March, some positive developments had been recorded, including the new Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General in the Central African Republic taking office, as well as the adoption of the law on the abolition of the death penalty, among other initiatives. However, the human rights situation in the Central African Republic remained worrying. He invited the Council to consider adapting the resolution to be adopted in September during its fifty-first session to the evolution of the situation.

Arnaud Djoubaye Abazene, Minister of Justice and Human Rights of the Central African Republic, said the rule of law, good governance and combatting sexual and gender-based violence remained at the heart of the Governments priorities. Efforts had led to the law on military proclamation, increasing the number of soldiers and deploying the army to protect the territory of the Central African Republic. The extension of the States authority had facilitated investigations of violations of human rights and of international humanitarian law. The Central African Republic continued to work for peace and stability and to consolidate its progress, despite the lingering armed groups present in certain areas.

In the ensuing discussion on the Central African Republic, speakers thanked the Independent Expert for his work and congratulated the Reconciliation Commission for its work. The Banjari court investigations were encouraging signs in the fight against impunity and needed to be continued to restore confidence in the peacebuilding process. Some speakers welcomed the recent steps taken to abolish the death penalty, which was a vital step towards human rights for all, and encouraged the Government to finalise this process. Some speakers expressed concern at the persistent human rights violations, including gender-based and sexual violence committed by armed groups. They called on the Government of the Central African Republic to open an independent investigation into the allegations of violations of international humanitarian law.

The Council then started an interactive dialogue with the Independent Fact-finding Mission on Libya.

Mohamed Auajjar, Chair of the Independent Fact-finding Mission on Libya, said the investigation team had conducted four investigative missions to Libya throughout its mandate. Some of the violations identified included direct attacks on civilians during the conduct of hostilities; arbitrary detention; enforced disappearances: sexual and gender-based violence; torture; violations of fundamental freedoms; persecution of and violations against journalists, human rights defenders, civil society, minorities, and internally displaced persons; and violations of the rights of women and children. Now, more than ever, the Libyan people deserved a strong commitment, from within and also from the international community, to bring justice and a sustainable peace to their country.

Lamia Abusedra, Permanent Representative of Libya to the United Nations Office at Geneva, said the report highlighted the serious challenges facing Libya, including the political division, insecurity, the proliferation of weapons and the increasing phenomenon of irregular migration and external intervention. Libya would rely heavily on the final recommendations of the work of the Fact-finding Mission to draw up a clear road map to promote human rights and fight impunity, under Libyas national project of reconciliation and justice. Libya had decided to submit a draft resolution through the African Group to extend the Mission's mandate for an additional and final term, ending within nine months.

In the ensuing discussion, several speakers said the human rights situation in Libya remained deeply concerning. It was unacceptable that reports of torture, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances and sexual and gender-based violence remained largely unaddressed. Several speakers called for the mandate of the Fact-Finding Mission to be extended, saying the renewal of this important mandate enabled strengthened cooperation between the international community, the Fact-Finding Mission and Libyan institutions. It also provided the opportunity to strengthen capacity building and technical assistance to advance the protection of human rights and accountability processes across the country. The Mission should abide by its mandate and complete its work on schedule, whilst focusing on the needs of Libya, a speaker stressed.

Speaking in the interactive discussion on the Central African Republic were European Union, Senegal, France, United Nations Childrens Fund, Venezuela, Russian Federation, Sudan, Egypt, China, Portugal, Angola, Mali, United Kingdom, Ireland, Gabon, and United States.

Also speaking were the following non-governmental organizations: Ensemble contre la Peine de Mort, Penal Reform International, World Evangelical Alliance, Defence for Children International, Elizka Relief Foundation, and Rencontre Africaine pour la defense des droits de l'homme.

Speaking in the interactive discussion on Libya were Iceland (on behalf of a group of countries), European Union, Jordan (on behalf of the Group of Arab States), Saudi Arabia (on behalf of the Gulf Cooperation Council), Cte dIvoire (on behalf of the African Group), Switzerland, Germany, Liechtenstein, United Nations Women, Sierra Leone, Spain, Senegal, Iraq, Morocco, Luxembourg, Venezuela, Bahrain, Sudan, Egypt, China, Algeria, Greece, Trkiye, Malta, Yemen, the United Kingdom, Ireland, the United States of America, Jordan, Czech Republic, Cyprus, Mauritania, South Sudan, Tunisia, Netherlands, Italy, Belgium, Qatar and France.

The webcast of the Human Rights Council meetings can be found here. All meeting summaries can be found here. Documents and reports related to the Human Rights Councils fiftieth regular session can be found here.

The Council will next meet at 3 p.m. this afternoon to conclude the interactive dialogue with the Independent Fact-finding Mission on Libya, and hear an oral update by the High Commissioner for Human Rights on the human rights situation in Georgia.

Interactive Dialogue with the Independent Expert on the Situation of Human Rights in the Central African Republic

Presentation

YAO AGBETSE, Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in the Central African Republic, highlighted the good cooperation of the Government of the Central African Republic with his mandate in facilitating his visit. Since March, some positive developments had been recorded, including the new Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General in the Central African Republic taking office, as well as the adoption of the law on the abolition of the death penalty, among other initiatives. However, the human rights situation in the Central African Republic remained worrying. In the first half of 2022, 436 incidents of human rights violations, abuses and breaches of international humanitarian law were documented.

The three main technical and financial partners of the Central African Republic - the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the European Union - based the non-disbursement of budget support on non-compliance with the agreed criteria, as well as the lack of transparency in security-related expenditures. Mr. Agbetse urgently appealed to the Council and the other organizations to find practical solutions as soon as possible with the Central African authorities, who needed to show committed leadership, including the rapid adoption of the anti-corruption law. After consultations with the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, Mr. Agbetse was concerned that if the current critical situation continued, the Central African Republic ran the risk of collapse, and the situation of instability would give new impetus to armed groups. He called on the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to integrate the human rights dimension into their macroeconomic analyses and to refrain from imposing the burden of financial and economic sanctions.

It was important that the Government followed up on the findings of the investigations conducted by its Special Commission of Inquiry, established in May 2021, into allegations of abuses by the Central African armed forces and their Russian allies. Mr. Agbetse said that the recovery of the Central African Republic would not happen without its youth, and it was urgent to prioritise education, especially technical, agricultural and vocational training. Mr. Agbetse said he was very concerned about hate speech, incitement to violence, disinformation and misinformation in the media and on social networks. He invited the Council to consider adapting the resolution to be adopted in September during its fifty-first session to the evolution of the situation. There was an urgent need to accelerate justice and security reforms, and to find ways to put an end to armed groups. He also noted the need to strengthen the capacities of Central African institutions, whose mandate was to fight impunity, promote the rule of law and good governance, and inspect cases of deprivation of liberty.

Statement by Country Concerned

ARNAUD DJOUBAYE ABAZENE, Minister of Justice and Human Rights of the Central African Republic, said the rule of law, good governance and combatting sexual and gender-based violence remained at the heart of the Governments priorities. Efforts had led to the law on military proclamation, increasing the number of soldiers and deploying the army to protect the territory of the Central African Republic. The reform of the security system had allowed this to guarantee peace, social cohesion and a harmonious life. The extension of the States authority had facilitated investigations of violations of human rights and of international humanitarian law. A Permanent dialogue must be at the heart of the political vision of the Head of State, who was working in harmony with the entirety of the international community.

The Government had undertaken actions to quieten the political climate and reduce tensions. The improvement of the social climate through permanent dialogue with social partners was visible. The extension of the National Plan for the Consolidation of Peace would run until 2023. The teams from the Government, with the support of the United Nations Multi-dimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in the Central African Republic, had targeted combatants attached to political movements in two provinces, and continued to work with partners in these provinces. The fight against impunity was the backbone of the Governments actions. The African Union was contributing to capacity building through providing training.

The Central African Republic had a national action plan to combat trafficking in children, aiming to prevent the recruitment of children into the armed conflict. The law on the abolition of the death penalty had been adopted, as had been a national plan to reduce gender and domestic violence. There was a national mechanism for the prevention of torture. Awareness raising missions on issues of human rights had also been carried out, including among the Armed Forces, on such topics as child soldiers and the repression of sexual violence against women and children; the justice sector was receiving training in order to combat these phenomena. The Central African Republic continued to work for peace and stability and to consolidate its progress, despite the lingering armed groups present in certain areas. A holistic and global response was needed to consolidate the peace beyond question.

Discussion

Some speakers thanked the Independent Expert for his work and congratulated the Reconciliation Commission for its work. The Banjari court investigations were encouraging signs in the fight against impunity and needed to be continued to restore confidence in the peacebuilding process. The Central African Republic had cooperated with the Council and its mechanisms and had made significant progress in the promotion and protection of human rights. Some speakers commended the efforts deployed by the Government to build peace, while protecting the most vulnerable groups.

The Central African Republic had made significant progress in the areas of disarmament, and in the repatriation of refugees to the country, some speakers said. Authorities in the Central African Region were encouraged to implement the Rwanda Joint Roadmap for Peace, to lift the arms embargo, and to strengthen the judicial system. Some speakers welcomed the recent steps taken to abolish the death penalty, which was a vital step towards human rights for all, and encouraged the Government to finalise this process. The Office of the Hight Commissioner of Human Rights was urged to provide technical assistance and capacity building to enable the Central African Region to continue to ensure human rights for its population.

Some speakers said that the human rights challenges in the Central African Republic were engendered by many years of civil conflict in the country, which had prevented an economic take-off. They expressed concern at the persistent human rights violations, including gender-based and sexual violence committed by armed groups. The violations of childrens rights, including the recruitment of child soldiers, needed to cease immediately; 70 cases of child recruitment had been verified in the first quarter of this year alone.

Some speakers were concerned about the operation of armed groups in the country and the reports that these groups were targeting Muslim communities. The continued targeting of humanitarian personnel and the killing of civilians was unacceptable and needed to stop. Disinformation campaigns were of particular concern. Speakers called on the Government of the Central African Republic to open an independent investigation into the allegations of violations of international humanitarian law. This included allegations of abuses committed by the Central African Armed Forces and the private Russian mercenary group, Wagner, which was worsening the humanitarian situation and undermining the work of the United Nations.

Concluding Remarks

YAO AGBETSE, Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in the Central African Republic, said he remained open for dialogue with all actors and partners. It was clear that there must be effective respect of the ceasefire by all sides, Government forces, allies, and armed groups, and for this, the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration Programme must be respected by all sides. Some elements such as the Union for Peace in Central Africa were still carrying out attacks throughout the territory, preventing the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration process from evolving in a normal manner. There was a need to make sure that neighbouring countries were in a position to cooperate, as in the north-east of the country there was concern for the population, as the Coalition of Patriots for Change was receiving supplies from Sudan. Neighbouring countries must ensure that armed groups did not use them as base camps for their combat.

There needed to be a restoration of the States authority throughout the country, and there should be a discipline charter for all. To combat impunity, it was vital for this to happen to find a way out of the crisis: justice needed to be given to all victims, including victims of sexual violence. For the restoration of the States authority, there was a need for training of the defence and security forces. Major efforts had been made in this regard, but they were insufficient.

On the contribution of the international community to ensure that international commitments were respected, first, it was vital for technical and financial assistance to be provided by all United Nations mechanisms that had made recommendations. The international community must provide further assistance so that mechanisms could be established. Second, there was a need for the adoption of a national human rights policy, and this would allow for all challenges to be addressed at the national level. Third, on cooperation, it was important that the Central African Republic cooperate further with the United Nations human rights mechanisms and the Universal Periodic Review mechanism in particular.

