Antifa’s Deadly Year Shows the Extremism on the Far Left – Newsweek

At the last Democratic presidential debate hosted by MSNBC and The Washington Post, moderator Kristen Welker asked the candidates what they would do about white supremacist terrorism. The question, though unsurprising for a Democratic debate, is symptomatic of America's myopic panic over right-wing extremism since the election of Donald Trump.

This week, Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib blamed "white supremacy" for the Jersey City shootings that killed a detective and three citizens at a Jewish supermarket. The shooters were reportedly part of a black nationalist, anti-police religious sect.

While the threat from the far right is real, so is the violent threat posed by the far left.

Last January, Charles Landeros, 30, wearing a "Smash the patriarchy" t-shirt, went to his daughter's middle school in Eugene, Oregon, to discuss a custody dispute. When asked by two school resource officers to leave the building, Charles refused. They attempted to place him under arrest, and he pulled out a handgun and fired two rounds at them. He missed and was killed by returning gunfire from one of the officers. Charles' daughter was feet away. Authorities later found Landeros was carrying an extra magazine on his belt.

Soon after the news broke of his death, Popular Mobilization, the Portland anti-fascist group that organized the protest turned riot in June where I was beaten, claimed him as one of its own.

"Charlie Landeros, beloved comrade and street medic, was murdered by Eugene police 2 days ago," the group tweeted. "They were a non-binary activist of color who did amazing work in their community and were gunned down in front of their children's school."

While his death shocked the small college town, I knew it was only a matter of time before antifa adherents would kill or be killed. Since antifa gained prominence after the election of Donald Trump, there have been several violent instances involving people who are associated with the group or have expressed support for its ideology.

According to Charles' ex-wife, Shayla Landeros, he was radicalized after starting at the University of Oregon in 2014. They had divorced the year prior. There, she says, he was introduced to radical left-wing theories and became deeply involved in various social-justice groups on campus. In October 2017, Charles was part of a group of radical students who stormed the stage before the university president could speak. They complained about "fascism" on campus and tuition increases.

"He was a smart, loving, intelligent person who turned into a monster," she says. "There's the Charlie I married and then there is the antifa Charlie."

By 2017, Landeros started the Community Armed Self Defense group, a left-wing organization that teaches people of color to use guns for community "self-defense." Shayla alleges he was "stockpiling guns" and using the group to radicalize members to start a violent uprising. Charles posted a photo of their younger daughter in front of weapons on his private Instagram account. In 2018, the Federal Bureau of Investigation looked into him after it received a credible tip. The investigation ultimately failed to bring charges, however.

Two days before Landeros was killed on January 11, police in nearby Springfield received a screenshot of a Facebook comment by a "Charlie Landros" that read "Time to start killing pigs," according to investigators. An hour before the shooting at the school, someone reported to the manager of the Springfield Police Department's Facebook page that a "Charlie Landros" had commented "Death to all pigs" on a post, but when the manager "attempted to locate the comment, it had been removed," District Attorney Patty Perlow wrote.

According to Shayla, just days before her ex-husband's attack, he made their younger daughter watch him burn the U.S. flag.

Shortly after body camera footage and an investigation led the district attorney to clear police of wrongdoing in the death of Landeros, bombs were left outside the Eugene Police Department but failed to detonate. The investigation remains ongoing.

Six months later, in July, police shot and killed Willem van Spronsen, 69, after he attacked an Immigrations and Customs Enforcement facility in Tacoma, Washington. Police said he tried to ignite a 500-gallon propane tank attached to the building and was armed with a rifle and incendiary devices.

Shortly before the attack, van Spronsen sent a manifesto to friends. In it, he wrote "I am antifa" and referred to ICE facilities as "concentration camps." They did not report the manifesto to police.

After his death, antifa groups issued eulogies. The group Seattle Antifascist Action described van Spronsen as a "good friend and comrade" and "a martyr." Memorials were organized in Washington and Oregon.

I encountered van Spronsen the year prior at an antifa demonstration outside Seattle City Hall. He was part of a left-wing militia that patrolled the area while carrying guns.

One extremist who later referred to van Spronsen as a "martyr" on social media went on to carry out his own attack. On August 4, 24-year-old Connor Betts killed nine and injured dozens in a mass shooting in Dayton, Ohio. He was shot dead by responding police officers.

Though the investigation into a motive remains ongoing, authorities have stated that Betts was exploring "violent ideologies" before the massacre. A Twitter account that appeared to belong to Betts retweeted content supporting antifa protesters. Offline, he even participated in armed black bloc tactics.

In October, Sean Kealiher, 23, was killed in Portland after being hit by a car that had bullet holes in it, police said. Kealiher was a prominent member of the local antifa movement.

On social media, the Pacific Northwest Antifascist Workers Collective warned members against cooperating with the media and "the pigs" in the investigation. Portland's Rose City Antifa said in a tweet that "our sources indicate that this was not related to fascist activity." Kealiher's homicide investigation remains ongoing.

With the election now less than a year away, the violence that swirls around antifa and those who fall victim to its ideology may only grow in 2020.

Andy Ngo is editor-at-large of The Post Millennial.

The opinions expressed in this essay are the author's own.

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Antifa's Deadly Year Shows the Extremism on the Far Left - Newsweek

BREAKING: Heavily armed Antifa militants ‘stand guard’ outside Texas …

A "kid friendly" drag brunch for all ages was guarded against protests by armed Antifa militants carrying AR-15s. The drag event was held at the Anderson Distillery and Grill in Roanoke, Texas.

The event called the Barrel Babes Drag Brunch was advertised as "Dancing Music and Laughs." Journalist Taylor Hansen said that the "kid-friendly" event featured "Vulgarity, Sexualization of Minors, and Partial Nudity."

Protestors outside the event were spit on and confronted by activists who support "kid friendly" drag brunches.

Upon learning of the event, Protect Texas Kids, founded by Kelly Neidert, organized a "pop-up protest" outside the venue.

In response, Antifa organized its members to support the drag event. According to The Post Millennials editor-at-large Andy Ngo "The local chapter of the John Brown Gun Club, an #Antifa militia linked to domestic terrorism, led the call to direct action."

Kris Cruz from Blaze TV reported that Antifa militants armed with AR-15s acted as "bodyguards" and escorted attendees to their vehicles. He added that Antifa and the staff worked together to provide "protection" for attendees.

Kruz also reported that Antifa was placed strategically during the "kid friendly" drag show and "was armed like snipers on the 3rd floor of the parking garage."

The militants were reportedly directly targeting Neidert and Protect Texas Kids. Antifa has consistently and persistently targeted Neidert.

Antifa posts criticized Neidert for "working with" Ngo, comedian and activist Alex Stein "and a host of other wannabe fashy (fascist) influencers." They even described her organization as a "terror crew."

According to Sara Gonzalez Host of "The News and Why It Matters" on Blaze TV, there were over 20 children in attendance as well as teachers. She added, "Aside from the children present, there were some safety concerns. The staff admitted they were violating fire code & over capacity." Gonzalez also reported that minors were given a "wristband that said, 'drinking age verified.'"

Gonzalez reported that the police were called about the issues but did not respond.

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BREAKING: Heavily armed Antifa militants 'stand guard' outside Texas ...

Former Wyoming man gets 30 days for role in Capitol breach – The Associated Press – en Espaol

CASPER, Wyo. (AP) A former Wyoming man who climbed through a broken window at the U.S. Capitol during the Jan. 6, 2021 insurrection has been sentenced to 30 days in jail and ordered to pay $1,500 in fines and restitution.

Andrew Galloway, 34, pleaded guilty in March to a misdemeanor charge of parading, demonstrating or picketing inside the Capitol for entering the Capitol about 11 minutes after supporters of then-President Donald Trump were able to overpower Capitol police and break into the building.

Galloway spent about 10 minutes inside, according to prosecutors and his attorney.

He was sentenced Wednesday in federal court in Washington.

Galloway followed a crowd to the Capitol with no intention of doing anything but having his voice join those of thousands of other peaceful protesters, attorney Allen Orenberg wrote in requesting a probationary sentence. Galloway regrets his role in the events, his attorney wrote.

The FBI received a tip about Galloways participation in the breach, which happened as Congress was certifying the Electoral College votes that showed Joe Biden won the November 2020 presidential election over Trump. Investigators obtained a video that showed Galloway saying: Yeah, that was us today; no that wasnt Antifa, court documents state.

Galloway, who previously lived in Cody, Wyoming, now lives in Nashville, Tennessee. He will be allowed to self-report to serve his jail time.

About 900 people have been arrested for their roles in the breach of the U.S. Capitol. More than 400 people have pleaded guilty to federal charges, according to the U.S. Department of Justice.

Original post:

Former Wyoming man gets 30 days for role in Capitol breach - The Associated Press - en Espaol

Texas lawmaker on armed Antifa members showing up at ‘kid-friendly …

A Texas Republican lawmaker said Tuesday on "Fox & Friends First"that a so-called "kid-friendly" drag show near Dallas-Fort Worth was totally inappropriate.

"It's shocking to a lot of Texans and we just need to stop it. We need to let children be children and protect them from any sexualization," State Rep. Bryan Slaton (R) told Ashley Strohmier and Todd Piro.

Masked, black-clad Antifa protesters showed up brandishing weapons at the Sunday morning "drag brunch" in Roanoke.

TEXAS LEGISLATOR TO INTRODUCE BILL BANNING CHILDREN FROM DRAG SHOWS AFTER DRAG THE KIDS TO PRIDE EVENT

A masked protester holds a sign that reads "Keep Roanoke Gay" outside Anderson Distillery & Grill in Roanoke, Texas. (@realKrisCruz/Twitter)

Police maintained a presence at the event, which took place at the Anderson Distillery and Grill in Roanoke, Texas, and led at times to tense stand-offs between protesters and counter-protesters.

Approximately 20 children and multiple self-proclaimed teachers attended the event where drag queens performed and collected dollar bills, according to footage of the event obtained by journalist Tayler Hansen

Armed protesters stand guard outside a drag show at Anderson Distillery & Grill in Roanoke, Texas. (Kelly Neidert)

In June, Slaton introduced legislation that would ban minors from attending drag shows in the state after footage went viral showing children attending a drag show at Mr. Misster, a gay bar in North Dallas.

Slaton said "kid-friendly drag shows" do not exist. He believes that children need to be protected and allowed to have a childhood and prevented from being sexualized at a young age.

"We have porn in our school libraries and there's pushback on removing those. There are the drag queen shows with children, and there's pushback on us for wanting to stop that. Then there's the gender modification of children. And the left is pushing back on that," he added.

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Slaton said it was "alarming" that Antifa members showed up with guns to protect "grown men wearing ladies' underwear that have to dance provocatively in front of children."

"They're protecting that and trying to intimidate those that were there to speak out against it and bring attention to it that way. But, yes, Antifa apparently is getting involved, and you've crossed the line if you want to protect children, and they want to intimidate you."

Slaton lamented a lack of action by law enforcement, including failing to shut down the event for being over capacity according to the local fire code.

Fox News' Jon Brown contributed to this report

Elizabeth Heckman is a digital production assistant with Fox News.

Excerpt from:

Texas lawmaker on armed Antifa members showing up at 'kid-friendly ...

Antifa (Germany) – Wikipedia

Far-left anti-fascist movement in Germany

Antifa is a political movement in Germany composed of multiple far-left, autonomous, militant groups and individuals who describe themselves as anti-fascist. According to the German Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution and the Federal Agency for Civic Education, the use of the epithet fascist against opponents and the view of capitalism as a form of fascism are central to the movement.[1][2][3] The antifa movement has existed in different eras and incarnations, dating back to Antifaschistische Aktion, from which the moniker antifa came. It was set up by the then-Stalinist Communist Party of Germany (KPD) during the late history of the Weimar Republic. After the forced dissolution in the wake of Machtergreifung in 1933, the movement went underground.[4] In the postwar era, Antifaschistische Aktion inspired a variety of different movements, groups and individuals in Germany as well as other countries which widely adopted variants of its aesthetics and some of its tactics. Known as the wider antifa movement, the contemporary antifa groups have no direct organisational connection to Antifaschistische Aktion.[5]

The contemporary antifa movement has its roots in the West German Auerparlamentarische Opposition left-wing student movement and largely adopted the aesthetics of the first movement while being ideologically somewhat dissimilar. The first antifa groups in this tradition were founded by the Maoist Communist League in the early 1970s. From the late 1980s, West Germany's squatter scene and left-wing autonomism movement were the main contributors to the new antifa movement and in contrast to the earlier movement had a more anarcho-communist leaning. The contemporary movement has splintered into different groups and factions, including one anti-imperialist and anti-Zionist faction and one anti-German faction who strongly oppose each other, mainly over their views on Israel.

German government institutions such as the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution and the Federal Agency for Civic Education describe the contemporary antifa movement as part of the extreme left and as partially violent. Antifa groups are monitored by the federal office in the context of its legal mandate to combat extremism.[1][2][3][6] The federal office states that the underlying goal of the antifa movement is "the struggle against the liberal democratic basic order" and capitalism.[2][3] In the 1980s, the movement was accused by German authorities of engaging in terrorist acts of violence.[7]

Antifaschistische Aktion was established by the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) based on the principle of a communist front and its establishment was announced in the party's newspaper Die Rote Fahne (The Red Flag) in 1932. It functioned as an integral part of the KPD during its entire existence from 1932 to 1933.[8] A member of the Comintern, the KPD under the leadership of Ernst Thlmann was loyal to the Soviet government headed by Joseph Stalin to the extent that the party had been directly controlled and funded by the Soviet leadership in Moscow since 1928.[9][8]

The KPD described Antifaschistische Aktion as a "red united front under the leadership of the only anti-fascist party, the KPD".[10] The KPD had proclaimed that it was "the only anti-fascist party" during the elections of 1930.[9] Unlike the situation in Italy, no party regarded itself as "fascist" in Weimar-era Germany. Central to Antifaschistische Aktion was the use of the epithet fascist. According to Norman Davies, the concept of "anti-fascism" as used by the KPD originated as an ideological construct of the Soviet Union,[11] where the epithets fascist and fascism were primarily and widely used to describe capitalist society in general and virtually any anti-Soviet or anti-Stalinist activity or opinion. This usage was also adopted by communist parties affiliated with the Comintern such as the KPD.[12]

During the Comintern's Third Period (19281931), the SPD was included by the KPD in the category of "fascists"[13] based on the theory of "social fascism" proclaimed by Stalin and supported by the Comintern in the early 1930s, according to which social democracy was a variant of fascism and even more dangerous and insidious than open fascism.[8] The KPD doctrine held that the communist party was "the only anti-fascist party" while all other parties were "fascist".[14] The KPD did not view fascism as a specific political movement, but primarily as the final stage of capitalism and the KPD's anti-fascism" was therefore synonymous with anti-capitalism. Throughout this period, the KPD regarded the centre-left Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) as its main adversary.[8] Thlmann "took his instructions from Stalin and his hatred of the SPD was essentially ideological".[15] In his sympathetic history of Antifaschistische Aktion, published by the Association for the Promotion of Antifascist Culture, Bernd Langer notes that "antifascism was always a fundamentally anti-capitalist strategy" and that "communists always took antifascism to mean anti-capitalism. Therefore all other parties were fascist in the opinion of the KPD, and especially the SPD".[16] A 1931 KPD resolution described the SPD, referred to as "social fascists", as the "main pillar of the dictatorship of Capital".[17] Consequently, anti-fascism and anti-fascist action in the language of the KPD also included the struggle against the social democrats.[8] In the early 1930s, the KPD had stated that "fighting fascism means fighting the SPD just as much as it means fighting Hitler and the parties of Brning".[14] While some KPD members initially believed Antifaschistische Aktion should include other leftists, this opinion was quickly suppressed by the KPD leadership which made it clear that Antifaschistische Aktion would also oppose the SPD and that "Anti-Fascist Action means untiring daily exposure of the shameless, treacherous role of the SPD and ADGB leaders who are the direct filthy helpers of fascism".[18]

Occasionally, the KPD cooperated with the Nazis in attacking the SPD and both sought to destroy the liberal democracy of the Weimar Republic.[18][19] While also opposed to the Nazis, the KPD regarded the Nazi Party as a less sophisticated and thus less dangerous fascist party than the SPD. In December 1931, KPD leader Ernst Thlmann declared that "some Nazi trees must not be allowed to overshadow a forest" of the SPD.[20][21] In 1931, the KPD under the leadership of Ernst Thlmann internally used the slogan "After Hitler, our turn!", strongly believing that a united front against Nazis was not needed and that a Nazi dictatorship would ultimately crumble due to flawed economic policies and lead the KPD to power in Germany when the people realised that their economic policies were superior.[22][23]

