Talib Kweli’s Harassment Campaign Shows How Unprotected Black Women Are Online and Off – Jezebel

In late July, rapper Talib Kweli posted a lengthy message to his Instagram account, announcing that after 11 years, he was finally leaving Twitter. I have officially left @twitter for the greener pastures of @patreon which is membership fee based, Kweli wrote. Now most of my exchanges will always be with real fans who invest in me.

But Kweli didnt leave Twitter voluntarily. On July 23, Kweli was suspended for repeated violations of Twitter rules, according to a spokesperson for the app, after he spent over two weeks in the mentions of black women who characterized his behavior as harassment. His primary target: A 24-year-old student and activist named Maya Moody, who became Kwelis obsession after a discussion about colorism in hip-hop went left.

The suspension came nearly two weeks after Kweli began incessantly tweeting at Moody, sometimes for more than 12 hours straight in a single day. During that time, several Black women participated in a campaign to report Kweli for targeted harassment and get him suspended, to no avail.

Its unclear what, precisely, changed Twitter Supports mind after weeks of inaction. In a statement to Jezebel, a Twitter spokesperson claimed his account was suspended for violating its rules around harassment, among other things:

[Talib Kwelis] account has been permanently suspended after repeated violations of the Twitter rules. Twitters purpose is to serve the public conversation. Violence, harassment and other similar types of behavior discourage people from expressing themselves, and ultimately diminish the value of global public conversation. Our rules are to ensure all people can participate in the public conversation freely and safely.

Moody is unsurprised by Twitters initial inaction, which fits into a pattern of the company ignoring rampant abuse against Black women on the platform. Twitter has a history of defending those who speak out against oppressionspecifically Black peoplebut staying silent when white supremacists and alt-right people are saying unbelievable things online and still allowing them to have platforms, still allowing them to post crazy things, Moody explained. But those that have spoken against [bigots] have been suspended for way less than targeting someone and harassing them constantly for over two weeks straight.

Twitter is familiar with this critique from Black women. In 2019, Rachelle Hampton wrote a piece for Slate about Black feminists who encountered far-right trolls on Twitter in the early and mid-2010s; this was before Gamergate and before the calamity of the 2016 presidential election. Whether it was white men masquerading as Black people or other racist and sexist harassment campaigns, Black women have often been the early targets of coordinated harassment and doxxing before it spreads to other people of color and white people. Yet theyve been largely ignored. As Hampton wrote in Slate, some media outlets diminished the danger of trolls by characterizing their flirtation with white nationalism as tongue-in-cheekuntil those trolls took their rhetoric offline and onto the streets of Charlottesville, Virginia.

While the Kweli debacle isnt a matter of racist right-wingers versus Black women, the harassment campaign Moody has endured illuminates a larger concern Black women have long held about normalized harassment on Twitter. Whether from miscellaneous trolls or verified Twitter users like Kweli, Moodys experience is not just an isolated incident, but rather a microcosm of the harm Black women experience online dailywhether or not anyone listens.

It started in early July, when a video of rappers 50 Cent and Lil Wayne talking about dating exotici.e. non-Blackwomen made the rounds, prompting a Twitter user to ask which rappers, aside from Snoop Dogg, are married to Black women. Another user replied with a list of names: Jay-Z, 2 Chainz, Gucci Mane, Chance the Rapper, Ludacris, Kendrick Lamar, Big Boi, Killer Mike, and more. Talib Kweli was also included in the list.

On July 9, Moody responded, writing, Literally almost all of them are married to lightskinned women but thats a conversation for another day.

Moodys offhand comment hinting at colorism in the Black community soon spiraled.

Kweli replied the next day, tweeting the following: Nah lets have this convo today. Are we talking all of my relationships? My childrens mother as well? Or are you only talking about who you think Im currently in a relationship right now? I mean, is any of this really any of your business?

Kweli dug up and publicized Moodys old tweets in an attempt to discredit her, including one in which Moody swooned over white actor Alan Ritchson and quoted a popular meme of Tamera Mowry (whose husband is white) lamenting that people have called her white mans whore. (Black women and other women of color have reappropriated Mowrys quote in a humorous light over the years, reframing it as a joke for when they find a white man attractive, perhaps beyond their best judgment.) Kweli framed Moodys tweetcalling herself a white mans whoreas proof of her hypocrisy, failing to understand the facetiousness.

But Kweli didnt stop at this contextless attempt to smear Moody. For weeks, Moody has been subjected to Kwelis incessant attacks on social media, during which Kweli accused Moody of aligning with white supremacists and Nazis. During this very public spat, photos of Moodys parents and identifying information was leaked by trolls, various Twitter accounts publicized her stepmothers salary, and she received death threats and threats of sexual abuse from defenders of Kwelis.

Its definitely been draining and overwhelming, Moody told me in a phone interview last week. Yesterday alone, I had to get 12 different accounts suspended for trying to make new profiles doxing my family and me using my stepmoms name and pictures and where we live... basically pretending to be my stepmom on Twitter.

Kweli, meanwhile, vowed on the app that he wouldnt let up unless Moody deleted her Twitter account or apologized. When a Twitter user pointed out at the time that his tweets for the past 13 hours had been nothing but harassment, Kweli replied, I can go for 13 years if you come for my family. Im just getting started.

In an email to Jezebel, Kweli denied that he was harassing Moody. Maya Moody is a liar, he wrote. Ive never cyber harassed anyone in my life. I responded, on Twitter, to the lies that Maya posted about me. When you respond to someone who posts lies about you, that is not harassment.