Mr. Agbetse said that on combatting impunity, it was important to support the activities of the International Criminal Court. Another aspect of combatting impunity was the need to support the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission, and for this, it was vital that the Commission be supported by the international community, the United Nations country team, and all technical and financial partners. There must be substantive reform of the national court system so that it could address corruption. The upcoming local elections were vital for the country to hold these in a free and transparent manner, and measures should be adopted now to ensure the participation of women, young persons, displaced persons and refugees.

Interactive Dialogue with the Independent Fact-Finding Mission on Libya

Report

The Council has before it the report on the Situation of human rights in Libya by the Independent Fact-Finding Mission on Libya (A/HRC/50/63).

Presentation of Report

MOHAMED AUAJJAR, Chair of the Independent Fact-finding Mission on Libya, presenting the report, said at present, the culture of impunity continued to prevail in Libya and posed a great obstacle towards achieving national reconciliation, as well as justice, truth and reparations for victims and their families. The Fact-finding Missions efforts continued to be directed towards human rights violations and abuses as well as international crimes - these posed a challenge to Libyas transition to peace, democracy and the rule of law. The investigation team had conducted four investigative missions to Libya throughout its mandate, holding high-level exchanges with Libyan authorities, both political and judicial and representatives of civil society organizations. Some of the violations identified included direct attacks on civilians during the conduct of hostilities; arbitrary detention; enforced disappearances: sexual and gender-based violence; torture; violations of fundamental freedoms; persecution of and violations against journalists, human rights defenders, civil society, minorities, and internally displaced persons; and violations of the rights of women and children.

Civilians had suffered from the throes of war in violation of international humanitarian law and international human rights law. Enforced disappearances had left families in the dark about the fate of their loved ones. Patterns of torture and inhumane treatment of detainees were prevalent in several prisons. Extrajudicial killings were routinely used as a means of punishment. Children had been recruited and used to take a direct part in hostilities. Thousands of internally displaced persons were still unable to return to their homes. Migrants, refugees and asylums seekers found themselves caught in patterns of violence, at sea, in detention centres and in the hands of traffickers. And violence had had a dramatic impact on Libyans economic, social and cultural rights.

The human rights situation in Libya called for urgent action, to stop immediately human rights violations and abuses, to ensure that the rights of victims were restored and that they obtained reparations, and to ensure that all those who had violated human rights and committed international crimes were held to account, in Libya and abroad, with no exception. Now, more than ever, the Libyan people deserved a strong commitment, from within and also from the international community, to bring justice and a sustainable peace to their country. This could not be achieved without strong political will and unwavering support for a democratic transition towards a State based on the rule of law and human rights. Free and fair elections were essential to achieving this end.

Statement by Country Concerned

LAMIA ABUSEDRA, Permanent Representative of Libya to the United Nations Office at Geneva, commended the progress made by the Independent Fact-finding Mission on Libya on its specific mandate. The report highlighted the serious challenges facing Libya, including the political division, insecurity, the proliferation of weapons and the increasing phenomenon of irregular migration and external intervention. Despite these circumstances, Libya was moving forward on the path of protecting and promoting human rights. This commitment had been reflected in many political, legal, and practical initiatives, most recently by the Cabinets creation of a permanent national authority to coordinate the Government's preparation of reports to human rights mechanisms. This body would also take advantage of the recommendations of the Fact-finding Mission and put them into practice. Libya would rely heavily on the final recommendations of the work of the Fact-finding Mission to draw up a clear road map to promote human rights and fight impunity, under Libyas national project of reconciliation and justice. Ms. Abusedra stressed the need for the Mission to complete its work within its time limits because any delay would have a negative impact on the national track.

Libya had dealt positively with the members of the Council, particularly in cooperation with the Fact-finding Mission. Libya had decided to submit a draft resolution through the African Group to extend the Mission's mandate for an additional and final term, ending within nine months. Ms. Abusedra stressed that the Mission must adhere to its mandate, within the framework of Libyas religious and cultural specificities. The road to promoting human rights was an arduous and long path, and Libya emphasised the need for the Council, as well as the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, to continue and intensify technical support and capacity building to national institutions.

Discussion

In the ensuing discussion, some speakers said the human rights situation in Libya remained deeply concerning. It was unacceptable that reports of torture, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances and sexual and gender-based violence remained largely unaddressed. The resurgence of politically motivated violence was condemned. All actors should work towards a peaceful political transition in Libya and adopt a holistic national human rights plan of action to ensure full respect for human rights and a sustainable transition to peace and democracy through fair elections. The conditions in which asylum seekers, migrants and refugees were detained in Libya were deeply alarming. All political actors in Libya should refrain from taking actions that would deepen divisions and undermine the hard-won stability achieved since the signing of the ceasefire agreement in October 2020.

Several speakers called for the mandate of the Fact-Finding Mission to be extended, saying the renewal of this important mandate enabled strengthened cooperation between the international community, the Fact-finding Mission and Libyan institutions. It also provided the opportunity to strengthen capacity building and technical assistance to advance the protection of human rights and accountability processes across the country. The Mission should, however, abide by its mandate and complete its work on schedule, whilst focusing on the needs of Libya, a speaker stressed. Libya should continue to cooperate with the Mission to ensure that a useful rapport could be the foundation for further progress.

The fight against impunity was vital for transitional justice to be effective. The shrinking of civil society was an issue that could restrict grassroots actions, and could affect the lifting of any repression of freedoms of expression and association. All prisoners arbitrarily detained should be freed immediately. Libyas long-term stabilisation was supported, and all parties should contribute towards this progress. It was important to investigate all violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law that had taken place since 2014. Ensuring accountability would provide a stable foundation for the future protection of human rights.

Libya was to be commended for its work on human rights, a speaker said, including establishing a national human rights plan, and follow up on recommendations made by the Universal Periodic Review and treaty bodies. The international community, the United Nations and the Human Rights Council should provide assistance to ensure that transitional justice was provided, including capacity building and technical assistance in order to strengthen the rule of law and respect for human rights. The progress made so far should be built on, and a progressive solution to the situation should be created without bowing to pressures from afar.

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Produced by the United Nations Information Service in Geneva for use of the information media;not an official record. English and French versions of our releases are different as they are the product of two separate coverage teams that work independently.

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Human Rights Council Holds Interactive Dialogue with the Independent Expert on the Situation of Human Rights in the Central African Republic and...

Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis reiterated his plan to terminate a so-called solidarity tax surcharge on incomes as of 2023 and allow for pension increases, frozen for the past 12 years as part of stringent fiscal rules imposed by the countrys creditors during its debt crisis.

It is a double resounding signal that the countrys growth must benefit everyone without putting fiscal balance and the Greek economys competitiveness at risk, Mitsotakis told lawmakers during a debate in Parliament called by the prime minister to present his governments work on social issues.

He said that pensions will be placed on a course of regular and permanent increases as of next year and that the abolition of the solidarity tax will apply to everyone private and public sector employees, as well as pensioners.

Mitsotakis had initially pledged the abolition of the levy for one year (2021) in September 2020, as part of a tax relief package to boost jobs amidst a recession caused by the coronavirus pandemic, but the plan was postponed as the economy took a downturn.

He went on to say that the governments top priority was a speedy recovery of the national economy, with lots of investments leading to better wages and many new jobs.

Todays Greece is a different Greece. It is one of the countries with the most dynamic growth and the highest reduction of unemployment in Europe. It is of the top countries in the OECD in terms of tax reduction and has paid off its debt to the IMF two years earlier, while in August it will break free of enhanced surveillance while aiming to regain its investment grade. This is a national success, even more so because all the things I spoke of were neither self-evident nor easy, nor were they achieved under normal conditions, he said.

He noted that labor issues were crucial for the double raise in the minimum wage in Greece, which stood at 650 euros a month when the government came into power in 2020 and had now risen to 713 euros, while the benefit was even greater as a result of a reduction in social security contributions, reaching 1,000 euros for each worker on an annual basis.

This placed Greece in the ninth place in the European Union, above Portugal, and would also lead to increases in benefits and three-year pay rises, the prime minister said.

Continued here:

Government to abolish solidarity levy as of 2023, allow pension hikes - Kathimerini English Edition

The popular uprising of workers, youth and rural toilers in Sri Lanka against the Rajapakse government over unbearable conditionsincluding scarcity, daily power outages, and skyrocketing prices for essentials goodsis now reaching a new stage.

The high price of food items is leading to conditions of mass starvation. The Rajapakse-Wickremesinghe government has placed the country on a virtual lockdown because fuel has run out. Schools have been closed, and public sector institutions have been instructed to call only essential staff for work. The lack of fuel has led to the collapse of public transport. These conditions have brought popular anger against the government to a boiling point.

Under these conditions, the social media activists who are leading the protest at Galle Face Green in Colombo, also known as Gota Gogama, have announced a massive peoples protest for July 9, claiming that it will be the greatest uprising in the history of Sri Lanka. This date will mark three months since the protest started at Galle Face Green.

However, the Action Plan for the Future of Struggle, issued by protest leaders on July 5, does not provide any program to address the burning issues confronting the masses. Rather, it would trap workers, youth and rural toilers within bourgeois rule and capitalist profit system, which is the root cause of the crisis.

Their program calls for an interim government, i.e., an alternative bourgeois government, which has been promoted by opposition parties in parliament, including the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), supported by pseudo-left groups like Frontline Socialist Party (FSP). A leading organiser of protests, Anuruddha Bandara, told Economynext that the opposition partiesthe SJB, JVP and othersare almost onboard.

The main tenets of the Action Plan include the demand for resignation of President Gotabhaya Rajapakse, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, the Cabinet of Ministers and all the government appointees to high posts. Their alternative is an Interim Governance but with no indication as to who will make up this regime. It is implied, however, that all the parliamentary political parties are to be included in this interim government, as proposed by the opposition parties themselves.

This Interim Governance is supposed to subscribe to the economic, social and political aims and aspirations of the peoples struggle. While they have included securing the supply of essentials, like fuel and food, in their long list of aims and aspirations, they have not advanced any concrete program on how to provide them. They just hope that the Interim Governance will provide them if pressured to do so.

A Peoples Council is also proposed, in which representatives of the Peoples Struggle, will be able to effectively engage and mediate with the Interim Governance. That is, the task of the Peoples Council will be to exert pressure on new government. This is the same program advocated by pseudo-left FSP. The Action Plan proposes within a year to establish a new constitution through a referendum, which would abolish the executive presidency and create an appropriate process for a fair election.

In opposition to the program of the Galle Face protest leaders for formation of an alternative bourgeois government, the Socialist Equality Party (SEP) advocates a revolutionary socialist program for the working class. We call for the independent mobilisation of the working class on a clear program of action to fulfill their basic needs against the Rajapakse government and bourgeois rule.

The SEP insists that there will no solution to the burning issues confronting the masses within bourgeois rule and the capitalist profit system. There is no national solution. No amount of pressure exerted on this government or any future bourgeois government will make the ruling class provide the basic needs of the masses.

While supporting the main demand of the struggling masses for the resignation of President Rajapakse and his government, the SEP insists that it should not be replaced with another bourgeois government, but with a government of workers and peasants committed to socialist policies.

As explained in our statement issued on April 7, at the very beginning of mass uprising and also reiterated in subsequent statements, the SEP calls for the immediate abolition of the executive autocratic presidency along with repressive laws such as the Essential Services Act, the Public Security Act and the Prevention of Terrorism Act, which give police state powers to the security forces. Over the past month, Rajapakse invoked essential service laws against electricity and health workers. He used his emergency powers to deploy the military to the streets to repress workers languishing in queues for days to obtain fuel.