The relationship between the KPD and the SPD was characterised by mutual hostility. The SPD had itself adopted the position that both the Nazis and the KPD posed an equal danger to liberal democracy[24] and SPD leader Kurt Schumacher famously described the KPD as "red-painted Nazis" in 1930.[12] The SPD-dominated Reichsbanner Schwarz-Rot-Gold described itself as a "protection organization of the Republic and democracy in the fight against the swastika and the Soviet star" and both the Reichsbanner and the Iron Front opposed both the Nazis and the "anti-fascist" KPD.[25][26] In 1929, the KPD's paramilitary organisation, Roter Frontkmpferbund (Alliance of Red Front-Fighters), an effective predecessor of Antifaschistische Aktion, had been banned as extremist by the governing SPD.[27] In December 1929, the KPD founded Antifaschistische Junge Garde as a successor to Roter Frontkmpferbund, which was banned.[28]

Despite this animosity between party leaderships, on the ground there was considerable co-operation against the Nazis between rank and file activists of the KPD, SPD and other left groups such as in local anti-fascist committees and militias, particularly in 1932 as the fascists gained ground and calls for a united front by Leon Trotsky, August Thalheimer and other left leaders became more urgent.[14] It was in this context that the KPD began to emphasise the specific threat of Nazism, leading to the formation of Antifaschistische Aktion and later the turn away from the "social fascism" doctrine. The 1932 congress organised by KPD dedicated energy to attacking the SPD. It featured a large Antifaschistische Aktion logo flanked by imagery that showed the KPD fighting the capitalists next to imagery openly mocking the SPD.[29]

After the forced dissolution in the wake of the Machtergreifung in 1933, the movement went underground.[4] Theodore Draper argued that "the so-called theory of social fascism and the practice based on it constituted one of the chief factors contributing to the victory of German fascism in January 1933".[13][15]

After the defeat of Nazi Germany, groups called Antifaschistische Aktion, Antifaschistische Ausschsse, or Antifaschistische Kommittees, all typically abbreviated to antifa, spontaneously re-emerged in Germany in 1944, mainly involving veterans of pre-war KPD, KPO and SPD politics[30][31][32][33] as well as some members of other democratic political parties and Christians who opposed the Nazi rgime.[34] Communists tended to make up at least half of the committees.[34] In the western zones, these anti-fascist committees began to recede by the late summer of 1945, marginalized by Allied bans on political organization and by re-emerging divisions between communists and others and the emerging state doctrine of anti-communism in what became West Germany.[35] In East Germany, the antifa groups were absorbed into the new Stalinist state.[30]

In the Soviet occupation zone which later became East Germany, the Soviet occupation authorities pressured the KPD and the remaining Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) to merge into the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) while those within the SPD who resisted the Stalinization were persecuted and often fled to the western zones.[36] The repression in the Soviet occupation zone and the onset of the Cold War quickly exacerbated the conflict between the SED and the SPD. The term anti-fascism was widely used by MarxistLeninists to smear their opponents, including democratic socialists, social democrats and other anti-Stalinist leftists.[36]

Anti-fascism was part of the official ideology and language of the communist state[1] and Antifaschistische Aktion was considered an important part of the heritage of the governing SED along with the KPD itself. Eckhard Jesse notes that anti-fascism was ubiquitous in the language of the SED and used to justify repression such as the crackdown on the East German uprising of 1953.[37][38] Anti-fascism generally meant the struggle against the Western world and NATO in general and against the western-backed West Germany and its main ally the United States in particular which were seen as the main fascist forces in the world by the SED.[12] From 1961 to 1989, the SED used Anti-Fascist Protection Wall (German: Antifaschistischer Schutzwall) as the official name for the Berlin Wall. This was in sharp contrast to the West Berlin city government which would sometimes refer to the same structure as the Wall of Shame.[39][40]

The anti-Zionist struggle was seen as an important part of the anti-fascist struggle and Israel was regarded by East Germany as a "fascist state"[41] alongside the United States and West Germany. Jeffrey Herf argues that East Germany was waging an undeclared war on Israel[42] and that "East Germany played a salient role in the Soviet bloc's antagonism toward Israel".[43] According to Herf, after becoming a member of the United Nations (UN), East Germany "made excellent use of the UN to wage political warfare against Israel [and was] an enthusiastic, high-profile, and vigorous member" of the anti-Israeli majority of the General Assembly.[42] Anti-fascism as interpreted by East Germany served as a "legitimizing ideology" and "state doctrine" of the regime.[1][5][38] When the regime crumbled during the Revolutions of 1989, the SED intensified its use of anti-fascist rhetoric directed at the West to justify its existence.[37][38]

The contemporary antifa movement has its origins in West Germany, in the student-based Auerparlamentarische Opposition (extra-parliamentary opposition) of the 1960s and early 1970s which opposed the alleged "fascism" of the West German government.[5] Major factors that formed the backdrop of this movement were criticism of the Vietnam War and the United States, students' anti-authoritarian rebellion against their parents' generation, criticism of professors' dominance of universities and continuity of the societal relations of power, especially the continuity in the civil service since the Nazi era, and the criticism of the centre-left SPD by those to the left of the SPD.[44]

The earliest contemporary antifa groups that were inspired by the left-wing student movement were founded by the Maoist Communist League in the early 1970s. During the 1970s, parts of the Auerparlamentarische Opposition were radicalized, culminating in the formation of terrorist groups like the Red Army Faction, the 2 June Movement and the Revolutionary Cells.[45] Some of the more radical elements within antifa groups of the late 1970s had contact with the Red Army Faction and the Revolutionary Cells.[46] From the late 1980s, the squatter scene and autonomism movement were important in an upswing of the antifa movement.[30]

The contemporary antifa movement in Germany comprises different anti-fascist groups which usually use the abbreviation antifa and regard Antifaschistische Aktion of the early 1930s as an inspiration. Contemporary antifa "has no practical historical connection to the movement from which it takes its name, but is instead a product of West Germany's squatter scene and autonomist movement in the 1980s".[30] Many new antifa groups formed from the late 1980s onwards. One of the biggest antifascist campaigns in Germany in recent years was the ultimately successful effort to block the annual Nazi-rallies in the east German city of Dresden in Saxony which had grown into "Europe's biggest gathering of Nazis".[47] Unlike Antifaschistische Aktion which had links to the Communist Party of Germany and which was concerned with industrial working-class politics, the late 1980s and early 1990s autonomists were instead independent anti-authoritarian libertarian Marxists and anarcho-communists not associated with any particular party. The publication Antifaschistisches Infoblatt, in operation since 1987, sought to expose radical nationalists publicly.[48]

Most contemporary antifa groups were formed after the German reunification in 1990, mainly in the early part of the 1990s. In 1990, Autonome Antifa (M) was established in Gttingen. Antifaschistische Aktion Berlin, founded in 1993, became one of the more prominent groups. Antifaschistische Aktion/Bundesweite Organisation[de] was an umbrella organisation at the federal level that coordinated these groups across Germany. Aside from their violent clashes with ultra-nationalists, these groups participated in the annual May Day in Kreuzberg which resulted in large-scale riots in 1987 and which have been characterized by a significant police presence.[49][50] In 2003, Antifaschistisches Infoblatt joined Antifa-Net, part of an international network, including the likes of Britain's Searchlight and Sweden's Expo magazine.[51]

Steffen Kailitz notes that "the difference between the autonomist scene and terrorist networks gradually lost importance from the 1990s" and that a number of antifa groups were involved in violent activities from the 1990s.[52] In October 2016, antifa in Dresden campaigned on the occasion of the anniversary of the reunification of Germany on 3 October for "turning Unity celebrations into a disaster" to protest this display of new German nationalism whilst explicitly not ruling out the use of violence.[53] Antifa protesters were involved during the 2017 G20 Hamburg summit confrontations.[54][55]

After German reunification, the antifa movement gradually fractured into three main camps:[56]

Diverging opinions on Israel has caused a split in the movement since the 2000s.[57] The Antifaschistische Aktion/Bundesweite Organisation dissolved in 2001 and it splintered into different groups and factions as a result of these political differences.

Writing in 1993, political scientist Antonia Grunenberg described "anti-fascism" as a "strange term, that expresses opposition to something, but no political concept" and points out that while all democrats are against fascism, not everyone who is against fascism is a democrat. In this sense, Grunenberg argues that the term obscures the difference between democrats and non-democrats.[5] Many contemporary antifa groups include their understanding of various forms of oppression or general and loosely defined topics such as homophobia, racism, sexism and war in their understanding of fascism. Frequently, corporate interests, the government and especially the police and military are also included in their understanding of fascism. In German, the terms antifa and anti-fascism are often used interchangeably.[3] According to political scientist and CDU politician Tim Peters, usage of the term anti-fascism in contemporary Germany is mainly limited to the far-left while the term and ideology are viewed critically by many.[57]

Many contemporary antifa groups have adopted variants of the aesthetics of Antifaschistische Aktion. Its two-flag logo was originally designed by Max Gebhard[de] and Max Keilson[de] of the KPD-associated Association of Revolutionary Visual Artists.[58] While the original logo of Antifaschistische Aktion featured two red flags representing communism and socialism, contemporary antifa logos since the 1980s usually feature a black flag representing anarchism and autonomism, in addition to the red flag.[48]

Government of Germany's institutions such as the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution and the Federal Agency for Civic Education describe the contemporary antifa movement as part of the extreme left and antifa groups are monitored by the federal office in the context of its legal mandate to combat extremism under the provisions allowed for by the German system of a Streitbare Demokratie ("fortified democracy").[1][2][3][6]

The Federal Agency for Civic Education claims that antifa groups sometimes call for violence not only against police or skinheads but also against bishops and judges. According to the agency, there are slogans such as "antifascism means attack" not only against the far-right but also against the political system of the Federal Republic of Germany.[1] Writing for theFederal Agency for Civic Education, extremism expert Armin Pfahl-Traughber, a former director with the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution, notes that "even if every convinced democrat is an opponent of fascism, anti-fascism is not per se a democratic position". According to Pfahl-Traughber, one must distinguish between "fascism in a scholarly sense" and "fascism in a far-left extremist sense".[1]

The Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution describes the field of "anti-fascism" or "Antifa" as extremist[3] and includes it and associated groups in its annual public reports on extremism as part of the topic "far-left extremism".[6] The federal office further notes that "[t]he field of 'anti-fascism' has for years been a central element of the political activity of far-left extremists, especially violent ones. [...] Far-left extremists within this tradition only superficially claim to fight far-right activities. In reality the focus is the struggle against the liberal democratic basic order, which is smeared as a 'capitalist system' with 'fascist' roots".[2]

The contemporary antifa or anti-fascist movement in the Federal Republic of Germany has been mentioned in the Annual Report on the Protection of the Constitution since 1986 as part of the main chapter on "far-left extremism" and was described as a group engaged in terrorist acts of violence.[7] In 1995, public prosecutors in Lower Saxony charged 17 members of antifa with belonging to a criminal organization ("Antifa") and with supporting terrorism as part of a sweeping investigation into antifa by Lower Saxon police and security agencies known as the anti-antifa investigation that started in 1991 until the case was dropped in 1996.[59] A report by the German Bundestag from 2018 determined that due to the lack of a formal organizational structure or leadership, it is only possible to prosecute members of antifa on terrorism charges in individual cases.[60]

According to the 2018 Annual Report on the Protection of the Constitution, antifa's actions against right-wing extremists included arson, the outing of personal information, vandalism and more rarely causing personal injuries.[61] In 2020, Die Welt reported that at least 47 organised antifa groups are monitored by German federal and state offices for the protection of the constitution and labelled as "extremist". However, not all monitored groups are mentioned in the federal or state annual reports on the protection of the constitution and the list is therefore not exhaustive.[62]

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Antifa (Germany) - Wikipedia

Does Your Sheriff Think He’s More Powerful Than the President? – The Marshall Project

One morning last year, around 60 sheriffs and deputies gathered outside Houston for a training that proved to be less about enforcing laws than about subverting them. After a prayer from a pastor dressed like George Washington (wig, frilly collar, musket), the crowd heard from Gary Heavin, the founder of the Curves International fitness chain, who called the 2020 presidential election of Joe Biden blatantly, in-our-faces stolen. Then he turned to the reporters in the room (propagandists) identifiable by our masks (diapers), and said, I dont know whether this is going to scare you or comfort you, but just about every person in this room is armed. The room erupted in cheers.

Heavin was helping the Constitutional Sheriffs and Peace Officers Association fund this training, but the dominant presence that day was the groups founder and director, Richard Mack. With his Reaganesque swoosh of dark hair and the cadence of a country preacher, he delivered his organizations central message: that sheriffs, within their counties, are more powerful than any state or federal authority, and that they can resist tyranny by refusing to enforce laws they believe violate the U.S. Constitution. This is a peaceful and effective process, la Martin Luther King, la Gandhi, la Rosa Parks, he said.

The Anti-Defamation League calls Macks organization an anti-government extremist group, while he prefers to invoke Barry Goldwaters 1964 battle cry: Extremism in defense of liberty is no vice. Since founding the group in 2011, Mack estimates it has trained at least 800 sheriffs. Agencies in several states, including Texas and Virginia, have allowed officers to use these events for professional education credits.

While Mack once focused on gun rights, now hes pushing sheriffs to investigate the 2020 election. One of his sheriff allies is facing a state investigation over his role in seizing a voting tabulator, while others are talking about boosting surveillance during future elections, raising concerns that they will try to intimidate voters. I dont think any sheriff is trying to intimidate people not to vote, Mack recently told The New York Times.

But how influential are Macks views? Very, as it turns out.

The Marshall Project collaborated with political scientists Emily Farris and Mirya Holman on a survey of Americas 3,000-plus sheriffs last year. More than 500 responded, and more than a dozen agreed to be interviewed after taking the survey. (Read about our methodology at the end of the accompanying story.) Though only a handful claimed membership in Macks group, more than 200 (nearly half of the respondents) agreed with him that their own authority, within their counties, supersedes that of the state or federal government. (Another 132 clicked neutral.) More than 300 which account for one-tenth of Americas roughly 3,000 sheriffs said they are willing to place themselves between a higher government authority and their constituents, an action they call interposition.

Macks group has successfully radicalized a generation of sheriffs to believe that the office has seemingly unlimited power and autonomy.

Political scientists Emily Farris and Mirya Holman

Mack was once a board member of the Oath Keepers, the militia group whose members are currently on trial for invading the U.S. Capitol. He said he left the group years ago, but some sheriffs have appeared on leaked member lists. Our survey demonstrates the groups wider popularity: 11% of responding sheriffs said they personally support the Oath Keeperss positions, though we did not ask for specifics. (More than a quarter said they didnt know the groups positions or had never heard of it.)

Macks group has successfully radicalized a generation of sheriffs to believe that the office has seemingly unlimited power and autonomy, Farris and Holman write in a forthcoming book on sheriffs that draws on this survey.

Certainly Mack sees the results as validating. I was surprised by some of that, and pleased, he told me. The people of the country are getting behind us.

How much do you agree or disagree with the following statements?

The sheriffs authority supersedes the federal or state government in my county.

440 respondents answered this question.

I am willing to interpose on behalf of county residents when I believe a state or federal law is unjust.

437 respondents answered this question.

Source: The Marshall Project with Emily Farris (Texas Christian University) and Mirya Holman (Tulane University), 2021

Over his long, peripatetic career, Mack has learned to persuade people: Hes been a car salesman, high school history teacher, reality show contestant (on the 2004 season of Showtimes American Candidate), recruiter (for Gun Owners of America) and unsuccessful entrant into Republican primaries for governor of Utah and congressperson from Texas. In the early 1980s, as a young police officer in Provo, Utah, he attended a training conducted by W. Cleon Skousen on the basics of the U.S. Constitution. (Skousen was known for saying the document had divine origins, but Mack didnt recall any religious content in the training he attended.)

Mack then moved back to his hometown in Graham County, a sparsely populated stretch of southeastern Arizona, where he was elected sheriff in 1988. Five years later, Congress passed the Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act, which temporarily required sheriffs and other local law enforcement officials to run background checks on people who wanted to buy guns. Mack and several of his peers mounted a lawsuit, with the help of the National Rifle Association, and the Supreme Court ruled in their favor, with Justice Antonin Scalia declaring that the provision violated state sovereignty.

Mack became a hero to Second Amendment activists. By then, a smaller cohort on the right had come to argue for sheriff supremacy, an idea that scholars trace back to the Posse Comitatus movement (power of the county, in Latin) a generation earlier. (The movements founder, William Potter Gale, argued the Constitution was divinely inspired to elevate White people above other racial groups, and some of his followers attacked government officials.) Mack regularly disavows racism and violence, and said he knows nothing about Gale. But the image of a county sheriff standing up to federal tyranny grew increasingly popular amid anger at how federal agents handled early 1990s sieges at the Branch Davidian compound, in Waco, Texas, and Ruby Ridge, in rural Idaho.