Responding for hours on end for over two weeks on various social media platforms may, in fact, qualify as cyber harassment, which the National Conference of State Legislatures defines as an act that usually pertains to threatening or harassing email messages, instant messages, or to blog entries or Web sites dedicated solely to tormenting an individual. It waseventuallyconsidered harassment by Twitters standards as well.

But he was, indeed, just getting started. For weeks, it was impossible to scroll through Kwelis Twitter account without seeing him interacting with Moodys Twitter handle. The Root covered Kwelis Twitter behavior in late July with a post full of screenshots.

Moody is not the only woman who has been on the opposite end of Kwelis fixation. A two-hour-long YouTube video from 2019 details seven months of targeted harassment against Yvette Carnell, YouTuber and ADOS (African Descendents of Slaves) co-founder.

Kwelis harassment of Moody didnt remain on Twitter. He dragged the fiasco to Instagram for his 918,000 followers to enjoy, posting screenshots of her tweets, accusing Moody of harassing him, and dedicating an hour-long Instagram Live session to the kerfuffle (ironically titled Addressing The Lies That I Harass Black Women).

In his Instagram Live video, Kweli accuses Moody of denying the blackness of light-skinned Black women. Shes saying that these womenwho are Black womenare not Black enough because theyre light-skinned. And shes also implying that these rappers only marry these women for the color of their skin.

Moody didnt say that, nor did she imply it. Acknowledging a Black persons light complexion doesnt inherently negate their blackness, and for Kweli to act as if the desirability of light-skinned and non-Black women isnt pervasiveregardless of ones intentionsis absurd.

So many people pretend that they dont know that [colorism] is a real thing, especially in the Black community, Moody said. This is something that impacts every aspect of our lives, from our education system to our prison system to [who gets] harsher punishment. Its a part of us. And if we cant acknowledge that and talk about that without getting defensive and gaslighting each other and saying, you know, You just hate Black men, just hate Black people... No, thats not the case. I love us. And because I love us, I want us to be able to have the conversation and talk about it.

In Kwelis Instagram Live video, he acknowledged that colorism is a problem. Despite this, he has maintained his obtuse approach toward Moodys initial tweet, and continued to talk about her on his Instagram. This has always been about a bunch of groupies doing celebrity cockwatch, Kweli wrote in a recent Instagram post. He tagged Moody.

When Jezebel contacted Kweli, his response via email was long and thorough, but terse in tone. Kweli accused Moody of calling him a child rapist; tweeting white supremacist diss tracks about him; harassing and encouraging others to harass his wife, DJ Eque; contacting all of his business partners in an attempt to stop him from getting work; posting his phone number; and using a photo of him and the mother of one of children as her Twitter header.

Kweli sent me an iCloud folder full of screenshots he says prove his point. But for the most part, the photos demonstrate just how much Kweli has lost the plot. The diss track Moody tweeted was by a white rapper named Diabolic, whose insipid comments downplaying the threats that the Trump administration posed appeared to anger Kweli years ago. This was enough for Kweli to infer that Moody a Nazi sympathizer. (A perusal of Diabolics social media concludes that while prone to conspiracy and disdainful toward what he considers communism, Diabolic is likely not a Nazi, just ignorant).

The insinuation that Moody instrumented a harassment campaign against DJ Eque also falls flat. Many Black women on Twitter began to reach out to DJ Eque in earnest, days into Kwelis neverending tweetstorm against Moody, asking Eque why she hasnt tried to intervene. In since-deleted tweets, Eque wrote, Hey he makes his own damn choices for his life and that hes a debater who has a way with words. Im sorry but I rather he do it online than to me, she wrote. She later tweeted that she tried to ask Kweli to stop, but said she felt less inclined to do so after Moody started calling Kweli a rapist.

Moody did accuse Kweli of being a child rapist, citing an article about Kweli suing a blog for defamation after it claimed, without evidence, that Kweli raped a teenage girl. Moody also called Kweli a predator, based on sexual harassment allegations against Kweli made by Res, a Philadelphia artist with whom Kweli once collaborated. In 2018, Res publicly accused Kweli of bullying her and holding her career hostage after she rejected his sexual advances.

Kweli uploaded an Instagram photo of a court document in response, showing that Ress sexual harassment claim was dismissed by a judge. Kweli wrote, Res is a liar... I find her claim to be dubious in nature. Bogus. Kweli also accused Res of taking advantage of the MeToo movement for personal gain.

That same day, Res tweeted a screenshot of a 2014 e-mail from Kweli, in which he admits attempting to kiss her in a pool.

Moody denies contacting Kwelis business partners. She also denies publicizing his phone number, and none of the screenshots Kweli sent to me support this claim either (someone else did, however, and Kweli did receive a few threatening text messages).

But Moody did not hesitate to own up to temporarily changing her Twitter header. It was a petty move, but during a phone call with Jezebel, she explained why she wasnt above it. After three days of consistent, non-stop harassment, I sure did, Moody said, laughing. After I already blocked [him] and told [him] to stop and leave me alone and [he] did not... yes, I did. I sure did. And I am not sorry.

Its worth noting that virtually no other hip-hop artists pushed back on Kwelis behavior. His tweets were on full display for all to see, and few condemned him. Activist and rapper Noname was one of the few public figures who bothered to speak out against Kwelis two-week harassment spree, invoking the mockery and abuse that hip-hop artist Megan Thee Stallion received after she was reportedly shot.