Irrespective of the bourgeois government that may replace the Rajapakse-Wickremesinghe regime, it will continue the same harsh austerity measures dictated by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). It will seek to force working people and rural toilers to bear the full burden of the economic crisis.

All the opposition parties, including the SJB, JVP and Tamil National Alliance, have expressed their open or tacit support for IMF policies. Therefore, the so-called interim governance proposed in the Action Plan will become an instrument of the capitalist ruling elite to brutally implement those policies and crush all opposition from the working class and rural toilers.

The brutality of the IMF program was indicated in Prime Minister Wickremesinghes speech to parliament on Tuesday. Referring to the coming period, which will be stamped by IMF dictates, he said: This will be a difficult and bitter journey if things do not change, the whole country will collapse.

The changes include massively downsizing the public sector, privatising state-owned enterprises, and broadening the tax base with increased taxes. They will lead to cuts in jobs, wages, and other benefits of workers in public sector, increases in water and electricity prices, and a further slashing of subsidies.

The working class must reject this brutal class-war policy and all interim government traps. Workers must develop their own independent political intervention based on a program that addresses their needs and unleashes immense social power, which was demonstrated during general strikes on April 28, May 6 and May 10. This program must be based on the social needs of workers and the rural toilers, not the profit demands of big business.

The first step in fighting for this program is to form democratically-elected independent action committees of the working class in factories, workplaces, plantations and working-class neighborhoods throughout the country. The action committees must be independent of the capitalist parties and the trade unions, which act as stooges and apologists of the capitalist ruling establishment.

The SEP encourages and will assist workers in forming these action committees, which will advance a working-class solution to the socio-economic crisis created by the capitalist class. The struggle of the working class must be internationally integrated through the International Workers Alliance of Rank-and-File Committees, initiated by the International Committee of the Fourth International (ICFI).

The SEP advances the following demands as the fighting program for the Action Committees to overcome the mass suffering created by capitalism:

* For workers democratic control over the production and distribution of all essential items and other resources critical for the lives of people! Nationalise the banks, big corporations, plantations and other major economic nerve centres!

* Repudiate all foreign debts! No to the austerity demands of the IMF and World Bank that represent the international bankers and financial institutions!

* Establish a state monopoly of foreign trade to eradicate corruption in export and import processes and also ensure the supply of all essentials!

* Seize the colossal wealth of the billionaires and corporations!

* Cancel all debts of poor and marginal farmers and small business holders! Reinstate all subsidies, including fertiliser subsidies for farmers!

* Guarantee jobs for all with decent and safe working conditions! Index wages to the cost of living!

An independent movement of the working class organised through action committees based on the above demands will rally the rural poor and other oppressed masses. It will create the foundation for a mass movement aimed at establishing a government of workers and peasants, committed to socialist policies.

The fight for this program is part of a broader struggle for socialism in South Asia and internationally, which must be waged through a united movement of the working class globally.

The potential for such an independent movement of the working class has been clearly demonstrated in the powerful intervention of the working class in popular uprising in Sri Lanka. This includes the massive general strikes on April 28, May 6 and May 10, in which millions participated.

The struggle of workers in Sri Lanka is part of an upsurge of the working class throughout the world. The international airline industry has been affected by strikes in recent weeks, following the strike of 50,000 British rail workers struck. From Latin America to Asia, and from Europe to the United States, educators, auto workers, transportation workers, health care workers and all sections of the working class are entering into struggle against soaring prices, exploitation and inequality.

We urge workers and youth to join the SEP to and take up this struggle for a socialist program and perspective.

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The July 9 protest in Sri Lanka: A socialist program for workers and youth - WSWS

The Constitution is more dedicated to protecting states than people. And whats worse, basic rights can disappear when you cross those arbitrary lines exactly the problem the court is set to exacerbate.

Theres still some good in it.

If courts were to examine that the Constitution has three distinct clauses to protect unenumerated rights a huge range of rights, such as privacy, travel, and voting, that we frequently exercise without necessarily even thinking of them as rights we might gain real protections for them. If the Reconstruction Amendments (13th, 14th, and 15th) were actually enforced with their intended abolitionist meanings rather than through a Lost Cause-revisionist lens, theyd allow our government to really help its people. But even the U.S. Congress that passed the 13th and 14th Amendments was composed entirely of White men, and the state legislatures that ratified them were composed almost entirely of White men (and were exclusively men).

While those were some of the best 19th century White men we had in this country, they still had to take positions of compromise to get their amendments passed. Those compromises left openings for bad-faith conservative arguments to dominate 14th Amendment jurisprudence, which basically covers the entire constitutional basis for modern civil rights.

But stronger rights protections wouldnt solve the Constitutions legitimacy problem, nor would it redress the fundamental unfairnesses of how it allocates political power. Apportioning representation based on arbitrary lines drawn centuries ago is such an obvious problem that even the British managed to solve it more than a hundred years ago! But then, thats one of the hardest parts of the Constitution to change. The Constitution is more dedicated to protecting states than people. And whats worse, basic rights can disappear when you cross those arbitrary lines exactly the problem the court is set to exacerbate. It would be easier to take the best bits of the Constitution and put them into a new one than to fix the current one.

The good we could do in a new constitution is immense. Peoples votes could be given the same weight regardless of where they lived through a voting system such as proportional representation. We could do away with federalism, the system of concurrent government by both a state and national government, reserving exclusive power over certain issues to each. The states sovereignty isnt any more legitimate than the Constitution, and they make very little sense as a way of governing a highly mobile population.

We could abolish the Senate and establish a unicameral legislature focused on governing in line with the will of the people. We could limit the judiciarys power of review with specific guidelines. Rather than letting the judiciary set the weight a particular right is granted in analyzing legislation, we could specify that rights are to be restricted only in a manner consistent with a free and democratic society. We could actually set out to protect human rights in a modern sense.

We could end the unitary executive and, with it, the imperial presidency, which historian and author Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. described as the creep of executive authority beyond the control of Congress or the Constitution. Our expensive and shameful foreign military endeavors would be limited to our treaty obligations and those approved by the legislature.

What we could accomplish through drafting a new constitution is limited largely by our imaginations and the hard work of compromise. We could build an abolition democracy.

If the new constitution is to be legitimate, though, it must be drafted and adopted through democratic processes. The delegates to such a convention must include as large a cross-section of American society as possible, particularly ensuring the interests of marginalized people are represented. Americans of nearly every substantial population across race, ethnicity, religion, gender, sexuality, ability, and class must be included.

Ideally, the delegates would be chosen by the groups whose interests they represent and given voting power in proportion to those populations. The distribution of such representatives must be intersectional, so marginalized groups are not represented disproportionately by their least marginalized members. To build a representative democracy, it must be designed through democratic processes by a truly representative body.

We must not, in this process, fear an excess of democracy.

Ancient democracies, such as Athens, Megara, and Rhodes, audited the selection of representatives to ensure balance among competing interests. Unlike them, however, and unlike the American founders, we must ensure this new founding does not privilege the wealthy and powerful through anti-democratic processes and institutions. The lines of balance must not be drawn along the points of conflict but rather in line with the population.

This country has fewer than a thousand billionaires; they should have less clout in this new founding than, say, Lakota, atheists, Afghan refugees, or nonbinary people. And, more critically, substantially less than the working class.

As a practical matter, its unwieldy to split communities too finely, and some similar interests would need to be grouped to keep the convention workable at a few thousand delegates. But groups composed of millions of Americans should have proportionate strength in negotiating and drafting a new constitution. By beginning with a document developed by a diverse and inclusive group, we can establish a legitimate government of a pluralistic democracy.

Brandon Hasbrouck is a Washington and Lee University School of Law assistant professor who researches and teaches in the areas of criminal law, criminal procedure, movement law, and abolition.

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The case for overhauling the Constitution - The Boston Globe

akistan was granted the GSP+ status by the European Union in December 2013. Thus, its terms have been applicable since January 2014. It has been eight and a half years. Generally, the facility expires in 18 months.

Under the EUs GSP+ scheme, there are zero duties for 66 percent tariff lines for countries that ratify and effectively implement core international human rights (7 conventions), labour rights (8 conventions), environment protection (8 conventions) and good governance (4 conventions) conventions. Currently, this scheme has eight beneficiaries. The GSP+ arrangement is limited to the countries considered vulnerable due to a lack of diversification and insufficient integration within the international trading system.

The current EU GSP regulation, i.e., the 2012 Regulation (No 978/2012), expires at the end of 2023. A new regulation has already been proposed. The draft regulation (to be applicable from 2024-34) adds six new conventions, including the ILOs Labour Inspection Convention (No 81) and Tripartite Consultations Convention (No 144). Under the new regulation, the GSP+ aspirants must submit a plan of action to effectively implement the 33 conventions.

In addition, it amends the GSP reporting period, from two to three years, to streamline and better synchronise with monitoring reports of international bodies and organisations. Instead of a mere extension, Pakistan shall have to reapply for the GSP+ and ensure compliance with tougher conditions to regain preferential access to the EU market.

It is also time to assess the countrys implementation of core labour standards during the last eight and half years through empirical evidence instead of merely using qualitative opinions and anecdotal evidence. The article showcases Labour Force Survey data and legal reform data to indicate progress or regress over the years.

Just before the grant of GSP+ status in 2013, Pakistans exports to the EU were 3.56 billion euros. In 2021, the total exports to the EU had increased to 6.64 billion euros, of which the majority were textile exports. This indicates an increase of 86 percent in overall exports to the EU. European Union has always been a major trading partner for Pakistan and 28 percent of Pakistani exports are directed to the EU. Hence, GSP+ has played a crucial role in sustaining stable export earnings.

The fundamental labour rights or core labour standards, which must be protected to retain GSP+ status, include the right to freedom of association and collective bargaining; elimination of all forms of forced or compulsory labour; effective abolition of child labour; and elimination of discrimination in respect of employment and occupation. Monitoring compliance with these conventions is not easy. For example, the Labour Force Survey, the major document in the country on the assessment of the labour market, does not provide data on forced labour and freedom of association.

The updated data on exercise of trade union rights (number of trade unions, membership, collective bargaining agent status, strikes and lockouts) is unavailable. A 2018 ILO study put the total number of trade unions at 7,096 and their total membership at 1.4 million. The trade union density, as a percentage of the entire labour force (71.76 million), is 2 percent.

Considering that the industrial relations legislation applies only to the formal sector workers, we suggest calculating trade union density as a percentage of the formal sector workforce, which then rises to 12 percent. While trade union federations have expressed concerns about the findings of this study, it is a fact that trade unions and their federations do not regularly submit annual returns to the Labour Departments and the National Industrial Relations Commission; hence claims of their membership are only anecdotal.

There is no direct data collection on instances of forced and compulsory labour in the country. However, some studies indicate that forced labour exists mainly in brick kilns, agriculture and to some extent in domestic work. Data from the Hari Welfare Association suggests that more than 10,000 bonded labourers were released through court orders during 2013-21 in Sindh.

One-third of these freed bonded labourers are children. While the number of released workers indicates the scope of the problem and its pervasiveness in agricultural Sindh, it also shows that courts are working and giving necessary relief to the workers. The point of concern, however, is that no convictions were made under the Sindh Bonded Labour System Abolition Act 2015.

While legislation has either been enacted anew (as in Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan) or strengthened (as in the Punjab), the implementation is rather patchy since district vigilance committees, provided for under the legislation, are not operational in most districts.