At Ruby Ridge, a white separatist named Randy Weaver faced arrest after having sold two sawed-off shotguns to a government informant. In the ensuing standoff, federal agents fatally shot his wife and son. Mack wrote a foreword to Weavers book about these events.

Although he lost his campaign for a third term as sheriff, Mack traveled around the country as a public speaker and author. He worked closely with the family of Ammon Bundy during a 2014 armed confrontation with agents from the federal Bureau of Land Management over unpaid fees and cattle grazing rights. We were actually strategizing to put all the women up at the front, Mack told Fox News at the time, according to The Blaze. If they are going to start shooting, its going to be women that are going to be televised all across the world getting shot by these rogue federal officers. (He later backtracked, telling Talking Points Memo that this wasnt an explicit strategy and the women did this on their own, despite his misgivings.)

In a 2019 study, political scientist Zoe Nemerever found that the presence of a sheriff with Constitutionalist views was associated with a higher likelihood of violent confrontation between their constituents and federal Bureau of Land Management employees. Who has been violent in our country? Mack told me. The federal government has, quite often.

Many of the sheriffs I interviewed after they took our survey said they have a fine working relationship with state and federal law enforcement. But others complained about them, particularly in Western states with lots of federal land. My backyard is a national forest, said Sheriff Cameron Noel of Beaver County, Utah (population 7,250). Wed have forest rangers that would come in. They dont live here and if a guy is up there with his family to recreate, if hes got a taillight out, theyre going to write him a federal violation.

The Constitutional sheriff movement gave such conflicts over authority a more right-wing cast, according to Mark Pitcavage, a senior research fellow with Anti-Defamation Leagues Center on Extremism. Mack is successful in part because he plays to conceptions sheriffs have of themselves already, but with an ideological twist, he said.

Who has been violent in our country? The federal government has, quite often.

Constitutional Sheriffs and Peace Officers Association founder Richard Mack

Macks early focus on gun rights proved prescient. Following the 2012 mass shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Connecticut, President Barack Obama and Democrats in Congress began discussing background checks and bans on assault weapons. My phone [started] ringing off the hook, recalled Sheriff Brad DeLay of Lawrence County, Missouri (population. 38,300). People [were coming] to me and [saying], Hey, Obama says hes going to take away our guns.

Some sheriffs said they learned about Macks movement from constituents. Ive been asked Are you a Sheriff Mack follower? said Noel.

Mack went on to compile the names of nearly 500 sheriffs who rejected gun control measures and encouraged others to join them. He had hit the right issue for the right audience. According to our survey, sheriffs as a whole tend to be skeptical of gun laws: 79% said they should be less strict than they are today. (21% said they should be more strict.)

Please tell us if you would favor or oppose the following policies related to firearms:

A requirement that your office confiscates firearms from people flagged as a danger to themselves or others.

427 respondents answered this question.

Allowing people to open carry firearms in government buildings in your county.

426 respondents answered this question.

A government database that requires your participation as sheriff in maintaining a gun registry and performing background checks.

426 respondents answered this question.

A national ban on assault-style weapons.

426 respondents answered this question.

Source: The Marshall Project with Emily Farris (Texas Christian University) and Mirya Holman (Tulane University), 2021

After a mass shooting at a Las Vegas concert in 2017, Nevada lawmakers created a process to take guns from people who threatened themselves or others, and some sheriffs in the state refused to participate. In Germany prior to WWII we saw Hitler place restrictions on the publics right to bear arms, wrote Sheriff Sharon Wehrly of Nye County (population 53,500), a member of Macks group, in a viral letter to the governor.

Many Constitutional sheriffs got their first taste of fame in early 2020, defiantly promising via viral Facebook posts and Fox News appearances to ignore statewide COVID-19 lockdown orders. (At the time, we found statements from 60 sheriffs across the country.) In an April 2020 Facebook post, at least one invoked Nazism again. Others spoke of budgets and staffing. In our survey, almost one-third of sheriffs said they chose not to enforce mask mandates, and some said this was because they didnt have the resources to do so, regardless of their political views.

Since then, such rhetoric has continued to grow beyond Macks group. Sheriff Mark Lamb of Pinal County, Arizona (population 449,600), a conservative media star who is not officially a member, often uses similar language: Our County Sheriffs are the last bastion of freedom against government overreach on a local and federal level, reads the description of his 2020 book, American Sheriff: Traditional Values in a Modern World.

A lot of [Constitutional sheriff] talking points are squarely among the center of the Republican party now, said Jessica Pishko, a former researcher at the University of South Carolina Law School and author of The Highest Law in the Land, a forthcoming book on sheriffs. She argued that Mack focuses on issues that are already popular on the right, rather than driving the agenda.

Although Mack maintains the group is non-partisan, his views have occasionally been a litmus test: In Colorado Springs this January, a moderators first question to Republican sheriff candidates was whether they were members of Macks group, and two of the five candidates said they were.

Like many Americans on the political right, some sheriffs also appear to be comfortable with violent political dissent. Nearly 30% of sheriffs who responded to us also clicked agree when confronted with a statement written by the right-leaning American Enterprise Institute: The traditional American way of life is disappearing so fast that we may have to use force to save it. This is less than the total for the country as whole (36%), but these are law enforcement leaders who have the legal authority to use force themselves.

How much do you agree or disagree with the following statement?

The traditional American way of life is disappearing so fast that we may have to use force to save it.

364 respondents answered this question. Source: The Marshall Project with Emily Farris (Texas Christian University) and Mirya Holman (Tulane University), 2021

At the same time, a libertarian streak in the Constitutional sheriff movement sometimes cuts against the law enforcement mainstream, and even brings them into common cause with progressives. This is clearest in the realm of civil asset forfeiture. In recent years, the National Sheriffs Association a trade group of more than 14,000 members has supported efforts to make it easier for officers to seize money, drugs, guns and other items from suspects, even enlisting President Donald Trump in this effort. But Mack frequently criticizes the practice, and in our survey, almost half of the sheriffs who responded were critical of efforts to seize assets before someone has been convicted of a crime. Half also said peoples assets should only be forfeited after theyve been convicted.

Mack frequently faces the accusation that he promotes racist extremism. Among the speakers I saw at his groups training last year was Michael Peroutka, a lawyer and activist who once called Dixie the national anthem at a League of the South event, according to The Washington Post. Peroutka didnt discuss race but said our government exists to preserve our God-given rights and, If laws violate the 10 Commandments, theyre not law. The Anti-Defamation League has documented Macks own appearances alongside white supremacists, but chalks them up to his incessant need for an audience.

Farris and Holman have used the word nativism to describe statements on Macks organizations website that immigrants are not assimilating into our culture as they once did, resulting in devastating consequences culturally and economically.

Mack himself is adamant about his opposition to racism. My mother did not raise racists or bigots in her home, he told me. In addition to extolling Rosa Parks he says an officer should have stepped in to protect her from racist policies he has criticized sheriffs like Jim Clark of Alabama for attacking civil rights marches in the 1960s.

At the same time, Mack does admit to using race as a tool. At the Texas training, Mack led a round of applause for Larvita McFarquhar, a modern day Rosa Parks who refused to close her Minnesota restaurant in the early days of the pandemic. You saw me use the Black lady as a prop, he said later by phone.

Lately, Mack has reserved his ire for the FBI. When we spoke, he blamed the agency for a 1998 raid on his office, connected with a company he briefly worked for. He said the ensuing publicity derailed one of his political campaigns. (According to the Deseret News, he was not charged and the raid was likely connected to an associates activities.) In a CNN interview in August, he compared agents pursuing the Jan. 6 cases to Nazis. Mack later told me he was referring to the post-World War II Nuremberg trials where officers defended their actions as a matter of following orders. Still, he has distanced himself from the events at the Capitol that day. I told our people not to go to the rally on Jan. 6, he said.

The sheriffs we surveyed were more likely to blame the events of Jan. 6 on antifa, as well as social media companies, than on Trump or Congressional Republicans.

Do you think the following individuals or groups are responsible for the violence at the U.S. Capitol on January 6?

Respondents could choose more than one response.

303 respondents answered this question. Source: The Marshall Project with Emily Farris (Texas Christian University) and Mirya Holman (Tulane University), 2021

Much of the debate around law enforcement and extremism centers on a single word with a long, fraught history: interpose. The word traces back to James Madisons writings in the 1790s, but is largely tied to Southern states efforts to shield their schools from desegregation, in the wake of the Supreme Courts 1954 decision in Brown v. Board of Education. (The court rejected these efforts in 1958.)

Mack uses the term to describe any scenario in which sheriffs step between their constituents and another law enforcement agency, and he framed it as an effort to de-escalate and reduce the risk of violence between law enforcement and civilians. If we had officers who interposed, George Floyd would still be alive, he said. Interposition creates peace, it doesnt create violence.

Not every sheriff agrees with Macks vision. Bill Benedict of Clallam County, Washington (population 78,200), called Mack a snake oil salesman. You dont come with special powers to ignore the governor or the laws that the legislature passes, he said. Sheriff Kim Stewart of Doa Ana County, New Mexico (population 221,500), pointed out that many of her fellow sheriffs ask for money from the federal government for various initiatives while also espousing anti-federal rhetoric. Its Whine, whine, whine, youre not helping me, but [also] Stay out of my backyard! she said. Sorry, but no one gets it both ways. Not even sheriffs.

Law professors have said Macks vision of the sheriffs power has a weak basis in Constitutional law, and can make it harder for legislatures and citizens to hold sheriffs accountable. It creates a climate of entitlement, of being above the law, that can cause patterns of misconduct, said Christy Lopez, a Georgetown University law professor.

Its Whine, whine, whine, youre not helping me, but [also] Stay out of my backyard! Sorry, but no one gets it both ways. Not even sheriffs.

Sheriff Kim Stewart of Doa Ana County, New Mexico

Lopez previously worked at the Department of Justice under the Obama administration, investigating abuses by law enforcement, and said over time she noticed sheriffs growing less willing to voluntarily cooperate with her team to improve jail conditions. She argued that sheriffs used Macks rhetoric to convince Virginia lawmakers in 2020 to carve them out of a bill that would have increased civilian oversight of their departments.

And while Mack himself repeatedly disclaims violence, not all sheriffs believe the final implications of interposition will be peaceful, particularly when it comes to the Second Amendment. Is it going to come down to my men facing off with a federal agency at gunpoint? asked Sheriff Chuck Jenkins of Frederick County, Maryland (population 279,800). I hope not.

Edited by Akiba Solomon. Design by Bo-Won Keum. Development by Katie Park. Data graphics by Anastasia Valeeva, David Eads, and Katie Park. Photo research and editing by Celina Fang, Marci Suela, and Bo-Won Keum.

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Does Your Sheriff Think He's More Powerful Than the President? - The Marshall Project

Benin: Submission to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women – Human Rights Watch

We write in advance of the 85th pre-session of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women and its adoption of a list of issues prior to reporting regarding Benins compliance with the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. This submission addresses article 10 of the Convention and includes information on teenage pregnancy and access to education.

Teenage Pregnancy and Access to Education (article 10)

In Benin from 2004 to 2020, the adolescent birth rate was 108 per 1,000 adolescent girls and women aged 15-19,[1] slightly higher than the subregional rate in West and Central Africa of 104, and 2.7 times the world rate of 40. However, also during this period, the adolescent birth rate in Benin has been steadily decreasing: In 2004, the adolescent birth rate was 113 per 1,000 girls, and in 2020, the rate was 80 per 1,000 girls.[2] In 2019, the Guttmacher Institute reported that there were 423,000 births among girls and women aged 15 to 49; 12 percent, or approximately 50,760 births, occurred among girls and women aged 15 to 19.[3]

In many countries in Africa, Covid-19 pandemic-related school closures have resulted in concerning reports of teenage pregnancies.[4] While up-to-date national data on pandemic-specific increases in teenage pregnancies is not yet available, media reports point to regional increases. In the Borgou department of Benin, for example, there were 547 pregnant students in the 2019-2020 school year, an increase from 431 in the previous school year, possibly linked to pandemic-related school closures.[5] Overall, the number of births has been increasing in recent years. UNFPA reported that the number of births in 2021 was higher compared to the same period in 2020.[6]

According to the Guttmacher Institute, 68 percent of the 140,000 girls and women aged 15 to 19 who want to avoid a pregnancy have an unmet need for contraception.[7] Of all pregnancies that occurred in Benin, 39 percent were unintended, higher than the Western African subregional average of 33 percent.[8] Of all unintended pregnancies, 37 percent ended in abortion, lower than the subregional average of 42 percent.[9] While these statistics show that Benin may be lacking behind its subregional neighbors, there are also signs of progress. Since 1990, for example, the unintended pregnancy rate declined by 17 percent, and the number of unintended pregnancies resulting in abortion have increased by 22 percent.[10]

Benins progress in sexual and reproductive health and rights is also reflected in the legalization of abortion. In October 2021, Benins Parliament voted to expand the circumstances under which abortion is legal,up to 12 weeks, and when the pregnancy is likely to aggravate or cause a situation of material, educational, professional or moral distress.[11] This law modified a previous abortion law passed in 2003. According to the nongovernmental organization Ipas, Benin now has one of the most liberal abortion laws in Africa.[12] Still, girls require parental consent to access an abortion.[13]

Benin has measures in place to protect the right to access education for students who are pregnant or are adolescent mothers, as identified in a recent Human Rights Watch analysis of all countries in the African Union.[14] Benins 2015 national Child Code grants pregnant girls the right to carry on going to school or to come back to school after giving birth.[15]

Despite the existence of this law to protect the right to education for pregnant adolescent students and mothers, many Beninese girls still face barriers to return to school once they become parents. Many young mothers drop out of school during pregnancy and do not return.[16] They may face stigma, are left with no support system, or have to prioritize working rather than going back to school.[17]

Human Rights Watch recommends that the Committee ask the government of Benin:

Human Rights Watch recommends that the Committee call on the government of Benin to:

[1] United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), Seeing the Unseen: The case for action in the neglected crisis of unintended pregnancy, 2022, https://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/EN_SWP22%20report_0.pdf (accessed September 23, 2022).

[2] World Bank, Adolescent fertility rate (births per 1,000 women ages 15-19) Benin, https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.ADO.TFRT?locations=BJ (accessed September 23, 2022).

[3] Guttmacher Institute, Adding It Up: Investing in Sexual and Reproductive Health 2019Methodology Report, July 2020, https://www.guttmacher.org/report/adding-it-up-investing-in-sexual-reproductive-health-2019-methodology (accessed September 23, 2022).

[4] Africa: COVID lockdowns blamed for increase in teenage pregnancies, DW, September 13, 2021, https://www.dw.com/en/africa-covid-lockdowns-teenage-pregnancy-increase/a-59166242 (accessed September 23, 2022); How COVID-19 has increased fertility, adolescent pregnancy and maternal deaths in East and Southern African countries, UNFPA news release, July 11, 2021, https://esaro.unfpa.org/en/news/how-covid-19-has-increased-fertility-adolescent-pregnancy-and-maternal-deaths-east-and-southern (accessed September 23, 2022); LAfrique face au Covid-19: les pics de grossesses prcoces mettent en peril lavenir des jeunes filles, Le Monde Afrique, February 1, 2022, https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2022/01/31/l-afrique-face-au-covid-19-les-pics-de-grossesses-precoces-mettent-en-peril-l-avenir-des-jeunes-filles_6111747_3212.html (accessed September 29, 2022).

[5] Akpdj Ayosso, 547 cas de grossesses dans les tablissements secondaires du Borgou, 24 Heures au Benin, December 12, 2020, https://24haubenin.info/?547-cas-de-grossesses-dans-les-etablissements-secondaires-du-Borgou (accessed September 23, 2022).

[6] UNFPA, How will the COVID-19 pandemic affect births? Technical Brief, December 21, 2021, https://www.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/How%20will%20the%20COVID-19%20pandemic%20affect%20births.pdf (accessed September 23, 2022).

[7] Guttmacher Institute, Country Profile: Benin: Unmet needs for essential sexual and reproductive health services, https://www.guttmacher.org/regions/africa/benin (accessed September 23, 2022).

[8] Guttmacher Institute, Country Profile: Benin: Unintended pregnancy and abortion, https://www.guttmacher.org/regions/africa/benin (accessed September 23, 2022).

[11] Encadrement de lavortement au Bnin : Le Parlement a adopt la loi modificative, October 21, 2021, https://www.gouv.bj/actualite/1518/encadrement-avortement-benin-parlement-adopte-modificative/ (accessed September 23, 2022); Republic of Benin, Loi No. 2021 12 du 20 December 2021: modifiont et compltont la loi no. 2003-04 du 03 mars 2003 relative la sant sexuelle et la reproduction, December 2021, https://sgg.gouv.bj/doc/loi-2021-12/ (accessed September 23, 2022); Au Bnin, l'Assemble nationale vote la lgalisation de l'avortement, France 24, October 21, 2021, https://www.france24.com/fr/afrique/20211021-au-b%C3%A9nin-l-assembl%C3%A9e-nationale-vote-la-l%C3%A9galisation-de-l-avortement (accessed September 23, 2022).