Watching black men joke about [Megs] shooting as a call to action to harm more black women hurts in a way Im not smart enough to articulate, Noname tweeted. And the silence from male rappers while Talib Kweli harassed black women for weeks, disgusting.

The presumption is that Black women are fair game, easy targets, for racists and Black men alike. Misogynoir is for everyone.

[Megs] life could have easily been taken from her, Moody said. And it just goes to show how Black women are not taken seriously. They make a mockery of our pain.

Both Moody and Kweli experienced nastiness throughout this ordeal. Both of their personal lives were made public for drama-thirsty spectators, and both received threatening messages. Trolls and bored opportunists with an ax to grind got into the mix to hassle and terrorize both parties. But there is an obvious power imbalance at play here that, judging by Kwelis email to me, he is reluctant to acknowledge. He writes (emphasis ours):

I challenge Jezebel and Maya to

1. present these death threats

2. prove she was doxxed or sexually harassed

3. prove that somehow any of these claims are connected to me. I have screenshots of everything I say happened.

While Kwelis relevance has waned since the height of his popularity in the 90s and early 2000s, Kweli still maintained over one million Twitter followers and was featured in an interview with Common just last week. Hes not an obscure artist, and hes not a random guy on social media. Hes a 44-year-old who has collaborated with Pharrell and Kanye West and enjoys a devoted following. Moodys audience is nothing to sniff at, with just under 30,000 Twitter followers, but shes still a student who largely tweets about pop culture and men she finds attractive. Yes, Moody spoke disparagingly of Kweli, but only after he turned her tweet into an indictment against him and spammed her.

But just as perplexing was Kwelis attempt to deny that he harassed Moody while justifying his harassment of another Black woman. When I asked Kweli about his alleged harassment campaign against Yvette Carnell, he didnt deny it, but rather justified it.

Yvette Carnell AKA @breakingbrown is the founder and patent owner of #ADOS which is an anti-immigrant hate cult, Kweli wrote. Carnell is a board member of PFIR [Progressives for Immigration Reform] which is a white nationalist organization. The job of ADOS is to target progressive black folks.

He added, Why would Jezebel, a known feminist site, not know what ADOS is? ADOS is anti-feminist. The fact that Maya Moody would align herself with an anti-immigrant, pro right-wing, anti-feminist, hate cult like ADOS proves that everything Ive said about her intentions is correct.

The condescension was glaring, and the assumption that I am uninformed about ADOS is strange. For the record, Im well aware of the ADOS movement. I agree with its support of reparations to descendants of enslaved people (I am one), and I see no harm in emphasizing the unique history of Black Americans with slave ancestry. I do not, however, agree with its pseudo-nationalist leanings, its approach toward immigrants, its race essentialism, nor its tendency to platform right-wing talking points.

I am skeptical of the ADOS movement for several reasons. That does not mean I think it is appropriate for Kweli to spend seven months harassing a member of that movement. It is obsessive behavior that Carnell did not deserve. Kwelis failure to understand this is alarming, but it also makes sense: Kweli doesnt believe his behavior is harassment as long as he sees his actions as righteous.

(Moody confirmed to Jezebel that she is not involved or associated with ADOS).

Kwelis tendency to jump to conclusions is how this entire mess started in the first place, and its a mess he seemed unwilling to let go weeks after it all began. Last Tuesday, he made an Instagram post about Moody that he crossposted to Facebook. On Wednesday, he talked about her in an Instagram Live stream from his moving car. Grown ass man bullying a woman smh the insecurities are really jumping out, one woman commented on Kwelis Instagram Live. Yet Talib Kweli and Maya Moody are just part of a larger narrative about how Black women are treated on social media, a pattern that continues without interventiona story that never seems to end.

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Talib Kweli's Harassment Campaign Shows How Unprotected Black Women Are Online and Off - Jezebel

Is Arkansas Senator Tom Cotton the next Trump? – People’s World

President in waiting, Arkansas Sen. Tom Cotton. | AP

Amidst a public health catastrophe thats already taken 150,000 lives in this country and a national anti-racist uprising which has mobilized millions, the extreme right is methodically planning its next steps, ensuring its political survival no matter the outcome of the November 3rd elections. Whether or not Trump prevails and wins a second term, the Republican Party is preparing for a future after him. And in Arkansas Sen. Tom Cotton, its possible they might have found their next frontman.

Cotton has earned widespread condemnation from the liberal media, Black leaders, and left commentators in recent weeks thanks to his back-to-back provocative attacks on Black Lives Matter demonstrators and the reporters and scholars behind the New York Times 1619 Project. Unless youre a Washington watcher, Cotton might be someone whos passed under your radar. But now that hes put himself front and center in the so-called culture wars, he deserves some fresh scrutiny.

When protesters demanded an end to systemic racism and police violence in June, Cotton urged Trump to show BLM no mercy; he said to Send in the Troops in a controversial NYT op-ed. After that, Cotton picked a fight with Nikole Hannah-Jones, the Times journalist who jumpstarted a national conversation around the central role that slavery and its legacy played in the founding of the United States and its subsequent history.

Almost as if his only goal was to poke at his ideological opponents and rile up the GOPs racist base, Cotton filed a bill that would ban federal funding for any educational curriculum that drew on the Pulitzer Prize-winning materials of the 1619 Project. Talking to the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette about his bill earlier this week, Cotton said doing more to integrate slavery and the oppression of Black Americans into school history classes is left-wing propaganda and revisionist history at its worst.