An earlier study by the Centre for Labour Research (2019) had indicated that the incidence of child labour had dropped from 3.93 million in 2015 to 3.74 million in 2018. The child labour surveys are in progress at the provincial level, and results must be available by the mid of 2023. Due to the Covid-19 pandemic and rising cost of living, child labour numbers are likely to have increased.

The gender wage gap, an indicator of how much less women earn compared to men, declined from 42 percent in 2014 to 18 percent in 2021. The average nominal wage for female workers for all these years between 2013-21 was consistently below the notified minimum wage. The latest LFS (2020-21) shows that the average nominal wage for female workers was above the announced minimum wage of Rs 17,500 per month. Both statistics show improvement.

This did not happen in data alone. In their newly enacted legislation on payment of wages, the provincial governments, especially in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Sindh and Balochistan, require equal pay for work of equal value. Sindh and Balochistan have enacted new maternity benefits legislation requiring 16 and 14 weeks of maternity leave, respectively. Both provide paid nursing breaks until a child ages 12 months. Sindh and Khyber Pakhtunkwa have enacted necessary legislation on reproductive health rights prohibiting discrimination on the grounds of pregnancy and motherhood.

Labour force participation rate (LFPR), an indicator of the relative size of the supply of labour currently available for the production of goods and services in an economy, was 44.9 percent in 2021, compared with 45.70 in 2013. It is a cause of concern that female labour force participation (21.5 percent) in Pakistan is comparable only with the countries of the MENA region.

Similarly, the employment-to-population ratio (EPR), the demand for labour in the country, is 20 percent for female workers and 75.4 percent for male workers. The EPR for women workers has also dropped from 22 percent in 2013 to 20 percent in 2021. Therefore, the government must take necessary steps to improve male and female labour force participation (FLFP) and demand for the countrys workforce.

Through a legislative reform, Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan have made the FLFP easier by allowing women to work during night hours while requiring employers to provide transportation services. In addition, the legislation on anti-harassment was strengthened in 2022, covering all types of workers, including gig workers.

Occupational accidents have decreased from 4.3 percent in 2013 to 2.7 percent in 2021. In lay terms, on average, every 25th worker used to face occupational accidents or injuries in 2013. This average is now every 37th worker, which is an improvement. The provinces of Sindh, the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa have enacted necessary legislation on occupational safety and health and are implementing it.

The share of agriculture in total employment has dropped from 43.71 percent in 2013 to 37.4 percent in 2021. Agriculture and fisheries workers have been allowed to unionise in Sindh (2013) and Balochistan (2015). Sindh also enacted legislation to protect women agriculture workers in 2019, extending the labour protections to female workers in agriculture.

While no reliable data is available on the number of trade unions formed in the agriculture sector following these reforms, it is time the government raised awareness about these and provided necessary institutional support to the workers, striving to form and join trade unions in the sector.

The formal sector now employs 27.5 percent of the non-agricultural labour force; its share was 26.4 percent in 2013. Regarding absolute figures, instead of 8.32 million workers in 2013, now 11.58 million workers enjoy the protections afforded by the labour legislation. The total labour force is 71.76 million workers.

While the informal sector does not include agriculture sector workers, it is relevant to look at the unregulated sector, which does not enjoy the labour law protections (combination of informal sector plus agriculture sector). The unregulated sector has also declined from 85 percent of the total labour force in 2013 to 82.78 percent in 2021.

There has been visible improvement, though millions still fall outside the jurisdiction of labour law. It is time the government extended the scope of labour legislation to the informal sector and enforced such legislation for the marginalised groups, especially domestic workers, home-based workers, digital labour platform workers, construction workers and agriculture workers.

Wage and salary employees, one of the four classifications of employment status in the labour force, have increased from 38.86 percent in 2013 to 42 percent in 2021. This shows the results of the formalisation of the informal economy through protective legislation such as Terms of Employment (Standing Orders) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Sindh and Balochistan, effectively dealing with the casualisation of the workforce and limiting the term of a contract for contract workers. Similarly, provinces have enacted legislation on home-based work (Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan), domestic work (the Punjab) and agriculture work (Sindh).

Vulnerable employment, a combination of own account and contributing family workers, has reduced from 59.90 percent in 2013 to 56.60 percent in 2021. Vulnerable workers are less likely to have formal work arrangements leading to a lack of decent working conditions, adequate social security and representation by trade unions and similar organisations. Vulnerable employment generally encompasses inadequate earnings, low productivity and challenging working conditions.

While there is a lot of improvement in terms of legislation, the same is not apparent in actual changes in working conditions. There are a couple of reasons for that. First, there is always a lag between the enactment of legislation and tangible change in the situation on the ground. The lag period is protracted due to a lack of implementation rules for the newly enacted legislation. For legislation enacted from 2013 onward, rules are still under preparation in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and were framed in Sindh in 2021. Second, the labour inspection system plays a vital role in implementing legislation.

The number of labour inspectors (filled-in posts) has increased from 334 in 2015 to 530 in 2019. There is one labour inspector for every 21,685 formal sector workers. Considering the overall 67.25 million employed workers, there is one labour inspector for every 126,000 workers in the country.

The GSP+ arrangement has been as a useful instrument to improve labour rights in the country, as is visible through the enactment of necessary legislation and Labour Force Survey data.

However, while the first ten years focused more on the legislative reform side, the next ten years, hoping that Pakistan is granted access again from 2024 onward, should focus on the implementation and enforcement of this legislation along with the reform plan already envisaged under the National Labour Protection Framework. Pakistan also needs to start implementing the National Action Plan on Business and Human Rights (2021) and the National Gender Policy Framework (2022).

The labour inspection system needs an overhaul while encouraging citizen and worker-generated data on workplace compliance with the labour legislation. While hiring more inspectors is also helpful, the local government system and trade unions at workplaces need to be used effectively to ensure compliance.

Balochistan is the first province in the country to have prohibited the victimisation of workers for filing complaints or giving evidence to the Labour Department. This needs to be replicated elsewhere. Pakistan Bureau of Statistics must be engaged as a critical partner.

Data on core labour standards and other working conditions must be collected through LFS annually, primarily on bonded labour and trade union density. While provincial governments are initiating reforms in their sphere, the federal government must do progressive legislation for Islamabad Capital Territory (ICT), which has the countrys most regressive and outdated labour laws.

The writer is the founder of the Centre for Labour Research, Pakistan. He has co-authored Islamic Labour Code, based on the teachings of the Quran and Sunnah. He can be reached at ia72@cornell.edu

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GSP+ and labour rights in Pakistan - The News International

AFTERNOON

The Human Rights Council today adopted the Universal Periodic Review outcomes of the Republic of Moldova, South Sudan, Haiti and Sudan.

Federico Villegas, President of the Human Rights Council, said the Council had now concluded the adoption of all Universal Periodic Review outcomes of States considered during the third cycle of the Universal Periodic Review, with the exception of the adoption of Myanmar, which the Council agreed to postpone until the General Assembly decided on the representation of Myanmar in the United Nations. The 100 per cent participation in the mechanism had been maintained, and the review process had seen an increased engagement of States, at the highest level of the Government, and of other stakeholders even during the worst period of the COVID-19 pandemic. The Universal Periodic Review was the most fundamental tool for the international community, and today all countries had seen that this mechanism was a roadmap in all countries for the development of human rights.

Speaking in the Universal Periodic Review of the Republic of Moldova were Tunisia, United Nations Women, United Nations Population Fund, Tanzania, Venezuela, Viet Nam, China, India, Iran, Kazakhstan, Maldives, Morocco and Nepal.

Also speaking were World Jewish Congress, International Federation for Human Rights, International Commission of Jurists, Advocates for Human Rights, Amnesty International, United Nations Watch, Ingenieurs du Monde, and Association pour la dfense des droits de l'homme et des revendications dmocratiques/culturelles du peuple Azerbaidjanais-Iran.

Speaking in the Universal Periodic Review of South Sudan were Germany, India, Kuwait, Lesotho, Libya, Maldives, Mauritania, Morocco, Nepal, Pakistan, Philippines, Senegal and Mali.

Also speaking were East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project, Istituto Internazionale Maria Ausiliatrice delle Salesiane di Don Bosco, Lawyers' Rights Watch Canada, Lutheran World Federation, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, International Organization for the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, Interfaith International, Maat for Peace, Development and Human Rights Association, and Elizka Relief Foundation.

Speaking in the Universal Periodic Review of Haiti were Egypt, Germany, India, Jamaica, Libya, Madagascar, Maldives, Morocco, Nepal, Philippines, Russian Federation, South Africa and South Sudan.

Also speaking were Centre pour les Droits Civils et Politiques Centre CCPR, Edmund Rice International, Center for Global Nonkilling, Interfaith International, Recontre Africaine pour la defense les droits de lhomme, United Nations Watch, Ingenieurs du Monde, and Association pour la dfense des droits de l'homme et des revendications dmocratiques/culturelles du peuple Azerbaidjanais-Iran.

Speaking in the Universal Periodic Review of Sudan were Lesotho, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Namibia, Nepal, Pakistan, Qatar, Russian Federation, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Somalia.

Also speaking were Action Canada for Population and Development, East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project, International Service for Human Rights, Christian Solidarity Worldwide, Rencontre Africaine pour la defense des droits de l'homme, International Bar Association, International Organization for the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, Meezaan Center for Human Rights, Villages Unis, and Maat for Peace, Development and Human Rights Association.

The webcast of the Human Rights Council meetings can be found here. All meeting summaries can be found here. Documents and reports related to the Human Rights Councils fiftieth regular session can be found here.

The Council will next meet at 10 a.m. on Tuesday, 5 July, to hold an interactive debate with the Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related forms of intolerance.

Consideration of Universal Periodic Review Outcome of the Republic of Moldova

Presentation

TATIANA MOLCEAN, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Moldova to the United Nations Office at Geneva, said the 185 recommendations accepted by the Republic of Moldova served as an important assessment of the States maturity with respect to its human rights. The Government was developing a new general human rights policy document for the next five years dedicated to the implementation of the accepted Universal Periodic Review recommendations. The Republic of Moldova would continue to accede to and ratify various international instruments. It had deployed efforts to strengthen national human rights institutions, including the finalisation of the amendment to the law on the People's Advocate, increasing the functionality of the Ombudsman specialising in the protection of children's rights. A new strategy would address the challenges in the justice system, including the integrity of justice sector stakeholders, the underdeveloped legal culture, and corruption.

Womens participation in the decision-making process had been strengthened with the minimum quota of 40 per cent women representation; 40 women were elected to parliament after the July 2021 elections. The rights of persons with disabilities were a cross-cutting priority. New legislation had been adopted on the establishment and payment of compensation for transportation services for persons with disabilities. Human rights and free movement along the Nistru River continued to be a central issue, and the human rights situation in the transnistrian region had been brought to the attention of external partners. More than half a million refugees had entered the Republic of Moldova since the beginning of the war in Ukraine. Ukrainian refugees were offered shelter, transport, medical screening, food and water, psychological, social and legal assistance, and education services.

Discussion

Speakers welcomed the establishment of a national human rights institute in the Republic of Moldova. They commended efforts made in advancing womens equality and gender parity in such challenging times, affected by the COVID-19 pandemic and the refugee crisis. The gender chapter of the public expenditure and financial accountability assessment was appreciated. The Governmental Commission on Equality should be re-established, and it should be allowed to make Governmental bodies responsible for ensuring gender-mainstreaming in their policies. The efforts of the Government to ensure that the human rights of all were secure were appreciated. Some speakers said the Republic of Moldova had been one of the first countries in the European region to adopt a national programme on reproductive rights. Focus should be made on the most vulnerable groups, such as young women, and ensuring access to services for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons and victims of rape. Violence against women should be addressed to a greater extent to ensure its elimination.