[12] A bold step forward: Benins new abortion law, Ipas news release, May 9, 2022, https://www.ipas.org/news/a-bold-step-forward-benins-new-abortion-law/ (accessed September 23, 2022).

[13] World Health Organization and Human Reproduction Programme, Global Abortion Policies Database, Country Profile: Benin, May 2022, https://abortion-policies.srhr.org/country/benin/ (accessed September 29, 2022).

[14] Human Rights Watch, A Brighter Future: Empowering Pregnant Girls and Adolescent Mothers to Stay in School: Education Access across the African Union: A Human Rights Watch Index, August 29, 2022, https://www.hrw.org/video-photos/interactive/2022/08/29/brighter-future-empowering-pregnant-girls-and-adolescent.

[15] Republic of Benin, Loi no. 2015-08 portant code de lenfant en Rpublique du Benin, January 23, 2015, https://features.hrw.org/features/african-union/files/Benin%20-%20Loi%2018%20-%202015%20Code%20de%20l'Enfant.pdf (accessed September 23, 2022).

[16] Akpdj Ayosso, 147 cas de grossesses en milieu scolaire signals dans lAtacora, June 26, 2020, 24 Heures au Benin, https://www.24haubenin.info/?147-cas-de-grossesses-en-milieu-scolaire-signales-dans-l-Atacora (accessed September 26, 2022); Bnin: Dscolarisation des jeunes filles, un phnomne qui prend de lampleur dans le village dAdohoun, December 26, 2018, Agence Socit Civile Mdia, https://www.societecivilemedias.com/2018/12/26/benin-descolarisation-jeunes-filles-phenomene-prend-de-lampleur-village-dadohoun/ (accessed September 26, 2022); Les grossesses en milieu scolaire entravent la scolarisation des filles, 24 Heures au Benin, November 21, 2017, https://24haubenin.info/?Les-grossesses-en-milieu-scolaire-entravent-la-scolarisation-des-filles (accessed September 26, 2022).

[17] Sex Education For Young Girls In Benin: Digital Technology, The Best Way To Maximize Impact, Matin Libre, October 8, 2021, https://matinlibre.com/2021/10/07/education-sexuelle-des-jeunes-filles-au-benin-le-numerique-meilleur-moyen-pour-maximiser-limpact/ (accessed September 26, 2022); Fight against school pregnancies in Benin: need to take new measures, La Nouvelle Tribune, April 18, 2022, https://lanouvelletribune.info/2022/04/lutte-contre-les-grossesses-scolaires-au-benin-necessite-de-prendre-de-nouvelles-mesures/ (accessed September 26, 2022).

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Benin: Submission to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women - Human Rights Watch

Lauren Lee McCarthy: Exploring the Human Relationship with AI – Stanford HAI

Artist and computer scientist Lauren Lee McCarthy has spent days working virtually as a human Alexa in strangers homes. Shes created a 24-hour machine-driven cocktail party where software controls the actions and conversation of the human host. Shes acted as a real-life follower for people curious about what it would be like to have an actual but hidden observer.

For McCarthy, there are few things more intriguing than examining how human beings are adapting to the prevalence of artificial intelligence and the surveillance, automation, and algorithmic living it brings to their lives.

The systems we build both technical and social shape the way we live together and relate to each other, she says. We tend to think of the apps and tools we use as a neutral presence, but theyre not neutral. There are so many design decisions that go into them based on an assumption of who the user is and what their goals are. These tools are reinforcing and accelerating the world were heading toward, and I feel its important to question all that.

McCarthy will be pursuing those questions as the 2022-23 Visiting Artist at the Stanford Institute for Human-Centered Artificial Intelligence. Currently on sabbatical from her position as an associate professor at UCLA Design Media Arts, McCarthy creates performance-based work using installations, video, software, photography, and sculpture to explore the technological and social systems humans simultaneously build for themselves.

McCarthy first found herself drawn to the intersection of art and technology as an undergraduate at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT).

Ive always liked art, but had gotten the message early that it was just a hobby, she says. Math was also a good fit for me, so I started out studying computer science. At that time in 2008, it felt like there was a lot of emphasis on technical possibilities without much questioning of the social implications of those possibilities. One day, I wandered into the art department and found people who were asking those questions. I began studying both fields simultaneously and putting them together.

Her award-winning work focuses largely on interactive performances that invite viewers to engage with her and with AI technology. In the series of work titled Lauren, for example, she assumes the duties of a virtual personal assistant for up to a week in homes equipped with custom-designed networked smart devices that allow her to control switches, door locks, faucets, and various electronic devices. Her attempt to be more effective than AI raises questions on the tension between intimacy and privacy, convenience versus agency, and the role of human labor in the future of automation.

Each project asks different questions, McCarthy says. In this series, I was wondering what it means to invite AI into our homes. Where is the boundary between an intimate private space and a public one that can be managed and optimized?

In another performance piece called Follower, McCarthy invites volunteers to download an app and sign up to be physically and surreptitiously followed by the artist for a day. Although participants are notified when the process begins, they never see their follower, receiving only a single photo of themselves at the end of the day. The project explores the desire on the part of some to share their lives without the complexity of forging a new relationship.

I follow all day, but maybe they never even notice me or see me, she says. I have an intense experience with this person for a day, and I think they have an intense experience with me, but we never speak.

McCarthy is also the creator of p5.js, an open-source art and education platform designed to increase access and diversity in learning to code. She developed the platform through The Processing Foundation, which works to expand communities of technology and the arts to include those who have not historically had access to learning to code.

When I started coding in tech spaces, I saw how the dynamics in many of them kept people from feeling welcome, she says. We decided to create p5.js with a different set of values, making it clear that the most important thing is that people feel they have access and are included. The community prioritizes that in every decision. The platform is very collaborative, and communities are springing up around it. It now has a user base of a few million people, has been translated into different languages, and is taught around the world.

At HAI, McCarthy anticipates hosting guest lectures and workshops and incorporating the perspective of students and the Stanford community into an ongoing project concerning human reproduction in the age of AI.

Im interested in the future of reproduction, as AI increasingly provides the ability to predict outcomes in areas such as DNA sequencing and screening in utero, she says. What does that mean in terms of making decisions about the start of life for someone? Im excited to talk with a lot of different people at HAI who might be thinking around these spaces and to see what art might come out of these discussions.

Artificial intelligence, McCarthy says, is changing the dynamics of the art world, as artists consider its implications through their work, use new technological tools to create art, and deal with algorithms that increasingly determine what art is viewed online. Artists, in turn, must be among those providing computer scientists with expanded insight into the design and deployment of AI that benefits all members of society.

If we want a world thats more equitable, then we need to look not only at what technology were building but whos doing the building, she says. Art is a way to bring different people into that conversation and to ask questions that arent always easy to ask within an engineering or science framework. Its a way of pointing out a possible future that we may not yet have imagined. As for myself, Im not saying Heres the future we should have. Im just asking What if?

Stanford HAI's mission is to advance AI research, education, policy, and practice to improve the human condition.Learn more.

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Lauren Lee McCarthy: Exploring the Human Relationship with AI - Stanford HAI

Colonialism and Reproductive Justice in Arctic Canada: The Neglected Historical and Contemporary Analysis of Genocidal Policies on Arctic Indigeneous…

A serpentine man and woman with child, sculpted by Qaunaq Mikkigak of Cape Dorset, Nunavut. Photo: Ansgar Walk

Indigenous peoples have inhabited the Arctic since time immemorial, establishing rich regional cultures and governance systems long before the introduction of modern borders. The Arctic Institutes 2022 Colonialism Series explores the colonial histories of Arctic nations and the still-evolving relationships between settler governments and Arctic Indigenous peoples in a time of renewed Arctic exploration and development.

The intention of this research is to draw connections between historical and contemporary colonialism in so-called canada (canada), and the lack of reproductive justice for Arctic Indigenous communities. This research will demonstrate the ways in which colonialism has historically revoked reproductive justice from Indigenous communities, and in which the contemporary Arctic geopolitical circumstances further emphasize difficulties in accessing reproductive care. Further, this research will seek to identify a lack of Arctic Indigenous reproductive justice within a larger legacy of colonial genocide, by imposing measures intended to prevent the births of Indigenous children, and by forcibly displacing Indigenous children from their communities.

Though the scope of this work is focused on colonial genocide and reproductive justice in Arctic Indigenous communities, it is important to note the ways in which colonial genocide perpetrated through the revocation of reproductive justice impacted Indigenous communities across canada. Violence perpetrated through the separation of children, forced sterilizations, a lack of comprehensive and culturally-informed sexual education, and a lack of basic human needs to food, water, and shelter are not unique to Arctic Indigenous communities. As such, while this research will focus specifically on Arctic Indigenous communities, colonial genocide has impacted reproductive justice in Indigenous communities across canada. Further research should be devoted to the diversity of these impacts on different Indigenous communities.

It is also important to note that this work will specifically address forcible sterilization processes, predominantly tubal ligation; it does not cover canadas history of performing forced vasectomies on Indigenous people. This is due to the disproportionate percentage of tubal litigations forcefully performed on Indigenous people.1)Lombard AR (2018) Without Prejudice: Examination of Canadas State Report, 65th Session. Maurice Law, 15 October, https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CAT/Shared%20Documents/CAN/INT_CAT_CSS_CAN_32800_E.pdf. Accessed on 2 October 2022 Further research would be useful to identify how gender uniquely informed medical procedures forced onto Indigenous communities.

This paper spells canada in lower case to resist the legitimization of the colonial state and as a deliberate act of resistance. Finally, gender neutral language is used throughout this paper, to acknowledge the diversity of identities and Indigenous conceptualizations of the gender spectrum.

This work will begin by acknowledging the limitations of this research followed by a note on language used throughout. The paper focuses on reproductive justice in Arctic Indigenous communities followed by a section that expands the impact of colonialism on Arctic Indigenous reproductive justice. The final section expands on themes of colonialism, reproductive justice and genocide and outlines recommendations for future policy and research.

It is crucial that as researchers we situate our voices within the literature, and identify the limitations that may impact this work. As two settler and one First Nations researchers, we acknowledge the need to amplify Arctic Indigenous voices, and the ways in which our own research lacks this lived experience. This piece is intended to aid in stimulating conversation surrounding Arctic Indigenous reproductive justice, as an underrepresented topic in western academia. All conversations should center the voices of Arctic Indigenous communities.

Additionally, it is important to acknowledge the constraints imposed by western secondary research methods, which often underestimate the value of qualitative research and oral storytelling. This removal of emotion and depersonalization of research has had a negative impact on the way Indigenous communities have come to be represented in western academia.

This paper uses the Reproductive Justice Framework to guide an understanding of colonial impacts on Indigenous peoples autonomy over their health, bodies, and decisions.

In 1994, the Black Womens Caucus of the Illinois Pro-Choice Alliance determined the need to adopt a human rights framework for low-income communities and people of colour that addressed issues of bodily autonomy within reproductive decision-making.2)In Our Own Voice: National Black Womens Reproductive Justice Agenda. Reproductive Justice. https://blackrj.org/our-issues/reproductive-justice/. Accessed on 25 March 2022 As such, the Reproductive Justice Framework defines the human right to control ones sexuality, gender, work, and reproduction.3)In Our Own Voice: National Black Womens Reproductive Justice Agenda. Reproductive Justice. https://blackrj.org/our-issues/reproductive-justice/. Accessed on 25 March 2022 The reproductive justice framework moves beyond simply considering abortion rights, and addresses the social, economic, and political systems that impact an individuals capacity to make healthy decisions about their bodies, families, and communities.4)In Our Own Voice: National Black Womens Reproductive Justice Agenda. Reproductive Justice. https://blackrj.org/our-issues/reproductive-justice/. Accessed on 25 March 2022 The three main tenets of the Reproductive Justice Framework state: a) the right to have children; b) the right not to have children; and c) the right to nurture children in a safe and healthy environment.5)In Our Own Voice: National Black Womens Reproductive Justice Agenda. Reproductive Justice. https://blackrj.org/our-issues/reproductive-justice/. Accessed on 25 March 2022

This research will argue canadas actions impede on all three tenets of the Reproductive Justice Framework.

The Canadian Medical Protection Association specifies that in order for a medical patient to consent to a procedure, they must be properly informed, they must have the capacity to consent, and that consent must be voluntary.6)CMPA (2006) Consent: A guide for Canadian physicians (4th ed.) Canadian Medical Protective Association Any procedure performed when a patient is under the threat of coercion, or unaware of the full consequence of the procedure, is by nature, nonconsensual. As such, the use of the word forced is intentional throughout this paper.

In order to understand the ways in which colonialism revoked Arctic Indigenous reproductive justice, it is important to first establish the ways in which Arctic Indigenous reproductive justice is unique, making it a threat to colonial domination.

In pre-contact societies, Arctic Indigenous peoples held full autonomy of their bodies and sexual abilities. Artic pre-contact societies allowed for full fluidity of relationships; essentially referring to an individuals relationships outside of the western idea of what romantic and sexual relationships look like (i.e. monogamy). Pre-contact societies were often described by their freedom of autonomy.7)Chansonneuve D (2005) Reclaiming connections: Understanding residential school trauma among aboriginal people: A resource manual. Aboriginal Healing Foundation. This was true for adults in regards to their relationships and sexual freedoms; however, it also applied more broadly to relationships that community members created in their own lives and among other members of the community. This explained fluidity in relationships extends to communal relationships. Arctic Indigenous children were very freely accepted into other homes and many children came into the care of other community members, separate from their parents without judgment. These so-called adoptive parents acted as a community support to one another, ensuring that the children were taken care of and held safe. This role of customary adoption in Inuit communities was a clear representation of the interconnectedness of Inuit societies.8)PIWC (2006) The Inuit way: A guide to Inuit culture. Ottawa: Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada

These themes of sexual autonomy and community fluidity are exemplary of the strong foundations embedded in Inuit reproductive culture. As such, it is natural that these aspects of Arctic Indigenous culture became the base cause of violent assimilation tactics, used by colonizers to control Arctic Indigenous peoples.

This section will demonstrate the ways in which historical and contemporary colonial policies and practices have negatively impacted Arctic Indigenous communities rights to reproductive justice by infringing on their right to parent, right not to parent, and right to parent in a healthy and sustainable environment.

The government of canada has a vested interest in the removal of Indigenous peoples from their land and communities. Reproductive justice became a primary way of enacting this removal, and infringement on ones right to parent was enacted both by stealing Arctic Indigenous children from their families through the residential schooling and child welfare systems and by forcibly sterilizing Indigenous people.9)Chansonneuve D (2005) Reclaiming connections: Understanding residential school trauma among aboriginal people: A resource manual. Aboriginal Healing Foundation.

The government of canada began legislating residential schools in 1885 in order to legally remove Indigenous children from parental and community care.10)Chansonneuve D (2005) Reclaiming connections: Understanding residential school trauma among aboriginal people: A resource manual. Aboriginal Healing Foundation. The violent removal of Indigenous children from their families also meant the revocation of Indigenous peoples ability to parent. By 1964, 75% of Inuit school-age children were in attendance at residential schools.11)Chansonneuve D (2005) Reclaiming connections: Understanding residential school trauma among aboriginal people: A resource manual. Aboriginal Healing Foundation. These schools demonstrate the violent intentions of severing opportunities for Arctic Indigenous parenthood, as part of a grander colonial project.

The government continues to revoke Arctic Indigenous peoples right to parent through the child welfare system. Intergenerational trauma from colonial legacies such as residential schools has led to Indigenous communities experiencing high levels of poverty, alcohol abuse, and housing instability12)Healey GK (2017) What if our health care systems embodied the values of our communities? A reflection from Nunavut. The Arctic Institute, 20 June, https://www.thearcticinstitute.org/health-care-systems-values-communities-nunavut/. Accessed on 2 October 2022 all which are considered to be reasons for removal of children by the state.13)Badry D & Wight Felske A (2020) An examination of three key factors: Alcohol, trauma and child welfare: Fetal Alcohol Spectrum Disorder and the Northwest Territories of Canada. First Peoples Child & Family Review 8(1): 130142. The states self-appointed power to remove children from their homes and communities allows for the continuous irrevocable traumatization of Arctic Indigenous children, families, and communities.