The comment that critics believe really showed Cottons true colors, however, was when he called slavery the necessary evil upon which the union was built. Generations of untold human suffering was apparently the price to pay to build the greatest and noblest country in the history of mankind. Its the same nationalist and racist ideology constantly pushed by Trump, but from a politer and more articulate spokesman.

(Although, to give Cotton his due for speaking some truth, slavery was indeed the necessary evil that enabled U.S. capitalism to take over the worldhundreds of years of unpaid slave labor helped American imperialism dominate competitors in global markets and amass the resources needed to build and fuel the worlds most powerful war machine by the early 20th century.)

If the far right is looking for a fresh poster boy for their authoritarian agenda, they probably couldnt ask for better than Cotton. Hes a darling of the MAGA crowd, a hawk when it comes to foreign policy, one of the most anti-China voices in Congress, a law-and-order guy who says we have an under-incarceration problem, and a firm opponent of immigration. And, at just 43 years old, hes the youngest member of the Senate. That means hell potentially be around to lead the Trumpist brigades long after Trump himself is gone.

Hes got the strongman populist instincts that appeal to the base as well as the connections to the party establishment and big money that it takes to get things done in Washington. Hes a pal to both alt-right bomb-thrower Steve Bannon as well as former GOP chairman Reince Priebus, the very example of insider politics. Hes equally at ease at either a Tea Party rally or a Senate caucus meeting.

Cotton comes from a working-class family in the town of Dardanelle, in west-central Arkansas, where he grew up on the Cotton cattle farm. His parents were both public employees; dad worked for the state Health Department, and mom taught at the local school. After finishing high school, Cotton studied government at Harvard University. He became known for the conservative positions he took in articles for the college newspaper, attacking reforms such as affirmative action. He went on to earn his law degree from Harvard and practiced law for a short time following his 2002 graduation. In 2005, he enlisted in the U.S. Army, opting to serve in the infantry.

It was during his time in the Army that Cotton catapulted onto the political scene. Writing to the NYT from Baghdad in 2006, he condemned journalists whod exposed a secret Bush administration program to monitor international financial transactions for the purpose of tracking supposed terrorist activity. Cotton charged the whistleblowing reporters with helping terrorists and said they belonged behind bars. The Times never published the letter, but a conservative blog did.

From the time of that letter onward, Cotton became known as a militarist without equal. His Army credentials and service medals from both the Iraq and Afghanistan campaigns were deployed as validators for his opinions on foreign policy. As a legislator, hes always been ready to shovel public funds into the military-industrial complex and flex American muscle around the world. In his blustery maiden speech upon joining the Senate in 2015, he announced, Our enemies and allies alike must know that aggressors will pay an unspeakable price for challenging the United States. The best way to impose that price is global military dominance.

Since January 2017, Cotton has been a reliable Trump loyalist in the Senate, hewing more closely to the presidents line than even Majority Leader Mitch McConnell. Hes a Trumpist, but without the total bootlicking and lack of dignity typical of so many Trump coattail politicians. The president highly values his counsel, reportedly keeping Cotton on speed dial and regularly consulting with him about whom to nominate to the Supreme Court or appoint to Cabinet.

Cotton knows well enough to keep himself close to Trump, given the ferocious fealty the GOP electorate shows the president, but the Arkansas Senator also ensures that he appeals to a wider swath of the GOP than Trump himself manages to do.

From the start of his political career, Cotton has been a part of the dark money world of seedy establishment Republican politics that initially shunned Trump. When he first ran for Congress in 2012, Cotton had the backing of the libertarian Club for Growth super PAC. Jumping to the Senate two years later in 2014, the same group helped him portray centrist Democratic Sen. Mark Pryor as an Obama hack. Cottons strong anti-Iran line garnered him hundreds of thousands of dollars that year from Bill Kristols Emergency Committee for Israel.

And his biggest backer of all? The billionaire Koch brothers network, which funded his electoral effort to the tune of some $8.1 million. The same big money operation refused to back Trump in 2016, even though it was their mega-spending on behalf of the far-right agenda of tax cuts, deregulation, and crooked elections which actually paved the way for Trumps rise to power. Tom Cotton, however, has always been their man.

Cotton has the potential to bridge the factional divides in the Republican Party opened up by the growth of Trumps extreme right populism. He could also, possibly, even appeal to moderates and independents who are open to a conservative agenda but turned off by Trumps crass style and divisiveness. Cotton knows when to push the lefts buttons and also when to not go too far. The Democratic Party of Arkansas didnt even come up with someone to challenge Cotton this fall; hes running unopposed for re-election in November.

In just a short time, Cotton has risen from being the junior senator from a small rural state to one of the most talked-about candidates for 2024. Hes a Harvard Law graduate, a decorated veteran, and he doesnt display any of the wacky conspiracy thinking or unpredictability and recklessness so often associated with Trump. The pro-fascist elements in the GOP, which extend well beyond Trump and his cabal, would certainly rally around a military man like Cotton. And the billionaire class has proven it will enthusiastically back him to the hilt.

Add up all of these facts and you end up with a far-right political leader who, in the long term, may end up proving even more dangerous than Donald Trump.