The Universal Periodic Review showed the Republic of Moldovas commitment to the cause of human rights, speakers said, noting the measures taken to reduce poverty and ensure the social inclusion of disadvantaged groups, with the creation of multi-sectoral groups to cover their needs. The measures taken to protect and promote the rights of the Republic of Moldovas ethnic minority population and to eliminate all forms of discrimination were also appreciated. The legislative, social and policy measures outlined in the report amply reflected the Governments commitment to the protection and promotion of human rights, including during the pandemic. The Government should take effective steps to implement the recommendations on unilateral coercive measures. The Government was commended for accepting the majority of the recommendations received. Efforts should continue to ensure the independence of members of the judiciary and the judiciary system, including the judiciary disciplinary system, and to ensure that these were not only on paper, as had happened in the past. Efforts to ensure that none suffered from arbitrary disappearance should be reinforced.

Concluding Remarks

TATIANA MOLCEAN, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Moldova to the United Nations Office at Geneva, said the interest and active participation of delegations that had engaged in this cycle of the Universal Periodic Review were appreciated. Non-governmental organizations had accomplished remarkable work and supported the Government in implementing all human rights policies. The Government of the Republic of Moldova remained committed to strengthening national tools for implementing all recommendations. This cycle had given the State an opportunity to map the progress made so far at implementing all human rights, including economic, social and cultural rights and civil and political rights.

The evolution of the situation in the Republic of Moldova since the evaluation in January was being converted into concrete actions, and the recommendations would be included in national policy documents and further implemented. The role of the Peoples Advocate, the Equality Council and the preventive mechanism would be strengthened. The Government would accelerate its efforts to ensure that the justice sector and the anti-corruption authorities were strengthened. The legal framework on the selection of judges and prosecutors would be streamlined. The Government was committed to building a just society based on the rule of law, according to international standards.

The Vice President of the Council noted that out of 209 recommendations, the Republic of Moldova had accepted 186 and noted 22. It had also provided clarification on one recommendation.

The Council then adopted the outcome of the Universal Periodic Review of the Republic of Moldova.

Consideration of Universal Periodic Review Outcome of South Sudan

Presentation

GARSIANO MOGGA ELIA WAJA, Charge dAffaires a.i. of the Permanent Mission of South Sudan to the United Nations Office at Geneva, said that during the review in February 2022, South Sudan received 258 recommendations in total, out of which 222 recommendations had been accepted and 36 were noted. Some recommendations were examined and noted because these recommendations were not priorities, or were in conflict with the national laws, government policies or customs and traditions of the peoples of South Sudan. These recommendations covered such topics as sexual relations between consenting adults of the same sex, which were in conflict with South Sudans policies, laws, customs and traditions and therefore could not be accepted. Ratification of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court was not a priority for the Government. The priority of the Government of South Sudan was to obtain peace and stability through the implementation of the Revitalised Peace Agreement.

Recommendations on the abolition of the death penalty were noted because the death penalty was present in domestic law as a punishment in accordance with South Sudans current penal laws. Recommendations on violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law were noted because the killing of humanitarian workers in the country was not a policy of the Government and was deemed as a criminal act. Recommendations on the implementation of anti-corruption mechanisms were noted because the Revitalised Government of National Unity was not looting, but managing the wealth of the country. With technical assistance and capacity building support from international and regional partners, including the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, all the accepted recommendations would be fully implemented.

Discussion

Some speakers commended South Sudans latest steps in implementing the Revitalised Peace Agreement and for accepting most recommendations from the Universal Periodic Review. South Sudan was commended for institutional reforms of the justice sector, and for all efforts made by the country to protect the rights of women and children. South Sudans commitment to human rights mechanisms was recognised, including through its accession to the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women and the Convention on the Rights of the Child. South Sudans political openness was welcomed, as well as its strengthening of the transitional constitution and the inclusion of freedoms. Some speakers noted the establishment of legislation on juvenile and gender-based violence. South Sudans efforts to build its human rights institution were acknowledged. Speakers also acknowledged that South Sudan was working to overcome challenges, and the country was encouraged to strive towards political stability.

A number of speakers expressed concern that essential political issues in South Sudan remained unresolved, stating that violence in the country must be stopped. The level of gender-based violence was a concern, with women and girls particularly vulnerable. Speakers expressed regret about South Sudans inability to stop all forms of enforced disappearances, and ensure accountability for all human rights violations. South Sudan was called on to accede to the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, as well as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Concern was also raised about the arbitrary arrests of human rights defenders and journalists. It was imperative to create an environment for safe and fair elections. Speakers urged South Sudan to develop a human rights action plan, and accept all recommendations proposed. Authorities in South Sudan were also urged to combat gender-based violence, work towards abolishing the death penalty, and continue to embark on reforms within the security sector.

Concluding Remarks

GARSIANO MOGGA ELIA WAJA, Charge dAffaires a.i. of the Permanent Mission of South Sudan to the United Nations Office at Geneva, thanked the Universal Periodic Review secretariat and the members of the troika for their rock-solid support during the review. He also extended appreciation to the delegations present for their constructive dialogue and their engagement. Gratitude and thanks also went to those who had worked to make the adoption of the Universal Periodic Review a success. The recommendations that enjoyed the support of the Government would be fully implemented.

The President of the Council noted that out of 258 recommendations received, 222 enjoyed the support of South Sudan, and 36 were noted.

The Council then adopted the Universal Periodic Review outcome of South Sudan.

Consideration of Outcome of Universal Periodic Review of Haiti

Presentation

BERTO DORCE, Minister of Justice and Public Security of Haiti, said that Haiti had accepted 205 recommendations and 16 had been noted, out of 221 made. The 16 recommendations noted were justified, either because they went against Haitian culture, or they were already implemented, or because the legal provisions were already provided. Haiti had been requested to adopt a normative framework to protect human rights defenders; Haitian legislation already contained legal provisions to combat these attacks and when such acts were committed, investigations were carried out and the perpetrators punished in accordance with the law. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex people in Haiti were not persecuted or penalised because of their sexual orientation. Despite the difficult situation in the country, progress had been made, including the publication of the Penal Code and the Code of Criminal Procedure in 2020, with the Government agreeing to postpone their implementation until the commission created by Prime Minister Ariel Henry had assessed them.

Significant efforts had been made to restore the security situation, including more than 5,000 arrests for kidnapping, illegal possession of firearms, murder, and drug trafficking. Police had intensified anti-gang operations and increased the presence of preventive patrols and fixed points on the streets. A process of control and presence of civil servants had been launched to fight corruption. A new system had been launched in conjunction with the World Bank, in the fight against poverty, to lay the foundations for an effective social protection system in Haiti. Mr. Dorce said that the Government wished to see better implementation of the recommendations of the Universal Periodic Review and would begin with the popularisation of the 205 recommendations from the fortieth session. Haiti would work together with the international community to implement the recommendations.

Discussion

Some speakers commended the Government of Haitis cooperation with human rights mechanisms. Its commitment to submit the periodic reports and combat violence against women were also commended. Efforts to combat impunity and corruption were also positive. Strengthening the security forces was important for improving the situation of the citizens of Haiti. The draft Penal Code, which would strengthen the rights of victims of sexual violence, had been postponed, which was not a positive development. The review process had seen active engagement, and the adoption of many recommendations was a positive step. The new Code of Criminal Procedure would come into effect later this year. The progress made to protect and promote the human rights of all within the borders of Haiti was noted, with the Government redoubling its efforts in this regard.

Haiti should continue to cooperate with the High Commissioner and all treaty bodies on any capacity building and technical assistance that it required, one speaker urged. Attention should be paid to food security and to developing food and educational services for the vulnerable. Haiti was commended on the adoption of the third national plan to fight violence against women and girls, showing its commitment to its obligations under the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. Haiti should overcome the challenges posed by child labour, including child slavery in the context of domestic labour. Haiti was commended on the implementation of the Strategic Development Plan, and was encouraged to strengthen the reform of the judicial institutions. New measures to improve domestic legislation in the area of rights and freedoms and in fighting human rights violations, including in national law enforcement, were commended. Some speakers said that the implementation of all recommendations would allow Haiti to overcome the obstacles to the full enjoyment of human rights for all. Haiti should implement further policies to reduce inequality. The economic situation, which had worsened considerably during the pandemic, impeded the Governments ability to ensure the security of all. Free and fair elections should be organised as soon as possible.

The President of the Council said that out of 221 recommendations received, 205 enjoyed the support of Haiti, and 16 were noted.

Concluding Remarks

BERTO DORCE, Minister of Justice and Public Security of Haiti, thanked the Universal Periodic Review secretariat and the 82 countries that had read the national report and made recommendations afterwards. Haiti was committed to the Universal Periodic Review mechanism and the international universal human rights system. The Haitian State, represented by Prime Minister Ariel Henry, would do its best to implement the 205 recommendations accepted during the review. The implementation of the recommendations could not be achieved without the help of international partners. Haiti would count on the cooperation that had existed for several years between the Haitian Government and the United Nations, through the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. The Haitian Government remained open to any support, including any cooperation programmes aimed at capacity building, as well as awareness-raising workshops and training activities.

The Council then adopted the outcome of the Universal Periodic Review of Haiti.

Consideration of Outcome of Universal Periodic Review of Sudan

Presentation

HASSAN HAMID HASSAN, Permanent Representative of Sudan to the United Nations Office at Geneva, said Sudan had presented its third report under the Universal Periodic Review, reflecting the efforts to apply the recommendations arising from the previous Review, and the efforts to protect and promote human rights in all aspects, as reflected in the subsequent report. Sudan had taken care to organise all necessary means to ensure the successful visits of mandate holders. It had lifted the state of emergency, freed political prisoners, and created an environment of political consensus. Sudans cooperation with the Human Rights Council showcased its commitment to human rights, and it would continue its national and international efforts to support these. The Universal Periodic Review mechanism was one of the most effective means to this end, making it possible to develop human rights in Sudan and elsewhere. Sudan was undergoing a period of transition marked by challenges and difficulties of all kinds: economic, social, political, and, of course, the debt burden, but this did not prevent it from working to promote human rights. Eighty per cent of the recommendations made had been accepted or were already implemented, and others would be.

BUTHAYNAH MOHAMED ELTAYIB ELTOUM, Advisor, Human Rights Department, Ministry of Justice of Sudan, said the Government had examined the recommendations presented. Following broad consultations with all stakeholders, Sudan had accepted 244 recommendations, and had begun to implement these. Thirty-nine recommendations were rejected for constitutional and legal reasons. The Government was continuing its efforts for institutional and legal reforms, as indicated, and was continuing its efforts to ratify international human rights conventions. It was also working to ensure that its legislation was aligned with international and regional conventions to which it was party. Some recommendations made during the previous cycle were now accepted.

Efforts were being made to combat female genital mutilation and harmful stereotypes. Regarding the democratic transition, there was now a new national dialogue under the auspices of the African Union in order to prepare for the next general elections. Sudan was committed to achieving peace and stability in the Darfur region and all conflict zones, and had signed the Juba Agreement. Sudan was committed to protecting civil society and to allow it to support human rights and aid with the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals, as well as enhancing efforts to respond to the pandemic.