The other vile and invasive colonial revocation of Arctic Indigenous reproductive justice came in the form of forced sterilizations. The practice of forced sterilization in a canadian context dates back to the early 1900s and has been reported as an ongoing practice as recently as 2012.14)Lombard AR (2018) Without Prejudice: Examination of Canadas State Report, 65th Session. Maurice Law, 15 October, https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CAT/Shared%20Documents/CAN/INT_CAT_CSS_CAN_32800_E.pdf. Accessed on 2 October 2022; Stote K (2012) The coercive sterilization of Aboriginal women in Canada. American Indian Culture and Research Journal 36(3): 117150 Inuit sterilizations were carried out without patients consent both in the North and in provincial institutions throughout the 1900s.15)Stote K (2012) The coercive sterilization of Aboriginal women in Canada. American Indian Culture and Research Journal 36(3): 117150 A submission of data by the Medical Services Branch in 1976 brought about by a parliamentary inquiry found that Indigenous patients were disproportionately targeted by forced sterilization.16)Stote K (2012) The coercive sterilization of Aboriginal women in Canada. American Indian Culture and Research Journal 36(3): 117150 The inquiry found that between the years of 1966-1976, 70 sterilizations were performed on Arctic Indigenous community members.17)Stote K (2012) The coercive sterilization of Aboriginal women in Canada. American Indian Culture and Research Journal 36(3): 117150 The collection of Medical Services files omitted from the parliamentary inquiry, however, show that between the years of 1970-1973, 180 Indigenous people were sterilized across 33 Arctic Indigenous settlements.18)Stote K (2012) The coercive sterilization of Aboriginal women in Canada. American Indian Culture and Research Journal 36(3): 117150 It is important to note that the six Arctic Indigenous settlements selected for the parliamentary inquiry were the communities with the least number of sterilizations.19)Stote K (2012) The coercive sterilization of Aboriginal women in Canada. American Indian Culture and Research Journal 36(3): 117150

In some instances, medical professionals sought consent for tubal ligation using coercion, the leveraging of stressful situations, or misinformation.20)Lombard AR (2018) Without Prejudice: Examination of Canadas State Report, 65th Session. Maurice Law, 15 October, https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CAT/Shared%20Documents/CAN/INT_CAT_CSS_CAN_32800_E.pdf. Accessed on 2 October 2022 In other instances, doctors simply forewent seeking consent and performed these procedures without the patients knowledge.21)Lombard AR (2018) Without Prejudice: Examination of Canadas State Report, 65th Session. Maurice Law, 15 October, https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CAT/Shared%20Documents/CAN/INT_CAT_CSS_CAN_32800_E.pdf. Accessed on 2 October 2022 Morningstar Mercredi describes her traumatic experience of forced sterilization in her book Sacred Bundles Unborn.22)Mercredi M (2021) Sacred bundles unborn. Friesenpress It took place when she was alone and underage. In all cases, the violent and irreversible revocation of an Indigenous persons right to parent through the severance of reproductive organs is an ongoing practice of colonial genocide.

In sum, the right to parent poses obvious threats to any colonial project, as it ensures the opportunity for sustained Indigenous presence in canada. As such, canada used residential schools, child welfare practices, and forced sterilization in order to revoke this right, causing lasting negative impacts within Arctic Indigenous communities.

The second tenet of the Reproductive Justice Framework enshrines ones right not to parent. When considering the right to make a choice about having children, it is integral that one is fully equipped with knowledge and education surrounding their sexual health. The canadian state is responsible for a lack of comprehensive sexual health awareness and education in Arctic Indigenous communities, preventing youth from making informed decisions about reproduction.

A study conducted in 2015 by the National Center for Biotechnology Information (NCBI) confirmed this, finding that sexual health education was inconsistent across the country as well as within provinces and territories.23)Hulme J, Dunn S, Guilbert E, Soon J & Norman W (2015) Barriers and facilitators to family planning access in Canada. Healthcare Policy | Politiques De Sant 10(3): 4863 The majority of family planning education in Arctic Indigenous communities remains culturally irrelevant, focused solely on the prevention of births and, in some cases, includes abstinence teachings24)Government of Yukon (2020) Find information about sex education programs. 5 November, https://yukon.ca/en/health-and-wellness/health-concerns-diseases-and-conditions/find-information-about-sex-education. Accessed on 25 March 2022; Hulme J, Dunn S, Guilbert E, Soon J & Norman W (2015) Barriers and facilitators to family planning access in Canada. Healthcare Policy | Politiques De Sant 10(3): 4863; Lys C & Reading C (2012) Coming of age: How young women in the Northwest Territories understand the barriers and facilitators to positive, empowered, and Safer Sexual Health. International Journal of Circumpolar Health 71(1).

Furthermore, the NCBI study found that Arctic Indigenous communities are particularly vulnerable to physician bias and outdated practices.25)Hulme J, Dunn S, Guilbert E, Soon J & Norman W (2015) Barriers and facilitators to family planning access in Canada. Healthcare Policy | Politiques De Sant 10(3): 4863 In a 2013 study which explored five personal stories of sexual health education and services in Yukon, participants shared that the lack of anonymity and access to health services such as STI testing led them to avoid these services altogether.26)Rudachyk L (2013) Womens stories of Access: Sexual Health Education and services in Yukon. Ottawa: Carleton University In addition, participants shared that when seeking an abortion, they hitchhiked for hours to other communities in order to access anonymous and judgement-free health care.27)Rudachyk L (2013) Womens stories of Access: Sexual Health Education and services in Yukon. Ottawa: Carleton University Access to abortion care is particularly limited in Arctic Indigenous communities, where 64% of the population lives 100km or more from the nearest physician.28)Lys C & Reading C (2012) Coming of age: How young women in the Northwest Territories understand the barriers and facilitators to positive, empowered, and Safer Sexual Health. International Journal of Circumpolar Health 71(1). This is further exacerbated by the fact that amongst Yellowknife, Nunavut and Yukon, there are only four total providers for safe access to abortion.29)Action Canada SHR (2019) Access at a Glance: Abortion Services in Canada. Action Canada for Sexual Health & Rights, https://www.actioncanadashr.org/resources/factsheets-guidelines/2019-09-19-access-glance-abortion-services-canada. Accessed on 2 October 2022

Combined, this data is vital in understanding the scale and scope of what constitutes a clear and comprehensive understanding of sexual health, and the ways in which that understanding has been historically and contemporarily denied to Arctic Indigenous youth. By failing to provide this, the canadian government actively infringes on the reproductive justice rights of Arctic Indigenous communities.

The right to parent healthily and sustainably is dependent on access to basic human needs such as water, food, and shelter. Yet, colonial policies such as relocations, settlement programs, and residential schooling have curtailed Arctic Indigenous mobility and subsequent access to adequate housing and food security since the 1900s.30)INFSS (2021) Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami. Ottawa: Inuit Nunangat Food Security Strategy When discussing the right to parent healthily and sustainably, it is important to note that inadequate Arctic housing infrastructure and food insecurity are two social determinants of health that have been heavily impacted by canadian colonial policies.

Access to adequate housing is necessary in ensuring the health and safety of ones child. The chronic housing shortage faced by Arctic Indigenous communities exacerbated by the lack of social support31)Tranter E (2020) Nunavut MLAs concerned about territorys high birth rate, taboo around accessing reproductive health services. Nunatsiaq News, 25 February, https://nunatsiaq.com/stories/article/nunavut-mlas-concerned-about-territorys-high-birth-rate-taboo-around-accessing-reproductive-health-services/ directly impacts the health of Arctic Indigenous communities, as living situations are often overcrowded, affecting indoor air quality and sanitation.32)Knotsch C & Kinnon D (2011) If Not Now When? Addressing the Ongoing Inuit Housing Crisis in Canada. Ottawa: National Aboriginal Health Organization As of 2016, in Inuit Nunangat, 51.7% of Inuit lived in crowded conditions, and 31% lived in houses requiring major repairs. Housing infrastructure is also a severe hindrance to socio-economic development, which relies on community infrastructure that can provide a good quality of life for community members.33)Mihychuk M (2019) A Path to Growth: Investing in the North. Ottawa: House of Commons Canada

Food insecurity is another social determinant of health that impedes on the right of Arctic Indigenous parents to raise their children in a healthy and sustainable environment. The severity of food insecurity among Arctic Indigenous communities is one of the longest-lasting public health crises in canada, and is attributable to intersecting driving factors, including but not limited to: poverty; climate change; inadequate infrastructure; high cost of living; and systemic racism.34)INFSS (2021) Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami. Ottawa: Inuit Nunangat Food Security Strategy In fact, food security statistics from the years 2011-2012 states that Nunavut had a food insecurity rate over four times that of the national average, and that the highest rates of food insecurity are found across the three Arctic territories.35)Roshanafshar S & Hawkins E (2015) Food insecurity in Canada. Ottawa: Statistics Canada

Beyond physical health, it is important to acknowledge the cultural and spiritual health impacts that canadian colonialism has had on Arctic Indigenous reproductive justice. Territorial policies related to childbirth and delivery systemically hastened cultural erosion, as most community members were required to be removed to a distant hospital or birthing clinic.36)Thibeault R (2002) Fostering Healing through Occupation: The Case of the Canadian Inuit. Journal of Occupational Science 9(3): 153158 This prevented the ability to perform birthing celebrations and rituals which are important to Arctic Indigenous cultural and spiritual health.

As such, the holistic perspective offered by the Reproductive Justice Framework is particularly useful in understanding that social and cultural determinants of health are integral to Arctic Indigenous reproductive rights. Arctic Indigenous communities deserved and continue to deserve to thrive through parenthood, both physically and culturally. However, it is these thriving communities that are considered antithetical to the success of the canadian colonial project.

So far, this paper has aimed to demonstrate the historical and contemporary impacts of the canadian colonial project on Arctic Indigenous communities access to reproductive justice. This colonial project was purposeful and could be interpreted as an intent to destroy in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group37)UN (1948) Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. United Nations, p.280 Revoking Indigenous reproductive justice was just one tool that the canadian state used to commit genocide against Indigenous people, by violating Article 2d and 2e of the United Nations Genocide Convention.

The UNGC defines genocide in five categorized acts: a) killing members of the group; b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; d) imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; and e) forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.38)UN (1948) Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. United Nations, p280, Art. 2

The canadian states infringement on Arctic Indigenous reproductive justice could be considered genocide based on Article 2d and 2e of the UNGC. Specifically, Article 2d on the prevention of births is relevant to canadas history of forced sterilization of Arctic Indigenous women. In fact, the current lawsuit led by Alisa Lombard seeks justice for Indigenous victims of forced sterilization in Saskatchewan, with cases as recent as 2018.39)Lombard AR (2018) Without Prejudice: Examination of Canadas State Report, 65th Session. Maurice Law, 15 October, https://tbinternet.ohchr.org/Treaties/CAT/Shared%20Documents/CAN/INT_CAT_CSS_CAN_32800_E.pdf. Accessed on 2 October 2022; The Standing Senate Committee on Human Rights (2021) Forced and coerced sterilization of persons in Canada. Ottawa: Senate Canada Similarly, canadas responsibility for residential schools and its modern counterpart, the child welfare system could be considered a violation of Article 2e, which highlights forcible transfer of children.

The states 1966 decision to incorporate only UNGC Articles 2a and 2b into the canadian Criminal Code is further evidence of the intentionality behind canadas avoided accountability for their history of genocide.40)MacDonald DB (2019) Understanding Genocide: Raphael Lemkin, the UN Genocide Convention, and International Law in The Sleeping Giant Awakens: Genocide, Indian Residential Schools, and the Challenge of Conciliation. Toronto: University of Toronto Press

This research discusses the impacts of canadian colonialism on Arctic Indigenous reproductive justice, and its potential constitution as genocide under the UNGC Article 2d and e. This research is intended to be a contribution to the discussion on Arctic Indigenous reproductive justice, which should evolve as more research is conducted in new and innovative ways. As such, our recommendations are geared to researchers and academics who are interested in engaging with the topic of Arctic Indigenous reproductive justice:

Maya Crawford (she/her) is an Algonquin and settler woman from the Snimikobi Community in the Ottawa Valley. Currently an undergraduate student at the University of Ottawa, Maya is in her 4th year majoring in Conflict Studies and Human Rights with a minor in Indigenous Studies. As an Indigenous academic, Mayas research has focused on oral storytelling as knowledge, the reality and interconnectivity of Indigenous and Migrant lived experiences on Turtle Island, and providing Indigenous youth with a platform to educate. Jayde Lavoie (she/her) is a queer settler, artist, and academic situated on Tiohti:ke (Montreal), the unceded and unsurrendered territory of the Kanienkeh:ka Nation. A University of Ottawa graduate of Conflict Studies and Human Rights with a minor in Indigenous Studies, Jaydes research interests have predominantly focused on Canadas colonial history, climate justice, and Arctic policy. Reanne Bremner (she/her) is a graduate of Political Science with a focus on woman and gender studies and Indigenous feminisms from the University of Ottawa. As a queer settler currently situated on Tiohti:ke (Montreal), the unceded and unsurrendered territory of the Kanienkeh:ka Nation, Reannes work centers around human rights education, community-based programming, and youth empowerment with an emphasis on an intersectional and human rights based approach.

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Colonialism and Reproductive Justice in Arctic Canada: The Neglected Historical and Contemporary Analysis of Genocidal Policies on Arctic Indigeneous...

Cheetah Cubs Are Born at Front Royal Campus, Smithsonian’s National Zoo and Conservation Biology Institute – Smithsonian Institution

Carnivore keepers at the Smithsonians National Zoo and Conservation Biology Institute (NZCBI) in Front Royal, Virginia, welcomed a litter of two cheetah cubs. First-time mother, 4-year-old female Amani, birthed the cubs Oct. 3 around 9:17 p.m. and 11:05 p.m. ET. This is also the first litter sired by 7-year-old father Asante. As the first offspring of both parents, the cubs are genetically valuable. They appear to be strong, active, vocalizing and nursing well. Animal care staff are closely monitoring Amani and her cubs behaviors via the Cheetah Cub Cam on the Zoos website. Virtual visitors can also observe Amani and her cubs on this temporary platform until the cubs leave the dens.

Keepers will leave Amani to bond with and care for her cubs without interference, so it may be some time before they can determine the cubs sexes. They will perform a health check on the cubs when Amani is comfortable leaving them for an extended period.

Seeing Amani successfully care for this litterher firstwith confidence is very rewarding, said Adrienne Crosier, cheetah biologist at NZCBI and head of the Association of Zoos & Aquariums Cheetah Species Survival Plan (SSP). Being able to watch our cheetah family grow, play and explore their surroundings is incredibly special. We hope this experience brings Cheetah Cub Cam viewers joy and helps them feel a deeper connection to this vulnerable species.

NZCBI is part of the Cheetah Breeding Center Coalitiona group of 10 cheetah breeding centers across the United States that aim to create and maintain a sustainable North American cheetah population under human care. These cubs are a significant addition to the Cheetah SSP, as each individual contributes to this program.

The SSP scientists determine which animals to breed by considering their genetic makeup, health and temperament, among other factors. Amani and Asante were paired and bred naturally July 2 and 3. Keepers trained Amani to voluntarily participate in ultrasounds, and veterinarians confirmed her pregnancy Aug 8. Since 2007, 17 litters of cheetah cubs have been born at NZCBIs Front Royal campus.

Significant scientific studies by NZCBI researchers have demonstrated that maintaining breeding males in group coalitions (as they would live in the wilds of Africa) promotes reproductive performance, specifically improving sperm quality. Other ongoing research focuses on gamete (sperm and egg) biology, health and disease, the influence of age on reproduction, as well as understanding the hormonal complexities of the species. Such data is used by conservationists to modify reproductive strategies for this vulnerable felid, including ensuring that prime-breeding-age cheetahs are maintained in spacious breeding centers, such as at NZCBI, to promote optimal reproduction and cub production.

Cheetahs live in small, isolated populations mostly in sub-Saharan Africa. Many of their strongholds are in eastern and southern African parks. Due to human conflict and poaching, habitat and prey-base loss, there are only an estimated 7,000 to 7,500 cheetahs left in the wild. The International Union for Conservation of Nature considers cheetahs vulnerable to extinction.

The Smithsonians National Zoo and Conservation Biology Institute (NZCBI) leads the Smithsonians global effort to save species, better understand ecosystems and train future generations of conservationists. Its two campuses are home to more than 2,000 animals, including some of the worlds most critically endangered species. Always free of charge, the Zoos 163-acre park in the heart of Washington, D.C., features 1,800 animals representing 360 species and is a popular destination for children and families. At the Conservation Biology Institutes 3,200-acre campus in Virginia, breeding and veterinary research on 200 animals representing 20 species provide critical data for the management of animals in human care and valuable insights for conservation of wild populations. NZCBIs 305 staff and scientists work in Washington, D.C., Virginia and with partners at field sites across the United States and in more than 30 countries to save wildlife, collaborate with communities and conserve native habitats. NZCBI is a long-standing accredited member of the Association of Zoos & Aquariums.

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Cheetah Cubs Are Born at Front Royal Campus, Smithsonian's National Zoo and Conservation Biology Institute - Smithsonian Institution

No guarantee of success for preserving fertility ahead of treatment for benign conditions – ESHRE

A September Campus meeting organised by the SIG Fertility Preservation reviewed approaches to fertility preservation in benign conditions such as endometriosis, POI and haematological diseases.