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Is Arkansas Senator Tom Cotton the next Trump? - People's World

Confederate Groups Are Thriving on Facebook. What Does That Mean for the Platform? – Slate

Local residents show support for a Confederate soldier statue on the grounds of the City of Virginia Beach Municipal Center in Virginia during a rally calling for the statues removal on Aug. 24, 2017.Alex Wong/Getty Images This article is part of the Free Speech Project, a collaboration between Future Tense and the Tech, Law, & Security Program at American University Washington College of Law that examines the ways technology is influencing how we think about speech.

Earlier this month, a meme was shared in the Facebook group Save Southern Heritage that featured the portraits of two men: the Prophet Mohammed on the left and Robert E. Lee on the right, their chins tilting toward each other. [Mohammed] owned many slaves. Robert E. Lee was against slavery, the caption reads. So why are we tearing down statues instead of mosques? That post, which received 248 likes, is still up, despite the suggestion of real-world violence. But a comment, rambling about Arabs and Jews running this mess as a little joke, was removed within hours. Whether it was Facebooks algorithms, or content moderators, or one of the groups eight admins, a decision was made that one had to go while the other could stay. One slipped through the porous free speech filter; the other did not.

In the wake of Black Lives Matter protests, demands for Facebook to address hate speech have escalated, coinciding with a nationwide movement to remove Confederate statues and flags from cities, states, and institutions long imbued with Confederate symbolism. More than 1,100 companies and organizations have pulled ads from Facebook for at least the month of July as part of the #StopHateforProfit advertiser boycott. At the same time, Gov. Ralph Northam of Virginia has ordered the removal of the statue of Lee that famously towers over Monument Avenue in Richmond, Mississippi decided to drop the cross of the Confederate battle flag from its state flag, and NASCAR banned the flag from its races.

These movements, intertwined and mutually reinforcing, pose a particular threat to those who consider themselves present-day Confederates. From their perspective, Facebook has become more essential than ever to amplifying their message at a critical moment in historyjust as Facebook has shown a new willingness to police their speech.

Facebook has recently deplatformed hundreds of groups that express overtly violent, white supremacist beliefs, such as those associated with the Boogaloo movement. But the platform has yet to settle on a consistent approach to a more difficultand more commonquestion: how far to go in policing groups that the platform doesnt consider hate groups, but that nonetheless often attract hateful content. This gray area contains hundreds, perhaps thousands, of neo-Confederate groups that are thriving on the platform. Individual posts containing hate speech are sometimes flagged and removed, but as a whole, these groups have so far remained relatively unscathed amid Facebooks heightened moderation, continuing to churn out thousands of posts a day in support of the Lost Cause. By insisting they promote heritage not hate, theyre able to skirt the boundaries of content moderation, even as their ideology rests on a reverence for the Confederacy and the antebellum South. Their complicated position on Facebook gets to the heart of the problems inherent to content moderation itself. It is a slow, often arbitrary process, driven not by clear understandings of what hate speech and hate groups are, but by haphazard flagging, a reliance on self-policing, and confusion over the kind of space Facebook or its critics want to create.

Since Facebook users exist in echo chambers, its easy to miss how widespread Confederate heritage communities are if your Facebook friends arent sympathetic to their cause. Many such groups, both public and private, have existed since the mid-2010s, but a spate of new groups appeared this summer. Some local varieties have just hundreds of members, while other national groups, such as Confederate Citizens, have nearly 100,000 members. Not only are these groups extensive, but they also serve as content factories. Groups such as In Defense of the Confederacy, Dixie Cotton Confederates, and Save Southern Heritage see hundreds of posts each day, which circulate rapidly around other groups, pages, and news feeds. At heart, these groups share some common features: the casting of Lee as a benevolent, misunderstood figure despite his documented defense of slavery in the U.S.; the efforts to preserve and build Confederate iconography; the indignation at the toppling of statues; and therhetorical?call to arms.

Many of these groups spend a lot of time thinking about hateful speech. Just take a look at their self-policing and content policies: Its not uncommon for a group to explicitly forbid hate speech, racist content, and bullying. Nor is it rare for moderators to post and repost these rules in a groups main discussion. Megan Squire, a computer science professor at Elon University known for her work on extremist communities on Facebook, told me that this dynamic is particular to Confederate groups. A public-facing Facebook presence is important to the Confederate agenda of, for instance, getting the Lost Cause narrative in childrens textbooks. At the same time, they also attract this sort of hateful element, and so they know they need to clamp down on that or it will look bad, Squire said. I guess my question is always: If people didnt talk like that on your page, you probably wouldnt have to write that rule, right?

Moderators and group members are vigilant in part because theyre aware some of the content they attract (and many would like to espouse) wont fall within Facebooks policies. I fully respect the First Amendment. But the Wizard of Facebook doesnt. I dont want to get kicked off Facebook or have my growing page taken down because of racist words, posted a moderator of Confederate Defenders, a public group, a few years ago. That same moderator wrote earlier this month, with greater urgency, With all the censorship going around, I dont want to lose my page. PLEASE BE CAREFUL WITH YOUR LANGUAGE.

For many Confederates, that censorship is a worthwhile trade-off. If Im willing to self-censor myself and my organization, I can reach a reasonable number of people with my message and I can do it every day, Kirk Lyons, an admin of Save Southern Heritage, told me. He also runs the Facebook page for the Southern Legal Resource Center, an organization he co-founded that has been called the legal arm of the neo-Confederate movement. Lyons identifies as an unreconstructed Southerner, but the Southern Poverty Law Center considers him a white supremacist lawyer. (Lyons denies this and maintains that the SPLCs article on him contains many inaccuracies.) Lyons sees Facebook as a sort of necessary evil to getting his message out. Its worth putting up with all of Mark [Zuckerberg]s nonsense because its so much easier than it was in the email age or the letter and postage stamp age, he said. If hes careful, he explained, his individual posts can reach hundreds of thousands of people, such as a recent image of a Confederate flaghis Confederate flagflown over NASCARs race at Talladega.