Discussion

Some speakers commended Sudan for progress made on acceding to international instruments. They appreciated Sudans legislative measures to ensure effective recourse in response to the violation of rights, including criminalising and punishing female genital mutilation, and penalising human trafficking. The Sudanese Government was praised for its transparency, participation, and commitment to the Universal Periodic Review process. It was encouraging that Sudan had accepted the majority of recommendations, and speakers appreciated the enhanced dialogue, which reflected Sudans commitment to human rights. Sudan was taking steps towards establishing an independent national human rights commission, and it was believed that the measures taken to strengthen national capacity would lead to tangible results. Sudan was commended for steps taken to implement economic reform. The country was also commended for adopting the Convention against Torture and for abolishing all forms of corporal punishment,

Some speakers urged Sudan to redouble efforts to address abuses by State authorities and to address armed tribal conflict in the country. Speakers also called on the Sudanese Government to take measures to allow the country to commit to a democratic transition and to revoke the state of emergency. It was regretful that protesters in Sudan were subject to excessive use of force. Some speakers called on the Government to release all civilians detained as a result of the coup, and to free all political prisoners who had been detained without grounds. Sudan was urged to ratify the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women and to end the targeting of women protesters. A campaign needed to be put in place to target the rising levels of racism within the country. Violence against children was also an issue of concern and child marriage was still in practice in Sudan; the country was urged to strengthen mechanisms to prevent violence again children. The political crisis following the coup raised legal questions regarding the legitimate representatives of the State during the Universal Periodic process, and it was regretful that there was a lack of a civilian-led transition to make decisions on the Universal Periodic Review outcome.

Concluding Remarks

HASSAN HAMID HASSAN, Permanent Representative of Sudan to the United Nations Office at Geneva, repeated his thanks to the troika countries for their great role, as well as to the human rights mechanisms that provided technical assistance and had a positive impact in helping Sudan fulfil its human rights obligations. With regard to the freedom of expression, the Government was dedicated to protecting and promoting it in the context of the provisions of the Constitution. The police forces of the Sudan were of the people, belonged to the people, and protected the property of the people, and would also protect the next Government, to which all aspired, and thus any aggression towards them was an aggression against all, and went against the principles of the revolution which protected freedom and justice. With regard to the recommendations which had not been accepted, these went against traditions and culture of the country, as well as the Constitution. Human rights could only prosper under the auspices of a democratically elected Government, and the appropriate messaging should be sent to all parties to immediately start the preparatory processes, so that this could begin soon.

The President of the Council said that out of 283 recommendations, 244 enjoyed the support of Sudan, and 39 were noted.

The Council then adopted the outcome of the Universal Periodic Review of Sudan.

Remarks by the President

FEDERICO VILLEGAS, President of the Human Rights Council, said the Council had concluded the adoption of all Universal Periodic Review outcomes of States considered during the third cycle of the Universal Periodic Review, with the exception of the adoption of Myanmar, which the Council agreed to postpone until the General Assembly decided on the representation of Myanmar in the United Nations. The 100 per cent participation in the mechanism had been maintained, and the review process had seen an increased engagement of States, at the highest level of the Government, and of other stakeholders even during the worst period of the COVID-19 pandemic.

The number of recommendations received and those accepted by States had grown further during the third cycle, with States taking concrete steps to implement them at the national level. To highlight a few: States had ratified additional human rights treaties, increased reporting to treaty bodies, and committed to making standing invitations to Special Procedure mandate holders. More national human rights institutions and national mechanisms for the prevention of torture had been set up, as well as national mechanisms for implementation, reporting and follow-up. The Universal Periodic Review had also determined an increase in measures to professionalise the police, correctional officers, judges, lawyers and prosecutors, and had led to revisions of penal and procedural codes and the abolishment of capital punishment.

Looking forward, the President said that the fourth cycle would be an opportunity to enhance the implementation of recommendations in nationally-owned processes - with the growing participation of national human rights institutions and civil society organizations. When the Council was created, there was a year of discussions, where all States considered that something had to be done to ensure that all States could put forward the state of their human rights to be considered by the international community, and this was why the Universal Periodic Review was created. The Universal Periodic Review was the most fundamental tool for the international community, and today all countries had seen that this mechanism was a roadmap in all countries for the development of human rights.

Link: https://www.ungeneva.org/en/news-media/meeting-summary/2022/07/conseil-des-droits-de-lhomme-examen-periodique-universel-epu-de

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Human Rights Council Adopts Universal Periodic Review Outcomes of the Republic of Moldova, South Sudan, Haiti and Sudan - OHCHR

In June 2022 the Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities published its white paper: "A fairer private rented sector" (White Paper). The White Paper forms part of, and builds on, the government's wider plans for levelling up. The intention is to "fundamentally reform the private rented sector and level up housing quality in this country".

In this alert we summarise the government's 12-point plan of action as set out in the White Paper and consider some of the key issues for commercial landlords operating in the private rented sector (PRS).

1. Introduce a PRS Decent Homes Standard (DHS)

The aim is to halve the number of non-decent rented homes by 2030. To achieve this the government intends to legislate to require the PRS to comply with a DHS for the first time (at the present time there is a DHS, but it only applies to social rented housing). The White Paper suggests this would (among other things) require PRS properties to be free from the most serious health and safety hazards, such as fall risks, fire risks, or carbon monoxide poisoning and for landlords to be obliged to ensure that PRS homes do not fall into disrepair.

Any new legislative duty on landlords to ensure that the PRS meets the DHS will inevitably help to raise standards but could well have ongoing cost implications for landlords. This may be more of an issue for older PRS stock requiring, for example, energy efficiency improvements or updated facilities. However, commercial landlords competing within the PRS are already subject to market and reputational pressures to ensure that they maintain decent housing stock so the hope is that the DHS will not add significant burden but will help to differentiate the "good" landlords from the "bad" by setting a clear minimum standard.

2. Quality improvements

The goal is to accelerate quality improvements in PRS housing stock in areas that are identified as being in need of it most. The government proposes to do this through a pilot scheme with a selection of local councils to explore different ways of enforcing standards, with the aim of working with landlords to accelerate the adoption of the DHS in the PRS.

What is not clear from the White Paper is how a landlord will be able to carry out improvements to housing where those works require possession of the property given the plans to abolish "no fault" evictions (see below). While there are no plans to abolish ground 6 of the current legislation (allowing a landlord to recover possession to carry out development), this ground is not available to landlords purchasing buildings during the term of a tenancy. This could prove unduly restrictive for good investment landlords willing to buy properties to improve and then let.

3. Abolition of section 21 "no fault" evictions and introduction of a simpler tenancy structure

The government intends to abolish section 21 "no fault" evictions and move away from the current tenancy structure (in which, typically, a fixed-term tenancy is granted which then runs into a periodic tenancy once the fixed term has ended) to a simpler structure of purely periodic tenancies (which a tenant would be able to terminate on two months' notice at any time). The White Paper states that this notice period should ensure that "landlords recoup the costs of finding a tenant and avoid lengthy void periods". The intention is to give more flexibility to tenants (who will not be tied into any fixed term) and empower them to challenge poor practice (by removing the threat of a "no fault" eviction) thereby incentivising landlords to engage and resolve issues.

The new system is to be implemented in two stages:

The White Paper confirms that purpose-built student accommodation will be exempt from these proposed changes and tenancies in that sector will instead continue to be governed by the Protection from Eviction Act 1977 so long as the provider is registered for a government-approved code.

Landlords will need to pay attention to these changes particularly as they will affect existing tenancies once the second implementation date has passed. While the abolition of section 21 "no fault" evictions may be the most headline grabbing point, it may not be the one that proves most disruptive to commercial landlords operating in the PRS (who are unlikely to want to evict paying tenants given their operating models). Instead, it is the change to the tenancy structure that will require more detailed planning. Once that change is fully in force, landlords will no longer be able to tie tenants into fixed contractual terms and will need to plan instead for the possibility of any unit becoming vacant at any point on two months' notice. Among other things, that will require financial planning and an agile marketing strategy to ensure that no long-term voids emerge.

4. Reform of grounds for possession

Ultimately, a tenancy under the new regime will only end if the tenant ends it or the landlord has a valid ground for possession. To compensate landlords for the loss of section 21 "no fault" evictions, the government wants to ensure that landlords have effective means to gain possession of their properties when necessary. As part of this the government intends to introduce the following new grounds for possession:

However, the notice period for the existing rent arrears eviction ground will be increased to four weeks and the mandatory threshold will remain at two months arrears at the time of serving notice and hearing (there may be further leniency where arrears have arisen due to delays in the tenant receiving relevant benefit payments). In cases of criminal behaviour or serious antisocial behaviour, the government proposes to lower the notice period for the existing mandatory eviction ground and explore whether further guidance would help landlords and tenants to resolve issues at an earlier stage.

So going forwards landlords will need to be mindful that they will always have to evidence a valid ground for possession. If a landlord has a disruptive tenant in situ, or one that is consistently behind with the rent, it will be vital to the successful management of the landlord's wider PRS portfolio that evictions are properly dealt with. Failure to do so could impact the landlord's other clients (i.e. tenants in the same block, or in the vicinity) who will now have the option of walking away from a poorly managed property on just two months' notice and also the landlord's reputation in the market.

5. Limitations on rent review

The following are being proposed:

Any restrictions on rent reviews will be of concern to all landlords operating in the PRS especially if, under the new scheme, landlords will be unable to terminate a tenancy without valid grounds (at the moment, it is not a valid ground that the landlord does not feel it is getting enough rent). It is difficult to comment further on these proposals at this stage given the lack of detail. However, the good news for landlords is that the government is not proposing any rental cap on the amount that can be charged on the grant of a new letting. This will result in a careful balancing exercise: setting the initial rent at the right level to attract tenants, while ensuring that the rent will remain viable throughout the possible term of the tenancy.

6. Introduction of new ombudsman

The government proposes to introduce a new single government-approved ombudsman that all private landlords (who rent out property in England) must join. Local councils will be empowered to take enforcement action against landlords who fail to join the ombudsman.

The rationale is to provide fair, impartial and binding resolutions for many issues with the intention that this will be quicker, cheaper, less adversarial and more proportionate than the court system. The new ombudsman will allow tenants to seek redress for free, where they have a complaint about their tenancy but it is unclear how the ombudsman will be funded. The ombudsman "will have powers to put things right for tenants, including compelling landlords to issue an apology, provide information, take remedial action, and/or pay compensation of up to 25,000".

Commercial landlords in the PRS will need to be aware of these proposals and ensure membership as and when the ombudsman is set up.

7. Providing a more efficient court process

The government proposes to target areas where there are "unacceptable delays" in court proceedings, strengthen mediation and alternative dispute resolution with the aim of enabling landlords and tenants to work together to reduce the risk of issues escalating.

In introducing these new measures, the government hopes that this will allow the more serious issues to progress through the court process much more quickly. By offering support for early engagement between landlord and tenant, the government hopes this will sustain tenancies and avoid costly and time-consuming court possession proceedings for both parties and prevent avoidable evictions. Landlords will no doubt welcome any improvements.

8. Introducing a new digital Property Portal

The proposed Property Portal would provide a single "front door" to help landlords understand and demonstrate compliance with their legal requirements. Landlords would be required to register their properties on the portal; registration will be mandatory. Tenants will then be able to access information about their landlords compliance record through the portal (together with guidance on renting in the PRS) and local councils will have access to more data in order to "crack down" on criminal landlords. Subject to consultation with the Information Commissioners Office, the government proposes to incorporate some of the functionality of the Database of Rogue Landlords, mandating the entry of all eligible landlord offences and making them publicly visible.