Indeed, the need for doctors to manage expectations in patients having procedures to retain fertility and recognise when the odds are against them was underlined by several presenters at this Campus meeting on fertility preservation for benign indications. Age, ovarian reserve, gender, disease severity, prior surgery/hormone therapy and treatment method were among the many factors cited which can dictate the chance of success.

An extensive range of benign conditions were considered during the meeting, including endometriosis, Klinefelter syndrome, premature ovarian insufficiency and haematological diseases such as sickle cell; data were also presented on FP approaches and outcomes for transgender men and women.

In his presentation on endometriosis, Professor Grynberg, from Antoine Beclere University hospital in Paris, attempted to answer when, how and if to offer FP. However, many unresolved questions remain, such as the timing and impact of controlled ovarian stimulation and egg retrieval on this disease which can present in many different ways - asymptomatic, as pain and as infertility (or in any combination).

However, Grynberg said there is almost no debate around FP for bilateral endometrioma, voluminous unilateral endometrioma, and expected repeated surgeries with intervention taking place ideally before age 35 in order to preserve gametes before a decrease in ovarian reserve.

What about LBRs from frozen eggs? Data on this are limited, said Grynberg, and vary according to several factors such as age and a history (or not) of surgery. A recent observational study described oocyte vitrification as a valid treatment for women with endometriosis, but found that ovarian response and LBR were higher in young (35 years) non-surgical patients than in those who had had surgey.(2)

In conclusion, he said the possibility of FP should always be kept in mind by all physicians dealing with endometriosis but some indications are debateable and evidence for success rates is as yet lacking.

Semen banking is advised for adult male patients who need aggressive gonadotoxic treatment for diseases such as sickle cell. Testicular tissue banking might be an alternative for teenage boys. Ellen Goossens from Vrije Universiteit Brussel in Belgium presented data from her clinic which has, since 2002, banked samples from over 100 patients of whom over half (57%) have non-malignant disorders.

Evidence on the efficacy of fertility restoration has progressed from births in mice to a macaque monkey, and Goossens now has ethical approval for human trials which will feature cryopreserved testicular tissue grafted to the testes and scrotum.

Should clinics offer PGT to patients with hereditary conditions who need FP? That was the question asked by Anne-Marie Gerdes, a former chairperson of the Danish Council on Ethics, who said demand has been increasing for PGT-M and new techniques are being developed.

In Denmark, the criteria for genetic analysis must be known and recognise a significantly increased risk that the child will develop a serious genetic disease or chromosomal aberration. However, there are grey areas in the law which raise ethical concerns. Gerdes said offering PGT can create a slippery slope from serious diseases to normal traits but not offering patients the procedure may encourage fertility tourism.

Freezing the gametes or tissue of someone about to undergo gender re-assignment surgery is another area of FP in benign conditions that brings challenges for clinicians, especially as the literature is limited. Kenny Rodriguez-Wallberg outlined the situation in Sweden where transgender men and women no longer have to be sterilised before they can legally change their gender following a law change in 2013.

Her clinic has redesigned their information brochure to make it acceptable to trans men leaflets now feature a body with ovaries but without feminine curves and adapted how staff interact with patients. A study of 15 patients found that gender incongruence and dysphoria were triggered by genital examinations and physical changes associated with discontinuation of testosterone or hormonal stimulation.(3)

Fertility outcomes for patients who have undergone gender-affirming hormone therapy (GAHT) are comparable to those whose gender identity corresponds to their sex assigned at birth. For trans women, Rodriguez-Wallberg said sperm banking should be offered prior to GAHT. A study of 212 patients found that previous hormone therapy was associated with significantly lower sperm counts and even patients with no prior GAHT history had a high proportion of sperm abnormalities.(4)

There is also a psychological impact for trans men and women. Many still believe fertility is the price to pay for gender transitioning and may face an uncertain future regarding parenthood, despite having FP options.

1. Grynberg M, Sermondade N. Fertility preservation: should we reconsider the terminology? Hum Reprod 2019; 34: 18551857. doi.org/10.1093/humrep/dez1602. Cobo A, Giles J, Paolelli S, et al. Oocyte vitrification for fertility preservation in women with endometriosis: an observational study. Fertil Steril 2020; 113: 836-844. DOI: doi.org/10.1016/j.fertnstert.2019.11.0173. Armuand G, Dhejne C, Olofsson JI, Rodriguez-Wallberg KA. Transgender men's experiences of fertility preservation: a qualitative study. Hum Reprod 2017; 32: 383390. doi.org/10.1093/humrep/dew3234. Hljestig J, Arver S, Johansson A, Lundberg FE. Sperm quality in transgender women before or after gender affirming hormone therapyA prospective cohort study; Andrology 2021; 9: 1773-1780. doi.org/10.1111/andr.12999

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No guarantee of success for preserving fertility ahead of treatment for benign conditions - ESHRE

Jack London 1: The Call of the Wild – Patheos

Jack London 1: The Call of the WildThe Wolf in Dogs Clothing [1]Jack London, The Call of the Wild, original edition of 1903

Beware of false prophets, who come to you in sheeps clothing but inwardly are ravenous wolves, warns Jesus (Matthew 7:15). According to Jesus, wolf is a metaphor for false prophet. According to American novelist Jack London, wolf is a metaphor for the fallen human race. In one of the most widely read novels of all time, The Call of the Wild, along with sequels White Fang and The Sea Wolf, London undresses the wolf hiding in human clothing.

Just a quick reminder of the plot. Buck, a pet dog from Santa Clara Valley in California, was dognapped and taken to Alaska to pull sleds. In the Klondike, away from civilization, Buck began to revert to an earlier stage of evolution. The dominant primordial beast was strong in Buck, writes London. After a fight with another dog, Spitz, Buck emerges triumphant over Spitz just as the wolf becomes triumphant over the dog. Buck stood and looked on, the successful champion, the dominant primordial beast who had made his kill and found it good (London, Call of the Wild).

What is true for the wolf within Buck is as true for the wolf within the human. The dog slaver gained dominance over Buck by hitting him with a club.

After a particularly fierce blow he [Buck] crawled to his feet, too dazed to rush. He staggered limply about, the blood flowing from nose and mouth and ears, his beautiful coat sprayed and flecked with bloody slaver. The man advanced and deliberately dealt him a frightful blow on the nose. All the pain he had endured was as nothing compared with the exquisite agony of this (London, Call of the Wild).

What Jack London himself witnessed in the Klondike that became background for his wolf books was human nature in the raw. When gold prospectors from California and the rest of the world converged on Alaska in the 1890s, they left their modern humanity behind. The civil became uncivil. The humane became inhuman. Law and order were discarded and replaced by the Law of Club and Fang. The primordial wolf, once suppressed, emerged again in both dog and human with ferocity and bloodshed. At any moment, London implied, what we know as orderly civilization could suddenly revert to an earlier stage of evolution where nature is blood red in tooth and claw (Tennyson, In Memoriam).

Might there be a dovetail between Jack Londons evolutionary anthropology and the public theologians understanding of original sin? Was the masterful teller of dog stories actually a literary philosopher exploring human nature? Was London even conscious that he was synthesizing science with religion?

Here are our existential questions: are we Homo sapiens more civilized than a wolf pack? If not, can we hope for redemption descending from heaven in the form a UFO coming to Earth to advance our civilization beyond the wolf stage of evolution? Will extraterrestrial aliens provide the grace we need to transcend our inherited wolf traits?

What!? UFOs!? How do these things fit together?

In this Patheos Public Theology series analyzing a portion of the corpus of prodigious California novelist and short story author, Jack London, we will apply the analytic tools developed in the field of Theology and Literature. Specifically, we will follow the path blazed by one of my favorite University of Chicago professors, Nathan A. Scott (1925-2006).

We have only one topical question: will we Homo sapiens evolve into civilized creatures that outgrow our wolflike tendencies toward violence? We will ask this one question multiple times as we review Jack Londons different writings. Heres whats coming.

Jack London 1: The Call of the Wild

Jack London 2: White Fang

Jack London 3: The Sea Wolf

Jack London 4: Lone Wolf Ethics

Jack London 5: Wolf Pack Ethics

Jack London 6: Wolf & Lamb Ethics

Jack London 7: The Red One

Oh, yes, multiple movies have been made ofThe Call of the Wildover the decades. Most recently in 2020 (Hulu online), The Call of the Wildfilm starred Harrison Ford. Ford played a man named John Thornton, not Buck. In the 1935 film, it was Clark Gable (full movie online). And, in the 1997 version, it was Rutger Hauer as John Thornton and Richard Dreyfuss as narrator. You can watch a 2009 childrens variant with Christopher Lloyd here.

The field of Theology and Literature has fallen on rough times. More frequently today, universities offer courses on Theology and Film.

I was privileged to study under Nathan A. Scott at the University of Chicago. Dr. Scott was a pioneer in the field of Theology and Literature (Scott 1994). He borrowed from Paul Tillich the notion that religion is the depth of culture and culture the form of religion, a notion amplified by Reinhold Niebuhr and Langdon Gilkey (Tillich 1951-1963, 3: 158). Scott applied this notionthe depth of cultureeffectively to his literary criticism. Not only did this provide a new set of insights regarding literature, it also enriched theology.

Christian theology, as a result of its dialogue with great literature of the modern period, will find itself more richly repaid (in terms of deepened awareness of both of itself and of the age) than any other similar transaction it may undertake.(Scott 1994) [2]

What I so appreciated as a student was the way Scott could make transparent the religious depth hidden beneath secular surfaces. Scott asked Tillichs question: what is ultimate? Scott did not ask any questions about science. But I certainly do.

May we expand Theology & Literature into Theology, Science & Literature? A Scott student now a professor at Baylor University, Ralph C. Wood, gives us permission. Both scientific and religious knowledge flourish when they engage present concerns by way of antecedent experience, and thus as they formulate judgments and principles via constant modification and enlargement. (Wood 2012, 31). London the fictional author provides the low hanging fruit of antecedent experience which the public theologian will find easy picking.

As you will soon see, I plan to ask questions about science. When we turn to Americas most widely read author of the first quarter of the twentieth century, Jack London, Charles Darwins theory of evolution explodes like fire works on the 4th of July. Without attending to the science, the reader could not grasp Londons anthropology. It is in the evolutionary anthropology where we find religious depth.

In 1915, the father of depth psychology, Sigmund Freud drew a conclusion Jack London had arrived at two decades earlier. The primitive, savage and evil impulses of mankind have not vanished in any individual, but are simply waiting for the opportunity to show themselves again.

Now to our topical question: does a ravenous wolf lurk within each of us? Only some of us? Must we remain ever alert to the danger that our repressed evolutionary past will surge forth in viciousness, chaos, destruction? Is our civilized order threatened at every moment with dissolving into a cauldron of primeval violence?

Jack London thought so while in Alaska during the Klondike God Rush, 1896-1899. Today, we ask with London: do both dogs and humans bear the genes of a common ancestor, the wolf? If so, must our future be determined by our evolutionary past?

There is more. Much more. The prescient Jack London a century ago asked a very contemporary question: did interstellar travelers intervene in Earths evolution in order to accelerate human development? Are we Homo sapiens a hybrid progeny of terrestrial apes and extraterrestrial geneticists? If so, why does the ravaging world still growl within the terrestrial soul?

Or, to put it another way, should we spend more time in front of our TVs watching Ancient Aliens?

On the one hand, according to London, todays Homo sapiens could without notice suddenly revert to our ravenous wolf past. On the other hand, according to London, Jesus points us to an egalitarian, humane, and socialist future. London had considered writing a short story about Jesus. Then, he thought better of it and abandoned the idea(Williams, Author Under Sail: The Imagination of Jack London 1902-1907. 2021, 37).

Lets say this again. On the one hand, Charles Darwins law of natural selection or Herbert Spencers survival of the fittest incarcerates Homo sapiens in a primeval past from which we can never on our own escape.

On the other hand, the science of Marxist socialismwhich enamored London the labor organizerpromises human transformation. It promises temporal transcendence. It promises an egalitarian, prosperous, and humane future. Redemption will come through revolution.

London was an supporter of the Bolshevik momentum leading to the revolution of 1917 in Russia. He endorsed Marxist socialism. The Call of the Wildbecame required reading for school children for many years in both the Soviet Union and Maoist China. Jack Londons name is engraved on a wall in the Kremlin. Just how, we ask, can we reconcile Londons atavism via evolution with his anticipation of a post-revolutionary utopia?

So, which is it? Are we imprisoned in our past or liberated for our future? That is the human struggle that points us to religious depth. At least as deep as London can dig.

Here, in this small bite, is the fare garnished and served up in thirty-nine books and countless short stories by Californias notorious author, Jack London (1876-1916). Just a little more than a century ago, this adventurer and novelist literally penned three fictional accounts of what I dub, The Wolves of Jack London.[3] The troika includes The Call of the Wild (1903), White Fang (1904), and The Sea-Wolf (1906). Whether in dogs or in their human masters, the convulsive combination of love for life and vicious cruelty surges up from the primordial Wild still lurking within us.

For London there are connections among evolutionary theory, criminality, and primitivism, observes Jay Williams. The impulse to commit crime is something that comes out of the mysterious unknown, or the unconscious(Williams, Author Under Sail: The Imagination of Jack London 1902-1907. 2021, 270). Theologians will think about original sin or even inherited sin here. Theologians will also think about the relationship between natural evil and moral evil.[4] But this is not Londons vocabulary.

Reversion is perennially a threat. At any moment we humans or our dogs may revert to an atavistic heritage that has been apparently lost for a hundred generations. Primeval ferocity is ever ready to pounce. In the 1901 short story, A Relic of the Pliocene, a prehistoric mammoth appears and engages a Klondike hunter in a life-and-death struggle. At any moment, the dead past can live again. Still we ask: can we look forward to a future where that threat will be no more?

White Fang would comprehend a most striking line that appears in David Brooks new book, The Second Mountain. Speaking of her daughter, a young mother says to Brooks, I found I loved her more than evolution required(Brooks 2019, 42). Can the love we share as civilized beings rocket us up and off from our evolutionary launch pad? Or, is the gravity of our ancestral instinct for survival so strong that well inevitably crash back to earth strewn with tooth gnawed bones?

Nature is blood red in tooth and claw, averred Alfred Lord Tennyson in the dinosaur canto of his In Memoriam in the middle of the nineteenth century. According to Michael Lundblad, the law of the jungle later in the nineteenth and early in the twentieth century meant the behavior of wild animals can be equated with natural human instincts not only for competition and reproduction but also for violence and exploitation(Lundblad 2013, 1). Is todays civilization condemned to remain in the past, governed solely by natural selection or the survival-of-the-fittest?

To repeat the theme: the dog becomes a wolf in The Call of the Wild. Buck, a dog from San Francisco goes to Alaska during the gold rush of the 1890s. Instincts hitherto repressed by domestication rush into Bucks consciousness, instincts borne through millions of evolutionary years. He must master or be mastered; while to show mercy was a weakness. Mercy did not exist in the primordial life. It was misunderstood for fear, and such misunderstandings made for death. Kill or be killed, eat or be eaten, was the law; and this mandate, down out of the depths of Time, he obeyed. Like Platos Meno, Buck the dog was learning what he already knew from a previous incarnation as a wolf.

After his reversion to the wolf, Buck was chasing a rabbit.

All that stirring of old instincts, which at stated periods drives men out from the sounding cities to forest and plain to kill things by chemically propelled leaden pellets, the blood lust, the joy to killall this was Bucks, only it was infinitely more intimate. He was ranging at the head of the pack, running the wild thing down, the living meat, to kill with his own teeth and wash his muzzle to the eyes in warm blood. (London, The Call of the Wild 1903)

Note that it is not only Buck the dog who washes his muzzle in warm blood. So does the human race.[5]

Philosophically, Jack London was a naturalist. Any naturalistic perspective in our post-Darwinian era must recognize that nature is blood red in tooth and claw, that survival-of-the-fittest determines the winners in the struggle for existence, that killer animals are our ancestors, and that their propensity for violence lives on in Homo sapiens.

Can we ground our ethics in nature understood this way? If nature alone is to provide a foundation for human ethical deliberation, must we construct our ethical superstructure on this evolutionary inheritance? The result would be wolf ethics. In short, a Darwinian naturalist would have no inclination to be nice. How might a public theologian assess this?

Whats next in our Patheos Public Theology series on Jack London? White Fang.Whereas Buck inThe Call of the Wildis a dog who goes to Alaska and becomes a wolf, White Fang is a wolf in Alaska who moves to California and becomes a dog. Look for the next post in this Patheos series on the wolves of Jack London.