How sincere the language opposing hate speech comes across varies from group to group, user to user, which is fitting for a movement known for its broad ideological spectrum. Some say that their beliefs are compatible with an outright rejection of racism or even disrespectful content; they may believe they can revere Dixie on their own terms, irrespective of the racial violence its rooted in. Along these lines, the least incendiaryand the most moderatedgroups tend to focus on Confederate soldiers and their descendants, as well as historical documents.

On the more extreme end of the spectrum, groups affiliated with the League of the South are known for openly discussing white supremacist beliefs. (For this reason, Facebook actually deplatforms them: A few weeks ago, for instance, Facebook took down one such group based in North Carolina, though a new group replaced it within a day.) Group discussions often bear out the disparities among Confederates approach to hate speech. In screenshots Squire sent me from a private Confederate monument protection group in her county, a number of members expressed anger at seeing a fellow Confederate hold up a sign at a rally on July 11 that read, NO FREE COLORED TVS TODAYpresumably a racist dog whistle. I dont care how you look at this, but to me this is racist period, said one user. People state over and over we are for history and heritage yet make signs like this. Some reiterated this isnt what they stand for, some didnt understand what the big fuss was about, and others were more focused on the signs potential to give fuel to detractors and the liberal media.

But that sort of pushback is dwarfed at times by the amount of hateful speech that persists. Group members often post about landing themselves in Facebook jail for a reason. Even in the public groups, its not unusual to see racial slurs, some of which arent later removed. Last month, for example, a member of Save Southern Heritage used the N-word to refer to people destroying and looting. Im impressed you werent banned for that word on FB, another member replied. I agree with every word though. More common than racial slurs, however, are calls to violencesometimes specific, sometimes more vague. In a group called Save the Confederacy and restore our Confederate heritage flags up, a post on a Black Lives Matter demonstration prompted a few users to say that drivers should run protesters over and take out as many as possible. In Dales Confederate Group, which is now private, a user commented this month that the best thing to do with Democratic cities is to bomb them.

All the examples mentioned here, aside from Squires, come from public groups. Private groups are strict about admittance: Virtually all require you to answer questions about your commitment to the Confederacy, your opinion on the real cause of the Civil War, and what the Confederate flag means to you upon your request to join. Given the content thats visible in public groups, its safe to assume that more borderline-to-outright-hateful speech thrives in these self-contained spaces. One of the eternal problems with Facebook is that if this stuff goes on in a private group, the only way to report the content is to join the group, find the content, and report it. Each report takes 10 clicks. Its putting a lot of work on a user, said Squire. And in private Confederacy groups, those users may not be inclined to do any of that work.

A recent civil rights audit of Facebook, carried out by independent civil rights experts and lawyers over the course of two years, criticized the platform for prioritizing free speech over nondiscrimination. The auditors concluded, among other things, that Facebook needs to be more proactive about identifying and removing extremist and white nationalist content. I dont know if Mark appreciates that hateful speech has harmful results, and that Facebook groups have real-world consequences, Jonathan Greenblatt, chief executive of the Anti-Defamation League, told the New York Times after the civil rights report was released.

Those real-world consequences are worth considering. Before Facebook restricted public access to its application programming interface, or API, in 2018, Squire used Facebooks data to systematically study about 700,000 users across 2,000 hate groups and 10 different ideologies. Of these groups, the Confederates were the least likely to cross over with other ideologies: About 85 percent of them belonged only to Confederate groups. There are two stories here. The first is that Confederate groups are relatively contained and self-sustaining, and that their members dont dabble much in other, more violent ideologies. From that perspective, their threat consists mostly of the speech within their groups. The second story is about the other 15 percent of Confederates who cross over into militia, white nationalist, alt-right, and anti-immigrant groups. The prime example of the dangers of that crossover is the Unite the Right rally in 2017. Although the rally was ostensibly held to protect the Lee monument in Charlottesville, Virginia, it became a gathering for hate groups across the far-right, including neo-Nazis and Klansmen, that left at least 33 injured and one counterprotester dead.

Its not controversial to say that neo-Nazi or Boogaloo groups should go, but its less clear what a mainstream platform should do with heritage not hate groupsgroups that, as the SPLC puts it, in their effort to gloss over the legacy of slavery in the South strengthen the appeal of Lost Cause mythology, opening the door for violent incidents. Even the SPLC, which refers to neo-Confederacy as a whole as a revisionist branch of American white nationalism, doesnt consider a number of Confederate heritage groups, such as the Sons of Confederate Veterans, to be hate groups.

When I asked Squiresomeone whos outspoken about her activism and who provides data on far-right extremists to the SPLC and antifa activistswhether she believes Facebook should allow these groups to operate on its platform, she pointed to the fact that their speech isnt illegal. And more than that, she said, their beliefs are not fringe down here in the South. She mentioned that state representatives in her state of North Carolina have ties to the Sons of Confederate Veterans, and that the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill gave $2.5 million last year to that organization after protesters toppled a statue of a Confederate soldier on campus in 2018. Were fighting it, obviously, but its a very long and uphill battle, Squire continued. And I think Facebook has to bridge both of those realities.