The introduction of a new Property Portal is intended to support the reforms to ensure they are understood and effectively enforced and in doing so, landlords will need to demonstrate compliance with their legal requirements. This should be seen as a positive step. The portal will enable good landlords to stand out and by doing so, steer tenants away from rogue landlords.

9. Strengthening enforcement powers for local councils

The government intends to strengthen local councils enforcement powers and their ability to crack down on criminal landlords by seeking to increase investigative powers and strengthening the fine regime for serious offences. The government is also exploring a requirement for local councils to report on their housing enforcement activity.

These changes will not trouble legitimate landlords.

10. No blanket bans

The government will legislate to make it illegal for landlords or agents to have blanket bans on renting to families with children or those in receipt of benefits and explore if similar action is needed for other vulnerable groups, such as prison leavers. The government proposes to improve support to landlords who let to people on benefits.

11. Pets and decoration

The government proposes to legislate to ensure landlords do not unreasonably withhold consent when a tenant requests to have a pet in their home (with the tenant able to challenge a decision) and amend the Tenant Fees Act 2019 to include pet insurance as a permitted payment (to cover any resultant damage to the property).

Landlords are also to be encouraged to allow reasonable requests by tenants to redecorate, hang pictures or change appliances provided they return the property in its original state when they leave.

12. Passporting deposits

The government proposes to monitor the development of innovative, market-led solutions to help passport deposits with the intention of allowing tenants who struggle to raise a second deposit to move around the PRS more easily and support tenants to save for home ownership.

Conclusion

Changes to the regulation of the PRS have been a long time coming and form part of a much wider government strategy to level up and to increase fairness across the housing market. The White Paper sets out a comprehensive plan of reform which is to be implemented via the Renters Reform Bill which the government hopes to introduce in this parliamentary session. While legitimate and conscientious PRS landlords will need to adapt, they do not need to worry. The bulk of these changes are aimed at pushing out unscrupulous landlords and unfair practices, something we should all welcome.

Original post:

An overview of the White Paper: A fairer private rented sector - Lexology

Starmer and Sarwar are developing a narrative about the UKs future

DURING the Boris Johnson premiership, I always cautioned against the presumption that his time was up. He is at once a survivor, and an extraordinary comeback merchant.

For those, like me, more focused on tennis than on politics at this time of year, declaring him finished is akin to switching off the television when Novak Djokovic is two sets down, presuming that youve seen the last of him. You havent.

However, as surely as night follows day, there was always going to be a straw that broke the camels back, obscure as that straw (Pincher by name, pincher by nature) turned out to be.

For all his faults, this rogue of a Prime Minister is an extraordinary political force, and it is far from clear that any of the pretenders to the throne around him possess the same abilities: the ability to persuade Leavers and Remainers that he or she is their best bet; the ability to convince shipbuilders from Sunderland and bankers from Berkshire that he or she is on their side.

The lazy narrative, that the Cabinet is full of clowns and so on, is nonsense; there is real talent there. Nadeem Zahawi, Kwasi Kwarteng, Sajid Javid, Rishi Sunak, and current outsiders like Jeremy Hunt. These are highly intelligent, capable people the sort of which, frankly, we could do with at Holyrood. But do they have the it factor of Boris? Im not so sure.

Of course, its all relative. The real question is how they measure up, in the eyes of the 2019 Tory voters all over the country, to Sir Keir Starmer.

The Labour leader is a curious specimen. I must confess, I had higher hopes for him in theory than have materialised in practice. That his election as leader was critical for the Labour Party almost goes without saying. Labour was utterly toxic after being decimated by Jeremy Corbyn and those who supported him, and needed someone to recover not only its electability, but its morality.

The job of being Leader of the Opposition is fundamentally at odds with the job of being Prime Minister. It is rare to come upon somebody who does both of those jobs well, with the only example in recent memory being Tony Blair. In opposition, Sir Keir is no Tony Blair but, in my book, he is likely to make a better PM than he is a leader of the opposition.

Story continues

To get there, he is likely going to have to persuade more of us in Scotland that he is the right horse to back and, like everything in Scottish politics, that will depend largely on the stance he adopts on the prospect of a second independence referendum, and on his vision for the future of the UK.

Together with his excellent Scottish counterpart, Anas Sarwar, he built on that narrative this week, having already nodded towards home rule being Scotlands future. Mr Sarwar called for the abolition of the House of Lords and its replacement with a senate of the nations and regions.

That is not only, in my book, a just replacement for an undemocratic stain, but a building-block towards making it clear to Scots that there can be a version of the UK which more of us can feel positive about.

Sir Keir, for his part, made clear that Labours EU policy is to Make Brexit Work. Not only does that have instinctive resonance as something that is not currently happening, it also respects the choice made by many of his partys erstwhile voters in the north of England and, lest we forget, by almost four in ten Scots.

The SNP appears to have a rare blind spot on this issue, as I wrote about on these pages last month. The inevitability of a customs border between Scotland and England should an independent Scotland join the EU, renders that outcome effectively dead; Sir Keirs ambition has a realism which the SNPs lacks.

Added to the interventions of Sir Keir and Mr Sarwar, Labours Mayor of Greater Manchester, Andy Burnham, this week told Scotland that we were missing a trick by not having elected majors in our biggest cities and that, indeed, would also play its part in persuading Scots that we can exercise significant democratic decision-making close to us without the need to leave the UK.

Labour, we can see, is starting to create a skeleton of what a new version of the UK might look like under Sir Keirs leadership. When the rest of the bones are in place, what it needs is the flesh to make them credible, in the form of detailed policy, and the muscle to make them more electorally attractive, in the form of the people at the forefront.

In this respect, there is an inevitability which Sir Keir and Mr Sarwar claim not to accept, but which they will have to if they want to see the change, and be the change, that they are proposing.

They will have to support a second independence referendum.

I know they dont want to. But they know, deep down, that they have to, for the good of their country as well as for the good of their party in Scotland.

Without it, Scotland will remain stuck in a holding pattern of failure, and the polar positions of the SNP and the Tories will always be more attractive than the middle-of-the-road thoughtfulness of Labour.

But it should be Labours referendum, on Labours terms. It should have two questions: a first asking people whether or not they want constitutional change, and a second asking whether they want any constitutional change to be in the form of home rule or independence.

In 2014, many No voters unenthusiastically opted for the lesser of two evils, despite knowing that there was no vision for the future of the UK. But, next time, they could make a positive choice for change within the UK.

If they choose independence instead, so be it. But there is a reason why the SNP hates the idea of a so-called middle option being on the ballot paper. Its because they think it would win.

Sir Keir should have that in mind when he is fleshing out those bones.

Andy Maciver is Director of Message Matters and Zero Matters

Continue reading here:

Andy Maciver: Why Starmer and Sarwar need to support indyref2 - Yahoo News UK

by Baba Jahahara Amen-RA Alkebulan-Maat

6262 AAAK / July 2022 JC-PG

Africans Deserve Reparations! Cause, Black Lives Matter!

Blessings of IMANI (FAITH) Beloved, Brilliant, Bold, Brave and Beautiful G-O-Ds, Elders, Sis-Stars, Bro-Stars and Youthful Revolutionaries!

May our Most High Divine Mother-Father Creator of and in All and incredible Ancients and Ancestors from past millennia, yesteryears and, literally, yesterday find you and (y)our extended Family thriving and in healing Spirit, Loving Every Life and seeking sacred MAAT. WE are so proud to share this offering from the unceded, occupied sacred homelands of the OHLONE Indigenous nations (named san francisco california bay area) by the murderous European and united capitalist prison terrorist states of america (ucptsa) colonizers, land-grabbers, racist genocidists and gold-seeking settlers.

On this Fourth of July, my siblings and extended relatives are honoring the 99th Sacred Birthday of our God(dess) Mama ELIZABETH ELIZANN OAKS-ARMSTRONG who left this life six years ago. WE will also be sharing the incredible What To the (En)Slave(d) Is Your Fourth of July? speech by our great abolitionist and ancestor, FREDERICK DOUGLASS. Consider reading together and discussing this profound work with your beloveds here. Amen. As.

WE pay tribute to recent Spiritual transformations, including: WALLACE PANCAKE POWELL, one of my closest friends since before kindergarten. Amen. As. massachusetts State Senator BILL OWENS, who for decades worked hard to support truth, justice and reparations for Afrikans in that state and around our diaspora. Gratitude to Dr. DWAYNE CROMPTON, who spent his life building powerful institutions and programs for youth mostly of Afrikan ancestry. Amen. As.

And, belatedly, for Queen Mother ANITRA PATTERSON, former partner of Baba Activist Attorney Walter Riley, as well as beloved Mama of brothers Raymond Boots Riley and Manuel Riley. After writing about my conversation with Brother Boots last month, i was informed by one of our readers that Doctor Anitra, as i called her, had passed away several years ago.

She and i had a number of conversations regarding her plans to help combat the epidemics of diabetes, obesity, heart disease and other ailments in the ucptsa and on the Afrikan continent; as WE were doing with our H.E.A.L. and HARRIET TUBMAN Health Conductors projects here in the Bay Area as well as our LIFE Over debt and DEATH reparations campaign for Afrika and our diaspora. Through that effort WE were able to get nearly $350 billion of phony debt canceled by the International Monetary Fund, World Bank and other capitalist-imperialist-colonialist entities during the G.W. Bu$h administration, which could be used for desperately-needed agriculture, nutrition, clean water, housing, healthcare and infrastructure projects.

Finally, WE honor the stolen lives of so many victims of the capitalist-imperialist-military terrorists, gangsters, murderers and polluters from washington and wall $treet to London, Brussels, Paris, apartheid state of isreal, Moscow, et al. who continue their massive production of deadly weapons; denial of human rights; withholding of basic necessities like food, water and housing; as well as genocide and murderous-climate chaotic wars in Congo, Yemen, Palestine, Syria, Haiti, Sudan, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, Ukraine, around Turtle Island (so-called americas), here in the ucptsa and so many other areas of our world. Please stay informed with our Black Alliance for Peace at blackallianceforpeace.com.

Long Live the Spirit, legacies and numerous contributions of these new and All our incredible Ancients and Ancestors. As. As. As-O!

WE didnt win all our June 2022 electoral races here in the bay, around this state or around the ucptsa. Nor, can WE expect the white capitalist patriarchy represented by the majority of the supreme cult ruling in the favor of full democratic rights of the people. Most disturbing were the numerous lies, distortions and millions of dollars by the alliance of republikkklan and demokkkratic party neo-liberals to steal the justly-elected position of San Francisco DA won and represented well by Chesa Boudin.

However, WE can still claim some important victories in our continuing march for justice. Several local candidates who came from the people, with visions for truth and restorative justice, in addition to having proven track records of progressive kazi (work) won their contests. This includes Queen and Attorney Pamela Price, who received the most votes for Alameda County District Attorney.

She will now face an insider and proteg supported by the outgoing Nancy OMalley, in November. WE also ousted the fascistic Sheriff Gregory Ahern, who was responsible for so many unnecessary illnesses and deaths in Alameda Countys Santa Rita Jail. In Contra Costa County, progressive District Attorney Diana Becton won re-election, with 56% of the vote.