Ted Peters is a Lutheran pastor and emeritus seminary professor, teaching theology and ethics. He specializes in the creative mutual interaction between science and theology. He co-edits the journal, Theology and Science. His one volume systematic theology is now in its 3rd edition, GodThe Worlds Future (Fortress 2015). His book, God in Cosmic History, traces the rise of the Axial religions 2500 years ago. He has undertaken a thorough examination of the sin-and-grace dialectic in two works, Sin: Radical Evil in Soul and Society (Eerdmans 1994) and Sin Boldly! (Fortress 2015). Watch for his forthcoming, The Voice of Christian Public Theology (ATF 2022). See his website: TedsTimelyTake.com and Patheos column on Public Theology, https://www.patheos.com/blogs/publictheology/.Ted Peters fictional series of espionage thrillers features Leona Foxx, a hybrid woman who is both a spy and a parish pastor.

I. Incontestably, animals and humans inhabit the same world, the same objective world even if they do not have the same experience of the objectivity of the object 2. Incontestably, animals and humans do not inhabit the same world, for the human world will never be purely and simply identical to the world of animals 3. In spite of this identity and this difference, neither animals of different species, nor humans of different cultures, nor any animal or human individual inhabit the same world as another the difference between one world and another will remain always unbridgeable, because the community of the world is always constructed, simulated by a set of stabilizing apparatuses nowhere and never given in nature. (Derrida, 2009, 8-9)

When applying Derridas view of worldview, Hannah Strmmen tries to reestablish human-animal continuity minus human sovereignty over the animals.

If part of animal studies is attempting to think the animal outside a logic of human sovereignty, and to attempt to rethink humananimal relationships outside, or other to, such a discourse of power, then a different kind of discourse is needed that can do precisely that (Strmmen, 2017, 408).

The power that humans exert over their dogs and other animals in Jack Londons stories stresses both human cruelty and human kindness. Both exemplify sovereignty. Yet, both are intended to convey the wolflike traits still operative at the human level.

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Berkove, Lawrence. 1996. The Myth of Hope in Jack Londons The Red One. In Rereading Jack London, by eds Leonard Cassuto and Jeanne Campbell Reesman, 204-216. Stanford CA: Stanford University Press.

Brandt, Kenneth. 2018. Jack London: An Adventurous Mind. In Jack London, by Kenneth K. Brandt. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press (Northcote).

Brooks, David. 2019. The Second Mountain. New York: Random House.

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London, Jack. 1903. The Call of the Wild.

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. 1906. The Sea Wolf.

. 1904. White Fang.

Lundblad, Michael. 2013. The Birth of a Jungle: Animality in Progressive Era US Literature and Culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Moritz, Joshua. 2008. Evolutionary Evil and Dawkins Black Box. In The Evolution of Evil, by Martinez J Hewlett, Ted Peters, and Robert John Russell, eds Gaymon Bennett, 143-188. Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

Niebuhr, Reinhold. 1941. The Nature and Destiny of Man, 2 Volumes. New York: Scribners.

Oliveri, Vinnie. 2001. Sex, Gender, and Death in The Sea Wolf. Pacific Coast Philology 38 99-115.

Reesman, Jeanne Campbell. 2012. The American Novel: Realism and Naturalism. In A Companion to the American Novel, by ed Alfred Bendixen, 42-59. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell.

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Strmmen, Hannah. 2017. Literature and Theology 31:4: 405-419.

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. 2021. Author Under Sail: The Imagination of Jack London 1902-1907. Lincoln NB: University of Nebraska Press.

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The Pentagon’s Abortion Policy Is an Empty Gesture – The Nation

US soldiers lined up at Albrecht Drer Airport. (Karl-Josef Hildenbrand / Getty Images)

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In significant parts of this country, the Supreme Courts June 2022 decision to overturn Roe v. Wade returned Americans to a half-century-old situation in which hundreds of thousands of women, faced with unwanted pregnancies, were once forced to resort to costly, potentially deadly underground abortions. My spouses employer, the Pentagon, recently announced that its own abortion policy, which allows military insurance to cover the procedure when a pregnancy results from rape or incest, or poses a threat to the mothers life, still holds.

Sadly enough, this seems an all-too-hollow reassurance, given the reality that pregnant women in the military are, in many places, likely to face an uphill battle finding providers trained andheres the key, of coursewilling to perform the procedure. The Supreme Court abortion ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson Womens Health leaves it up to the states to determine whether to allow abortions. In doing so, it ensures that the access of military populations to that procedure will be so much more complicated, especially for spouses who need to seek off-base care, including ones like me who have chosen the military insurance option TRICARE Select that allows us to access almost exclusively civilian providers. Americas 2.6 million military dependents now live in a country where an ever-changing patchwork of state laws can make seeking an abortion costly, risky, and stressful in the extreme.

Any military spouse with young children in tow whos had to relocate somewhere in this nations vast network of military bases can tell you that just caring for another person is challenging in itself. Upon learning youre pregnant, you practically need a PhD to locate a competent obstetrician who also accepts military insurance.

And even when you do, dont discount the problems to come. After an ultrasound, my first provider in the militarys TRICARE Select healthcare program told me that my child was missing a foot. (In fact, he was just positioned with his back to the camera.) My second provider almost injured that same child by attempting to apply force during labor when his head was stuck against my hip bone.

And once youve actually had the child, youre likely to find yourself bickering for hours with uninformed military insurance providers simply to get coverage for a breast pump so you can feed your baby and go to work. Your military-approved pediatrician mayor may not!know anything about local TRICARE Select specialists who can help you address common family problems like deployment-related anxiety in kids. And child care? This countrys child care facilities are already stuffed to the gills and thats even more true of military child care centers. Typically enough, I fear, I was on wait lists for them for years without the faintest success.

Now, add the devastating Dobbs decision to that military reproductive healthcare landscape. Imagine that you want and need an abortion and rely on TRICARE Select, especially if you and your family are stationed in one of the 13 states that have near or total bans on the procedure. If youre lucky enough to have the funds and social connections, you may be able to call in your babysitter to watch your older children and let your employer know that youve got to travel out of state for a medical procedureas if they wouldnt know what kind! Then youll spend what disposable income you have, if anypoverty and food insecurity being rampant in todays militaryto head out of state alone in hopes of getting access to an abortion. Current Issue

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You may want your partner to come with you. If hes not deployed and assuming he supports your choice to seek an abortion, the two of you will face a barrier peculiar to military life: Any service member who needs medical leave must request it through a commanding officer. To be sure, the Army and Air Force have issued directives to commanders not requiring soldiers to state why theyre requesting it. Still, its hard to imagine how a pro-life commanding officer wouldnt see right through such a sudden request and deny it. This is one of the many reasons you may find yourself alone on your journey.

And oh, the places youll go! The nearest abortion clinic likely wont be off base over on Main Street. The states with the most restrictive laws governing abortion also have among the highest concentrations of military bases. So military dependents and soldiers whose insurance or health conditions require them to go off base will likely have to travel across state lines (possibly many state lines) to get the services they need and, of course, do so on their own dime. And by the way, the anti-abortion states are also among those with the largest number of per capita troop hometowns, meaning that military personnel from them are unlikely to get access to care if they go home to be with family during a time when they undoubtedly need extra support.

In other words, in the military world, Dobbs is a recipe for disaster.

For those unfamiliar with the militarys insurance system, let me make a key distinction. Military family members like myself get to choose between two main types of health insurance. The first, called TRICARE Prime, lets you access care in Department of Defense healthcare facilities military bases or posts. This is how active-duty troops typically get care as well. A case manager refers you to various primary and specialty-care providers as needed. With TRICARE Prime, youd be using federal facilities, so you might, at least theoretically, have an easier time getting access to an abortion when, under a narrow set of conditions, the federal government is willing to cover such a procedure.

In my experience as a therapist listening to military spouses over the years, to seek healthcare at military facilities almost invariably involves conflicts of interest. Doctors there tend to treat you as though your concerns about your health or that of your children are remarkably insignificant compared to the needs of the troops. They tend to speak to spouses like me as if we were the only ones responsible for the health of our families, in the process essentially dumping such issues (and the services that go with them) onto the unpaid shoulders of us and us alone.

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To offer an example, a mother I knew in Washington State was increasingly worried about her toddlers rapidly declining weight, only to have that phenomenon dismissed by physicians at a military hospital as the result of poor parenting. In the end, her suspicion that her child was gravely ill turned out to be all-too-sadly correct. Another military wife I interviewed went to couples therapy on a military base to discuss how an upcoming move might impact their marriage. The counselor they saw, she told me, emphasized her spouses service to the country, suggesting that she prioritize his career over hers and complete the move.

Perhaps because of such conflicts of interest and the greater choice offered by civilian-based health plans, most military dependents (72 percent in 2020) choose the second military-authorized insurance program, TRICARE Select. There, you manage your own care by finding civilian doctors willing to accept the Select plan or you simply pay out of pocket for civilian providers, hoping for some reimbursement sooner or later. With this option, if you were faced with an unwanted pregnancy, you would be subject to any abortion restrictions in your surrounding area.

Keep in mind that specialty care like obstetric services is not likely to be easy to find when youre looking for military providers in your community. A recent Pentagon evaluation of access to healthcare found that 49 percent of the people with TRICARE Select could not find a specialist in their community who accepted TRICARE patients, nor could 34 percent travel the necessary distance to reach an appropriate specialist. Meanwhile, 46 percent couldnt access a specialist in a timely manner due to long wait lists. Worse yet, overall access to specialist care within 24 to 48 hours for TRICARE Select beneficiaries decreased significantly between 2016 and 2019 and continued to do so through the first half of 2021.

Lack of access is not an accident. Despite the monstrous size of the Pentagon budget in these years, the Department of Defense actually decreased its health expenditures for all medical programs relative to its overall spending between 2017 and 2020.

In such an environment, its hardly surprising that state abortion bans containing exceptions in cases when pregnancy threatens the parents life will not easily result in access to the procedure. For example, Tennessee, home to five military bases and with a per capita troop concentration about 10 percent greater than the national average, provides exceptions to its ban when a parents life is at risk. Heres the catch: doctors need to be prepared to show evidence that the procedure is necessary to prevent the impairment of a parents major bodily functions were the pregnancy to continueenough evidence that a team of prosecutors with its own expert medical witnesses could not convincingly argue otherwise in court. If not, a doctor could face felony charges and up to 15 years in prison.

Under such circumstances, if you were a doctor considering whether to terminate a life-threatening pregnancy for a patient, would you choose the patient or protect your ability to stay with your own family, avoiding the risk of prison? Im not sure what I would do in such a situation.

Theres reason to believe that even military dependents not seeking abortions could end up struggling to get the pregnancy care they need because of the restrictions doctors will face when it comes to treating complicated pregnancies. For example, the drugs used to induce abortion by medication, misoprostol and mifepristone, are also the most effective ones for treating patients experiencing miscarriages. At the Cleveland Clinic Emergency Department, under Ohios new heartbeat ban, which makes it a felony to end a pregnancy after a fetal heartbeat has been detected, women could soon enough have to wait 24 hours before receiving treatment for miscarriages, since anything earlier might qualify as an illegal abortion. Thankfully, for the time being two judges have placed a pause on the ban.

Another troubling fallout from new state abortion bans is the way providers and their patients are now being left to handle exceptions when a pregnancy results from rape. Many abortion bans contain sexual assault reporting requirements that make it all but impossible for doctors to avoid serious liability. For example, Utahs new abortion law permits the procedure in cases of rape, but for a doctor to perform it without risking criminal charges, he or she would need to report the rape to law enforcement. Similarly, in Wyoming (a state with just one abortion clinic that has two providers), the new exception in cases of rape does not specify how a client should prove that rape occurred, again leaving it up to doctors to decide how to treat patients and protect their own lives from devastating consequences.

The assaulting of civilian women by soldiers is not a widely studied subject, but accounts by activists and journalists suggest that it is a significant problem. Whats more, about 80 percent of rapes committed by soldiers are never officially reported because victims fear retaliation either from their rapist or others in their communities, including their own or their spouses commands. If the rapist happens to be their spouse, reporting the rape in order to obtain an abortion could mean that the family loses its sole source of income, since a convicted rapist would assumedly be discharged from duty. In addition, its widely known that people who report sexual assaults often face uninformed responses from law enforcement officers who doubt their stories or blame them for being attacked, only increasing the trauma of the situation.

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The pro-life activists and policies behind those cowardly laws belie the fact that much of what far-right Americans and their elected representatives support undermines human life. Look at the violence and poverty some of the same leaders who advocate abortion bans allow in a country whose politicians generally choose to sanction war and investments in weapons development over better social services. Look at the way a significant minority of the citizenry support elected officials who encourage violence against other Americans of differing political beliefs. Look at the way some of us would support the separating of parents and children at the end of life-saving journeys away from drug wars and poverty in their home countries.

Given such political headwinds, its worth remembering that a pregnant person is not a passive receptacle but a worker, whether for nine months or the rest of her life. If anyone should have the power to choose death, she should, because there is always a damn good, heart-wrenching reason for doing so.

I dont know how many people realize this, but if Roe had not become the law of the land in 1973 to protect abortion rights, a different case might have taken its place. In the early 1970s, the late Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, then a lawyer for the American Civil Liberties Union, took up the case of an Air Force nurse in Vietnam named Susan Struck who was told (as was the militarys policy at that time) that she would be discharged if she were to carry her pregnancy to term.

Captain Struck was a devout Catholic who wanted to keep her job and have that baby. Ginsburg argued that all government attempts to regulate reproduction constituted sex discrimination, whether it involved restricting pregnancies or abortions. The Supreme Court agreed to hear the case in 1972, but before that could happen, the military changed its policy, rendering the case moot. Had Ginsburg won that case before the Supreme Court, our legal system might have prioritized parents, not the state, as the ultimate decision-makersheroes no longer navigating a landscape of red tape and indignities.

Last June, right after Roe was overturned, I contacted a fellow military spouse visibly pregnant with her first child. She told me how complicated her feelings were about showing up in Washington, D.C., to advocate for abortion rights just after the draft decision to overturn Roe was leaked this past May. Would people misunderstand her presence at that demonstration? About a year ago, shed sought emergency care for a miscarriage, which she might not have been able to get had abortion rights already been taken away. Perhaps, in the absence of adequate care, she might have suffered complications that prevented her from becoming pregnant this time around. She did, however, attend that demonstration, convinced that advocacy was as important to self-care as any other act in this country.

Hers is a true pro-life position. Its the position of someone who has for years moved from one military base to another. Loving both yourself and your baby is a struggle, not a campaign slogan. As a parent myself, I think that parenting is a journey many more pregnant people would happily embrace if the conditions in this country were significantly more humane. Right now, if you truly care about the lives of us all, its up to you (and me) to join women like my friend in her post-Roe advocacy.

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The Pentagon's Abortion Policy Is an Empty Gesture - The Nation

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Jake Foster Likely Not Taking Fifth Year, Will Retire If He Gets Into Med School – SwimSwam

University of Texas senior and U.S. National team member Jake Foster will likely not be using his fifth year of eligibility, which was awarded to all NCAA athletes that competed during the COVID-afflicted 2020-21 season.

At the moment, I will be finishing my degree in the spring, and with some degree of certainty, I can say that I will not be using my 5th year of eligibility, Foster told SwimSwam. I may still be swimming next year as a pro, but that situation is still in flux with whether I will be enrolling in med school next fall.

Foster also confirmed that he would be retiring from competitive swimming if he enrolled in medical school, because it wont be possible for [him] to balance the demand of med school and competitive swimming while doing them at the level that [he] wants to.

Additionally, Fosters retirement was hinted at in his younger brother Carson Fosters recent Instagram post, where he says his 16th and final season swimming on the same team as [Jake] starts today.

In February 2022, Fosters teammates from Texas posted on social media about how he got a score of 519 on his MCAT test, which is an exam required for admission to the majority of medical schools in the United States. The highest possible MCAT score is a 528, so a 519 would put Foster in the 96th percentile of all medical school applicants, according to Association of American Medical Colleges.

Fosters potential retirement comes despite the fact that he has a chance of making long course international teams in the future, including the 2023 U.S. World Championships team and the 2024 U.S. Olympic team. At the 2022 U.S. National Championships, he finished second in the 200 breast with a time of 2:09.00, which is ranked third in the United States and just 0.16 seconds off the 2:08.84 it took to make the 2022 World Championships team.

At the 2022 U.S. International Team Trials, Foster narrowly missed the World Championship team in the 200 breast by placing third to Nic Fink and Charlie Swanson in a time of 2:09.73. He was also fifth in the 400 IM in 4:13.76 and sixth in the 200 IM in 1:58.64.

Collegiately, Foster is a high-impact swimmer, having scored 30 individual points for Texas at the 2022 NCAA Championships. He set personal best times in all three of his primary events, finishing twelfth in the 200 breast (1:51.82), eighth in the 200 IM (1:40.63), and fifth in the 400 IM (3:38.24). His PBs of 1:51.40 and 3:37.33 in the 200 breast and 400 IM respectively both came in prelims.