As people continue to call for more robust definitions of hate speech online, it may be helpful to remember that sometimes what we want from Facebook is misaligned with how the platform operates. Facebook can be dangerous not just for its content, but for its lack of public data; for how its (private) algorithms work; for the ways it amplifies certain voices and can lead to deeper polarization and, in some cases, radicalization. Theres a reason researchers are always going on about the dire need for transparency. Outside of calling for Facebook to police its most extreme content, its worth asking what we can reasonably expect from a private company that operates in its own interest.

Sometimes what we want from Facebook is misaligned with how the platformoperates.

After Facebook released the findings of the civil rights audit, the Verges Casey Newton succinctly summed up the problem in his newsletter: The company could implement all of the auditors suggestions and nearly every dilemma would still come down to the decision of one person overseeing the communications of 1.73 billion people each day. The same could be said of the majority of #StopHateforProfits 10 recommendations for Facebook, which demand changes such as further audits, a C-suite civil rights executive, and heightened content and group moderation. This campaign is not calling for Facebook to adopt a new business model, spin off its acquisitions, or end all algorithmic promotion of groups, wrote Newton. Nor is it calling for an overhaul of Facebooks approach to transparency. Yet these sorts of changes may in fact be necessary to addressing the root of Facebooks speech and radicalization problems.

The complexities of Confederate discourse on the platform ultimately show that singling out hate speech as the primary target of public outrage at Facebook is, in part, a distractiona Sisyphean endeavor that has a tendency to obscure more serious issues. Such a focus leaves us with the classic censorship vs. free speech dichotomy, which inevitably leads to some people demanding a return to the First Amendment, and others retorting that the Constitution doesnt pertain to private sites, ad infinitum. What borderline speech can force us to do is to move beyond the terms of that debate, to update the conversation (and call to action) to reflect the platform as it operates today.

But what a better conversationlet alone moderation frameworkwould actually look like is unclear. Newton writes that the best hope for addressing Facebooks role in accelerating and promoting hate speech, misinformation, and extremist views comes not from the campaign or the audit, but from Congress, which has the potential to question the companys underlying dynamics and staggering size. And thats certainly one avenue for change, especially with Zuckerberg testifying before the House Judiciary antitrust subcommittee on Wednesday. But informed government regulation often relies on citizen engagement, and in the case of Facebooks speech problems, users must grapple not only with the flashiest and most extreme bits of Facebooks content, but also with the shades of speech that exist just below that, and the mechanisms that allow that speech to flourish.

Update, Aug. 3, 2020: The description of the meme shared in theSave Southern Heritagegroup has been updated.

Future Tense is a partnership of Slate, New America, and Arizona State University that examines emerging technologies, public policy, and society.

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Confederate Groups Are Thriving on Facebook. What Does That Mean for the Platform? - Slate

Marine Corps amphibious assault vehicle involved in deadly mishap was set to be replaced a decade ago – Task & Purpose

The Marine Corps amphibious vehicle involved in a deadly mishap Thursday has a long history and was set to be replaced a decade ago. However, defense budget cuts scrapped its multi-billion-dollar replacement in 2011.

Amphibious vehicles commonly called "Amtracks" have been part of the Marine Corps' fighting force since World War II, when in 1943 they carried Marines onto the shores of Tarawa, a tiny island in the Pacific.

The modern version, the Assault Amphibious Vehicle, entered service in 1972.

Related: Marine Corps identifies Marines and sailor presumed dead after amphibious assault vehicle accident

The armored troop carriers can be armed with a .50 caliber machine gun and a grenade launcher. They deploy from Navy amphibious ships' well decks to ferry troops to nearby beaches. On land, they're outfitted with tank treads and can transport assault teams to and from the battlefield before returning to their ships. They can carry up to 21 troops and are operated by a crew of three.

At the turn of the 21st century, replacing the AAV became the top priority for the Marines.

Its planned replacement, the Expeditionary Fighting Vehicle, was a larger, faster version of the AAV. It could travel at speeds over 25 mph while at sea more than triple the AAV's top speed of 8 mph in the water.

However, the technology in the EFV was expensive, and throughout the first decade of the 2000s costs ballooned for the General Dynamics-made craft. By 2011, the program cost was an estimated $15 billion. The program was canceled in January of that year.

Then-Congressman Duncan Hunter said at the time the cut would do "more harm than good, especially when the core competency of the Marine Corps centers on amphibious operations."

Hunter, a Marine veteran of the war in Iraq, left Congress in January after pleading guilty of stealing money from his campaign.

A cheaper replacement the Amphibious Combat Vehicle is still in the early stages of funding and development.

Lt. Gen. Joseph Osterman, the outgoing commanding general of I Marine Expeditionary Force, said at a Camp Pendleton news conference Friday that, despite its age, the AAV has been modernized since 1972.

"AAVs were originally procured in 1972 but they've gone through many service life extension programs," Osterman said. "They bring it in, they literally bring it down to just the hull and rebuild everything inside of it. We've done that multiple times through the years."