Quite significantly, WE now have the opportunity to, at long last, officially abolish slavery and involuntary servitude in the State of California. ACA3 (Assembly Constitutional Amendment) now called the End Slavery in California Act measure is based on years of action by numerous abolitionists, those formerly incarcerated and their families, as well as a number of groups, including California Abolition Act Coalition, ASAP (Anti-violence, Safety and Accountability Program), All of Us Or None, CURYJ and others. It was introduced by Assemblymember Sydney Kamlager. At present, the California Constitution, Section 6, Article I says: Involuntary servitude is prohibited except to punish crime.

The proposal would remove that exception and replace it as follows: a. Slavery in any form, is prohibited. And, b. For purposes of this section, slavery includes forced labor compelled by the use of threat of physical or legal coercion. Taken from official California Legislative Information, 23 June 2022.

Therefore, WE need every truth-seeker and justice-loving person to make calls over the next few weeks to our state legislators to ensure this critical measure gets on the ballot for the election this fall. Once WE win this battle, then its on to changing the 13th Amendment of the ucptsa (usa) Constitution which allows slavery for criminal convictions. Amen. As.

If you havent signed it already, please join our NCOBRA (National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America), partner organizations and many key allies by reviewing, signing and sharing our Petition to President Joe Biden to issue an immediate Executive Order to establish the Commission to Receive and Develop Reparations Proposals for African Americans Act. Go to hrw.org/ReparationsNow.

Asante Sana to all who attended NCOBRAs 33rd Annual Convention in Hartford, Conn., or virtually, in June. WE will be providing a full report over the next period. Please stay informed and/or update your membership by visiting our national website or contacting us c/o ncobrawest@gmail.com.

Also in June, WE applaud the State of California Reparations Task Force which recently voted 5 to 4 to limit reparations benefits only to those who can prove their Ancestors were enslaved in what has become the usa for releasing its first report in June. Stay updated here.

Also, please consider our Petition to Change the Name of the so-called white House, which was partly designed and built by our enslaved Afrikan ancestors.

Sisters and Brothers, continue to take (y)our righteous steps knowing our Divine will do the rest. And, always walk in the Power of IMANI (FAITH) on each and every day. Amen-RA Hotep! As.

#BlackLivesMatter #AfricansDeserveReparationsNow #FreeTheLand #BringOurEldersHomeNow #AbolishPrisonsandPolice #AbolishPatriarchy #LoveandDefendMotherEarth #BlackNewDeal

Jahahara Amen-RA Alkebulan-Maat is the fourth of seven Suns of Ancestors Baba CLEVELAND LEE ARMSTRONG, SR. and QM ELIZABETH ELIZANN OAKS ARMSTRONG; and, traces his roots to the Yoruba and Ewondo nations in Alkebulan-Afrika. He is the author of several books, including Many Paths to Kujichagulia (Self-Determination). Baba Jahahara is also a Life Member, former National Male Co-Chair and Acting West Region Rep of NCOBRA. Take a listen to a few songs from his musical catalog here. Invite Baba Jahahara to present at your group, school, spiritual gathering or event c/o support@africansdeservereparations.com or FONAMI, P.O. Box 10963, Oakland, CA 94610.

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Abort the patriarchy! Abolish slavery! Dance to life! - San Francisco Bay View

Both Republicans and Democratic leaders have been pushing increasingly hyped-up narratives to persuade us that crime is exploding, and calling for increased policing and police funding. This is standard Republican rhetoric across the board, and Democratic mayors like Lori Lightfoot of Chicago and Eric Adams of Chicago have been parroting a similar message. Even Stacey Abrams, the Democratic candidate for governor in Georgia who has received widespread support from progressives, announced Thursday that she is in favor of raising police pay.

In recent weeks, weve also been repeatedly told that bail reform has caused crime to skyrocket. But according to the American Civil Liberties Union, this is a false narrative.

Yes, homicide is up since 2020, but it is very possible that the increase is tied to the expansion of neoliberalism and the dislocations caused by the pandemic rather than the fall guy of minimal bail reform. It is imperative to reject this alarmist rhetoric, which obscures the racist, classist, sexist, and homophobic realities of police violence in the United States.

Even communities we may perceive to be one step removed from the harms of police-perpetrated violence can be targeted by it, and should speak out against so-called toughoncrime approaches.

As an Arab American who has witnessed the chilling effect of surveillance on my community, three factors have inspired me to stand with the movement to defund the police.

First as organizations like Chicagos Arab American Action Network and San Franciscos Arab Resource and Organizing Center (AROC), the Abolishing the War on Terror movement, the Arabs for Black Lives Collective, and the U.S. Campaign for Palestinian Rights exemplify Arab Americans have a responsibility to stand with Black (including Black Arab), migrant and Indigenous social movements challenging oppressive policing systems.

Middle-class Arab immigrant communities should especially be engaged in these matters, as some of us have benefited from anti-Blackness, the theft of Native land, and the exploitation of working-class migrants perhaps not as directly as white people, but by virtue of living on stolen Indigenous land, or because our families have gained economic privileges related to anti-Black systemic racism.

We should be challenging the privileges we do hold in relation to oppressive systems. The forms of state violence Arab and Black communities face are not the same, but solidarity is both our responsibility and a means to acknowledging accountability to those upon whose backs this country was built and continues to operate.

Second, the racist structures targeting Arab and Muslim migrant communities including airport profiling and government surveillance are part of the U.S.s increasingly broad systems of policing and incarceration. Therefore, we should be in coalition with communities striving to end systems of policing.

U.S. policing systems are broad and work through many forms of containment and punishment, such as racist neighborhood policing, as well as surveillance like police use of gang databases and terrorist databases. Both rely on racial profiling, which civil rights groups assert is unconstitutional because the practice infringes on privacy rights.

Furthermore, the war on terror normalizes the militarization of the police while the military and police are increasingly pushed to share strategies, technologies and trainings to intensify repression of social justice movements and poor communities.

This is evident in military surplus equipment and gear going to police, including armored vehicles and high-powered rifles. After the police-perpetrated killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, police in combat gear made communities look like war zones. There is no evidence that this reduces crime, but the practice raises profound concerns about what we want public safety to look like and whether we are being primed to accept a more militaristic and authoritarian future. (When President Donald Trump renewed a military surplus program reformed by the Barack Obama administration and spoke with amusement about police not roughing people up too much, this sent a clear signal to police and endangered communities of color.)

Across the country, communities have been expressing concerns about how cops target people who they perceive to be Muslim, including Arab Americans who may or may not be Muslim, in Islamophobic rhetoric and actions. The well-known New York Police Department spying campaign, confirmed in 2011, entailed wholesale surveillance of Arabs and Muslims in the New York City area from terrorism investigations of mosques to attempts to infiltrate the board of directors at the Arab American Association of New York.

In May 2022, Chicagos Arab American Action Network (AAAN) released a report demanding the abolition of Suspicious Activity Reports (SAR). They evidence how the Department of Homeland Securitys If You See Something Say Something campaign encourages police officers and the entire population to reportseeing something that they find suspicious. They found these reports focus on suspicions about people who are or are assumed to be Arab, Muslim, or from the Middle East for benign activities termed suspicious and promote information sharing that can enable multiple law enforcement and intelligence agencies to conduct their own follow-up investigations. Overall, the AAAN explains, they have the effect of repressing dissent and surveilling and criminalizing Arabs and Muslims while reinforcing white supremacy.

In this sense, scholars and activists working with Chicagos working-class Arab immigrant communities have helped expand how we define policing and the communities we refer to as those targeted by policing.

Along similar lines, across the U.S., the Countering Violent Extremism program seeks to enlist Muslim leaders as active participants in spying on their own communities, destroying trust and dividing and undermining those very communities.

The U.S. empires surveillance, counterterrorism and counterinsurgency have been imported from the global war into policing practices domestically and have always had an import/export approach to their carceral strategies, said University of Illinois Chicago doctoral candidate Sangeetha Ravichandran. This creates a dangerous reality for communities of color, who are subjected to a violent, high-tech, white supremacist policing culture in need of abolition.

For many Arab Americans, mistrust in the police is not new. In 1993, Arab Americans filed damage claims against Los Angeles, San Francisco, and San Diego police for sharing confidential information with the pro-Israel Anti-Defamation League after hundreds of Arab Americans were notified that their names were included in files sent to them. After 9/11, FBI agents collaborated with police to gather intelligence about Arab Americans.

The third reason why we should support defunding the police is made clear by the Institute for Research on Race and Public Policys report on the Status of Racial Justice for Arab Americans, which found that, although Arab Americans are targeted by police in different ways and to different degrees than Black and other communities of color, they are direct targets nonetheless. It is not only terrorism-related surveillance that entails harmful racial profiling practices impacting Arab and Muslim migrant communities, but the direct violence of police rather than just the Department of Homeland Security and the FBI.

We found that some Arab Americans face police officers that cite their experience fighting in the so-called war on terror to justify threatening Arab immigrants. One research participant recalled a police officer making racist assumptions about the interviewees Muslim faith and said the cop intimidated him by referencing the war on terror. An officer saying, I was crushing skulls in Iraq, is intimidating to a Muslim and conveys more than a hint of violent intent.

Another interviewee called the police to protect them against hate speech. Rather than defend him against slurs like camel jockey, the cop defended the perpetrator by saying, You have to understand, he is a veteran.

In the context of Arab American life, radicalized veterans from the Iraq and Afghanistan wars with supercharged racist views who interact with Muslims and Arabs as police cannot be viewed as a few bad apples. The entire policing system promotes racism and Islamophobia.

As a result of such disturbing interactions including a cop jokingly asking an Arab woman if she was hiding a bomb under her hijab many Arab Americans have lost faith in the police.

Two recent Michigan lawsuits, one involving officers who forced a Muslim woman to remove her hijab and another, where officers held three Arab Muslim men for nearly three days without charges, further illustrate this problem. The men had called the police for help. Caught on a police body camera, the cops said, the Muslims lie a lot and tried to arrest them by fabricating information about them, according to the lawsuit.

In San Francisco, the Arab Resource and Organizing Center report, Build the Block, Alternatives to Policing, explains that day-to-day interactions with law enforcement among youth in schools coupled with the infiltration of organizations necessitate a deeper understanding of surveillance, policing, sentencing and imprisonment We need ways to respond to harm and fear that do not make us rely on law enforcement or on the criminalization of other communities.

Their report reminds us of how Arab Americans have been drawn into U.S. systems of policing. One Arab family has a parent that was a political prisoner in Palestine. They also had the FBI visit their home in the Bay Area and witnessed their son incarcerated through the same system that criminalizes young Black and Brown men and their activist daughter and her friends living with the ongoing fear of surveillance.

As more and more Arab Americans lose trust in the cops, Arab American social movements are expanding the basis of our solidarity with Black liberation movements. For decades, U.S. police departments collaboration with Israeli settler-colonial occupation forces has helped foster Arab American (and specifically Palestinian diasporic) resistance to policing, igniting Palestinian solidarity with Black struggle. Today, long-standing ties between Arab and Black liberation struggles remind us that it is time to depart from outdated activist frameworks that reduce Arab and Muslim struggle to Palestine and the war on terror on the one hand, and Black struggle to defunding the police on the other. Police violence harms working class Arab migrants and refugees right here in the U.S. First and foremost though, it is crucial to affirm and resist the disproportionate impact of police violence on Black communities. At the same time, organizing from the standpoint that the struggle to free Palestine, abolish the war on terror, and abolish the police are conjoined, or more broadly, that policing is a foundational strategy of the U.S. nation-state to further its many agendas from the prison-industrial complex, to settlercolonialism, the control of borders, and war can go a long way in freeing more and more people.

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Heres Why Arab Americans Like Me Are Supporting Efforts to Defund the Police - Truthout