Foster isnt the only Texas swimmer to retire from competitive swimming due to med school, as 2017 World Championship medalist Madisyn Cox also recently hung up her goggles after not making the 2020 Olympic team to enroll in med school.

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Competition heats up between OUWB, other med schools in bone marrow drive – News at OU

Oakland University William Beaumont School of Medicine is going head-to-head with three other medical schools as part of a friendly competition being held in the name of saving lives.

The 2022 Bone Marrow Donor Registration Drive is now underway.

OUWB has partnered with Be The Match the National Marrow Donor Programs annual bone marrow registration drive thats aimed at educating and signing up as many potential donors as possible.

Led by medical students from the Student National Medical Association (SNMA), OUWB will compete with other medical schools in Michigan and Indiana to try and be the one that signs up the most people for the national bone marrow registry.

The drive will consist of in-person events this week as well as an option to participate online through Nov. 15.

Tiffany Williams, director, Diversity & Inclusion, credits students from SNMA for leading the effort.

Theyve been very diligent in making this drive a priority every year, she says. Its a testament that theyve been able to continue the drive, especially since it had to be completely virtual for the last two years.

OUWB is big on compassion

The importance of the bone marrow registry cannot be overstated.

Bone marrow donations have the ability to help with more than 70 diseases that can be treated by a blood stem cell transplant, including leukemia and lymphoma, sickle cell disease, inherited immune disorders, and more.

According to the National Marrow Donor Program (NMDP), Be The Match helped facilitate nearly 6,7000 blood stem cell transplants or other cell therapies in 2021.

OUWB has been participating in the bone marrow donor registration drive since 2014, after OUWBs Student National Medical Association (SNMA) proposed the idea.

Williams says it makes sense for the OUWB community to be involved in the drive because it reflects a commitment to giving back and getting involved in the community.

OUWB is big on compassion and serving the community, says Williams. (The bone marrow donor registration drive) falls right in live with that.

How does it work?

The drive is open to those who are 18 to 40 years of age, in general good health, and willing to donate to any searching patient.

The way it works is relatively simple: An individual swabs the inside of the cheek to generate a sample that is used to compare, and ideally match up, specific protein markers with patients who need a bone marrow transplant.

In-person swabs can be done Tuesday, Oct. 11, from 10 a.m. to noon; Thursday, Oct. 13, from 10 a.m. to noon; and Friday, Oct. 14, from 11 a.m. to 1 p.m. On those dates and times, medical students from SNMA will be at a registration table in the Oakland Center.

Williams says one of the most exciting aspects of this years drive is that it will have an in-person element for the first time since 2019.

Being in-person gives the drive that personal touch, she says. Were able to explain face-to-face the importance of registering to potentially be a donor, as well as provide access to swab kits.

There are two other ways for people to participate.

One is to text MSOUWB22to61474for a swab kit to be sent in the mail the return the swabs to Be The Match by Nov. 15.

Another is to use this link to register online and request a swab kit.

Williams says the goal is to register as many people as possible. As an extra incentive, OUWB is competing with medical schools from Central Michigan University, Indiana University, and Wayne State University.

The school that secures the most registrations by Nov. 15 will win bragging rights, according to Williams.

OUWB won the competition in 2020, and Williams says she is looking forward to the results from this year.

Were going to bring it home, she says.

For more information, contact Andrew Dietderich, marketing writer, OUWB, at adietderich@oakland.edu.

To request an interview, visit the OUWB Communications & Marketingwebpage.

NOTICE: Except where otherwise noted, all articles are published under aCreative Commons Attribution 3.0 license. You are free to copy, distribute, adapt, transmit, or make commercial use of this work as long as you attribute Oakland University William Beaumont School of Medicine as the original creator and include a link to this article.

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Talking cardiac awareness with U of M – UMN News

Sudden cardiac arrest is the leading cause of death in the United States. According to theSudden Cardiac Arrest Foundation, there are more than 356,000 out-of-hospital cardiac arrests annually in the U.S. and nearly 90% of them are fatal.

For National Sudden Cardiac Arrest Awareness Month in October,Demetri Yannopoulos, MD, with the University of Minnesota Medical School and M Health Fairview, talks about cardiac arrest symptoms and care innovation in Minnesota.

Q: What is sudden cardiac arrest?Dr. Yannopoulos:Sudden cardiac arrest is a mechanical malfunction of the heart that is immediate and unexpected. The result is that blood stops pumping throughout your body and the ability to bring oxygen to vital organs such as your brain is compromised. This results in someone becoming suddenly unresponsive and requires immediate action, such as calling 911 and providing CPR. According to the American Heart Association, survival from sudden cardiac arrest is approximately 10% nationwide. In areas such as Minnesota, where the Center for Resuscitation Medicine has focused efforts to improve outcomes through a systemwide approach, survival can be as high as 40% in cases where early recognition and bystander CPR are present.

Q: What are the symptoms of sudden cardiac arrest? Are they different from a heart attack?Dr. Yannopoulos: The primary symptom of a sudden cardiac arrest is the sudden loss of consciousness with an absence of breathing or pulse. Some patients have heart attacks before or during their sudden cardiac arrest. As such, heart attacks blocked arteries of the heart are a common cause for sudden death. A person suffering from a heart attack can have chest pain; weakness; discomfort in the jaw, neck or back; and shortness of breath. A heart attack can trigger an electrical malfunction that leads to cardiac arrest.

Q: Are the symptoms of cardiac arrest different for men and women?Dr. Yannopoulos: The symptoms of cardiac arrest are the same for both men and women, however, heart attack symptoms can vary. Most heart attack symptoms are the same and include chest pain and weakness or lightheadedness. Women may be more likely to have back pain, nausea and shortness of breath. With any symptoms, you should be examined, or if symptoms are obvious, call 911. In the event of a cardiac arrest, recent studies have shown that women are less likely to receive bystander CPR and have lower overall survival rates. Currently, there are several campaigns to improve CPR response for women.

Q: How is the University advancing care for cardiac arrest in Minnesota?Dr. Yannopoulos:The University of Minnesota has been at the forefront of major scientific developments in the constant battle against sudden cardiac death. We have invented new ways to improve blood flow during CPR, better ways to ventilate and new drugs to treat cardiac arrest. We have collaborated with all EMS agencies in the state and organized together a best-in-the-world advanced resuscitation program that treats all victims of sudden cardiac arrest with the most advanced and skilled team that is currently available. We use a machine called ECMO (extracorporeal membrane oxygenation) that acts like the heart and lungs through the major blood vessels to allow time to find the underlying cause, treat it and then continue to support the patients in an intensive care unit.

With this novel strategy that is now the standard of care in our community, patients that have primary electrical storm related sudden death have a six to seven times higher survival rate compared to the national standard of care. We are in the process of spreading the knowledge and process to be applied nationwide, and we are working tirelessly to even further improve the outcomes for patients surviving neurologically intact.

Q: How have the collaborations with The Leona M. and Harry B. Helmsley Charitable Trust forwarded our care to patients in rural areas?Dr. Yannopoulos:The Helmsley Charitable Trust has been a strong supporter of cardiac care improvement in Minnesota. They have supported the mobile ECMO project in the metropolitan area that continues to expand further into rural Minnesota. Recently, the Helmsley Charitable Trust supported an AED project through the Center for Resuscitation Medicine to place new AEDs in all law enforcement vehicles throughout Minnesota. Law enforcement officers are often the first responders on scene, especially in rural communities, and these devices will help them provide critical lifesaving care.

Demetri Yannopoulos, MD, is a professor in the Center for Resuscitation Medicine in the Medical School on the Twin Cities campus and a cardiologist at M Health Fairview. His clinical interests include emergent cardiac care, coronary-artery disease and congenital and peripheral intervention.

In collaboration with The Leona M. and Harry B. Helmsley Charitable Trust, Dr. Yannopoulos is the University lead in increasing access to cardiac care in Minnesota through the Minnesota Mobile Resuscitation Consortium by launching the ECMO truck, three ECMO SUVs and outfitting law enforcement agencies and first responders statewide with state-of-the-art automated external defibrillators. Law enforcement agencies interested in participating in the AED program can enroll at [emailprotected]

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About Talking...with U of MTalking...with U of M is a resource whereby University of Minnesota faculty answer questions on current and other topics of general interest. Feel free to republish this content. If you would like to schedule an interview with the faculty member or have topics youd like the University of Minnesota to explore for future Talking...with U of M, please contact University Public Relations at [emailprotected].

About the University of Minnesota Medical SchoolThe University of Minnesota Medical School is at the forefront of learning and discovery, transforming medical care and educating the next generation of physicians. Our graduates and faculty produce high-impact biomedical research and advance the practice of medicine. We acknowledge that the U of M Medical School, both the Twin Cities campus and Duluth campus, is located on traditional, ancestral and contemporary lands of the Dakota and the Ojibwe, and scores of other Indigenous people, and we affirm our commitment to tribal communities and their sovereignty as we seek to improve and strengthen our relations with tribal nations. For more information about the U of M Medical School, please visitmed.umn.edu.

Minnesota Mobile Resuscitation ConsortiumUnder the Office of Academic Clinical Affairs, the Minnesota Mobile Resuscitation Consortium (MMRC) is a non-profit community resource that is an extension of the Universitys ECMO resuscitation program that started in 2015. The U of M has more ECMO experience than any other organization in the U.S., having treated more than 300 cardiac arrest ECMO cases since its inception, with a 40% survival rate comparatively higher than the average survival rate of less than 10% at other locations that treat similar patient populations.

This is a collaborative initiative funded by an $18.6 million grant from The Leona M. and Harry B. Helmsley Charitable Trust and in-kind donations from industry and private donors. Other recognized donors are Zoll Medical, Stryker Emergency Care, Getinge Incorporated and General Electric. Health care system partners include Fairview Health Services, Regions Hospital (HealthPartners) and North Memorial Health Care System, with contractual partnership for physician services with M Health Fairview, Health Partners, U of M Physicians, Hennepin Healthcare and Lifelink III for clinicians

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Join OHEI and OMSE for community conversations Michigan Medicine Headlines – Michigan Medicine Headlines

Recent Supreme Court decisions are weighing heavily on many caregivers, and our nations political polarization makes it more complicated to navigate different belief systems and our roles as patient advocates.

Join the Office for Health Equity & Inclusion and the Office for Medical School Education as we partner with various leaders and subject matter experts to host the second in a series of four Community Conversations where faculty, staff and students have the opportunity to share information, experiences and thoughtfully consider how we demonstrate and practice our institutional values.

This second session will provide tools and ideas for consideration when we are navigating a space with those we disagree with.Speakers will lead us in dialogue about navigating polarizing topics and finding the balance between tolerating difference and potentially providing implicit support to ideas that may be dangerous or leave community members feeling isolated or marginalized.

Thoughtfully and carefully navigating challenging topics like climate change, war, poverty, gun violence, an ongoing pandemic, intractable racism, provider shortages and healthcare disparities can make our lives and our work more difficult but also make our work more important, meaningful and impactful.

Navigating Polarity

When: Oct 17, 6:00 p.m. 7:30 p.m.

Where: Med Sci I M3330

Event will be livestreamed

RSVP here

Speakers include:

Julia Minson, PhD, Associate Professor of Public Policy, Harvard Kennedy School

Kevin Hawkins, Commissioner, Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service

Moderator: Whitney Peoples, PhD, UM School of Public Health, Director of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion

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Join OHEI and OMSE for community conversations Michigan Medicine Headlines - Michigan Medicine Headlines

Mayor Bowser and Universal Health Services Cut Ribbon on Cedar Hill Urgent Care, GW Health in Ward 8 | mayormb – Executive Office of the Mayor

(Washington, DC) Today, Mayor Muriel Bowser and Universal Health Services(UHS)cut the ribbon on the new Cedar Hill Urgent Care, GW Health. Owned and operated by UHS and inpartnership with the GW School of Medicine and Health Sciences and the GW Medical Faculty Associates,the $1.8 million full-service urgent care will provide comprehensive services for a wide range of illnesses. Cedar Hill Urgent Care, GW Health is the first location to open as part ofa partnership between theDistrict and UHSto createa comprehensive system of healthcare serving communities east of the Anacostia River.

We were very proud, earlier this year, to break ground on the new Cedar Hill Regional Medical Center, but we also know that it is not just about building one hospital it is about the entire health care system. This new urgent care is a critical piece of that system,said Mayor Bowser.The new urgent care facility will help ensure more Washingtonians are getting the right care at the right place at the right time.

When complete, the system will include two urgent care facilities, an ambulatory center,and the new Cedar Hill Regional Medical Center, GW Health. Thenewfacility, located on the ground floor of the Mapleview Flats building at 2228 MartinLuther King Jr Avenue SE, will open its doors to patients on Monday, October 10. The urgent carecenterwill be opensevendays a week, 8 am to 8 pm,and serve all District residents.

Cedar Hill Urgent Care, GW Health will offer comprehensive services for a broad range of illnesses including:

In addition, x-rays and basic lab work will be offered.

We are thrilled to be embarking on the development of these vital health services East of the Anacostia River so that we can better serve all residents across the District of Columbia, said Kimberly Russo, MBA, MS, Group Vice President of the Washington, DC Region for UHS and Chief Executive Officer of GW Hospital. Opening Cedar Hill Urgent Care is the next step in creating a comprehensive, academic medical network which will enhance health access, equity and outcomes and elevate healthcare in our nations capital.

Cedar Hill Urgent Care, GW Health will be fully integrated with the new Cedar Hill Regional Medical Center opening in early 2025 as well as a second urgent care facility opening in 2024 in Ward 7.

Providing access to high-quality health care to all citizens of the District is a 200-year tradition for GW, said Barbara L. Bass, MD, Vice President for Health Affairs, Dean of the GW School of Medicine and Health Sciences, and CEO of the GW Medical Faculty Associates. In this new urgent care facility, we will have the ability to provide convenient, on-the-spot care to our patients and partner with our neighbors to improve the health and wellness of our great city.

In February, Mayor Bowser, UHS, George Washington University and Childrens National Hospital broke ground on the new Cedar Hill Regional Medical Center, GW Health in Ward 8 at the St. Elizabeths East Campus. Last month, the Mayor and UHS announced a plan to expand the size of the new hospital to include a fourth floor. The expansion is made possible through a $17 million investment from UHS.

Social Media:Mayor Bowser Twitter:@MayorBowserMayor Bowser Instagram:@Mayor_BowserMayor Bowser Facebook:facebook.com/MayorMurielBowserMayor Bowser YouTube:https://www.bit.ly/eomvideos

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What’s happening at Augusta University? Week of Oct. 10-16 – Jagwire Augusta

This week: A chance to network with health care marketing professionals, bike riders hit the streets to benefit cancer research and a medical student turned author pens a book for young adults.

Hull College of Business will host a business showcase and lecture featuring Dentsu Health from 4-6:30 p.m. Tuesday, Oct. 11 in the Dr. Roscoe Williams Ballroom in the Jaguar Student Activities Center. Dentsu Health specializes in health, wellness and pharmaceutical marketing and will network with students during the event.

Weve lost sight of care: care of ourselves, care of our loved ones and friends, the care that we received and the real care that we need, said Ken Groves, the firms global head of strategy. Two years since the pandemic outbreak, we keep hearing about the acceleration of tech adoption in health care. However, our new outlook on care cannot be limited to a broader set of services and devices.

The opening ceremonies for PaceDay 2022 will be from 4-9 p.m. Saturday, Oct. 15 to benefit the Georgia Cancer Center. The event will take place at SRP Park in North Augusta with food, fun, live music and cancer stories being told. Those participating in Sundays ride can also drop off their bikes. The 25-, 50- and 70-mile rides will start at 8 a.m. Sunday, Oct. 16 with the finish line at the Augusta Common. Since 2019, over $700,000 has been raised and invested in cancer research thanks to Paceline.

Cancer research is very competitive. Less than 10 percent of grants submitted get funded. A lot of people will be eventually impacted by cancer during their lifetime or have family members suffer from the disease, so its a fight that needs everyones involvement, said Huidong Shi, PhD, a cancer researcher at the Georgia Cancer Center.

Tyler Beauchamp, a fourth-year medical student at the Medical College of Georgia, has published his first book, Freeze Frame. Beauchamp has been working on the book since the beginning of the pandemic and would unwind from his studies by writing.

The story follows high school junior Will Horner, an introverted, avid filmmaker trying to move on from the horrors of his past.

I dont think I could do medicine without letting my creative side out every now and then. It just makes me feel human, Beauchamp said. There is something about creativity I really find beautiful, thats exciting.

Interview opportunities are available for these story ideas. Call 706-522-3023 to schedule an interview. Check out the Augusta University Expert Center to view our list of experts who can help with story ideas.

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What's happening at Augusta University? Week of Oct. 10-16 - Jagwire Augusta