2020 The San Diego Union-Tribune. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

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Marine Corps amphibious assault vehicle involved in deadly mishap was set to be replaced a decade ago - Task & Purpose

BWX TECHNOLOGIES : MANAGEMENT’S DISCUSSION AND ANALYSIS OF FINANCIAL CONDITION AND RESULTS OF OPERATIONS (form 10-Q) – marketscreener.com

CAUTIONARY STATEMENT CONCERNING FORWARD-LOOKING STATEMENTSThe following information should be read in conjunction with the unauditedcondensed consolidated financial statements and the notes thereto included underItem 1 of this quarterly report on Form 10-Q ("Report") and the auditedconsolidated financial statements and the related notes and Item 7 "Management'sDiscussion and Analysis of Financial Condition and Results of Operations"included in our annual report on Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 2019(our "2019 10-K").In this Report, unless the context otherwise indicates, "we," "us" and "our"mean BWX Technologies, Inc. ("BWXT" or the "Company") and its consolidatedsubsidiaries.From time to time, our management or persons acting on our behalf makeforward-looking statements to inform existing and potential security holdersabout our Company. Forward-looking statements include those statements thatexpress a belief, expectation or intention, as well as those that are notstatements of historical fact, within the meaning of Section 27A of theSecurities Act of 1933 and Section 21E of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934,as amended (the "Exchange Act"). Statements and assumptions regardingexpectations and projections of specific projects, our future backlog, revenues,income and capital spending, strategic investments, acquisitions ordivestitures, return of capital activities, margin improvement initiatives orimpacts of the novel strain of coronavirus ("COVID-19") pandemic are examples offorward-looking statements. Forward-looking statements are generally accompaniedby words such as "estimate," "project," "predict," "believe," "expect,""anticipate," "plan," "seek," "goal," "could," "intend," "may," "should" orother words that convey the uncertainty of future events or outcomes. Inaddition, sometimes we will specifically describe a statement as being aforward-looking statement and refer to this cautionary statement.We have based our forward-looking statements on information currently availableto us and our current expectations, estimates and projections about ourindustries and our Company. We caution that these statements are not guaranteesof future performance and you should not rely unduly on them as they involverisks, uncertainties and assumptions that we cannot predict. In addition, wehave based many of these forward-looking statements on assumptions about futureevents that may prove to be inaccurate. For example, the extent to which theCOVID-19 outbreak impacts our business will depend on future developments thatare highly uncertain and cannot be predicted, including new information that mayemerge concerning the length and severity of the COVID-19 health crisis, and theactions to contain its impact, in addition to the potential recurrence orsubsequent waves of COVID-19 or similar diseases. While our management considersthese statements and assumptions to be reasonable, they are inherently subjectto numerous factors, including potentially the risk factors described in thesections labeled Item 1A, "Risk Factors" of our 2019 10-K, of our quarterlyreport on Form 10-Q for the quarter ended March, 31, 2020 (our "First Quarter2020 10-Q") and of this Report, most of which are difficult to predict and manyof which are beyond our control. Accordingly, our actual results may differmaterially from the future performance that we have expressed or forecast in ourforward-looking statements.We have discussed many of these factors in more detail elsewhere in this Report,including under the heading "COVID-19 Assessment" of this Item 2 "Management'sDiscussion and Analysis of Financial Condition and Results of Operations" andItem 1A, "Risk Factors", and in Item 1A "Risk Factors" in our 2019 10-K and ourFirst Quarter 2020 10-Q. These factors are not necessarily all the factors thatcould affect us. Unpredictable or unanticipated factors we have not discussed inthis Report or in our 2019 10-K and our First Quarter 2020 10-Q could also havematerial adverse effects on actual results of matters that are the subject ofour forward-looking statements. We do not intend to update or review anyforward-looking statement or our description of important factors, whether as aresult of new information, future events or otherwise, except as required byapplicable laws.GENERALWe operate in three reportable segments: Nuclear Operations Group, Nuclear PowerGroup and Nuclear Services Group. In general, we operate in capital-intensiveindustries and rely on large contracts for a substantial amount of our revenues.We are currently exploring growth strategies across our segments to expand andcomplement our existing businesses. We would expect to fund these opportunitieswith cash generated from operations or by raising additional capital throughdebt, equity or some combination thereof.Nuclear Operations GroupThe revenues of our Nuclear Operations Group segment are largely a function ofdefense spending by the U.S. Government. Through this segment, we engineer,design and manufacture precision naval nuclear components, reactors and 21-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Table of Contentsnuclear fuel for the DOE/NNSA's Naval Nuclear Propulsion Program. In addition,we perform development and fabrication activities for missile launch tubes forU.S. Navy submarines. As a supplier of major nuclear components for certain U.S.Government programs, this segment is a significant participant in the defenseindustry.Nuclear Power GroupThrough this segment, we design and manufacture commercial nuclear steamgenerators, heat exchangers, pressure vessels, reactor components, as well asother auxiliary equipment, including containers for the storage of spent nuclearfuel and other high-level nuclear waste. This segment is a leading supplier ofnuclear fuel, fuel handling systems, tooling delivery systems, nuclear-gradematerials and precisely machined components, and related services for CANDUnuclear power plants. This segment also provides a variety of engineering andin-plant services and is a significant supplier to nuclear power utilitiesundergoing major refurbishment and plant life extension projects. Additionally,this segment is a leading global manufacturer and supplier of critical medicalradioisotopes and radiopharmaceuticals.Our Nuclear Power Group segment's overall activity primarily depends on thedemand and competitiveness of nuclear energy. A significant portion of ourNuclear Power Group segment's operations depend on the timing of maintenance andrefueling outages, the cyclical nature of capital expenditures and majorrefurbishment and life extension projects, as well as the demand for nuclearfuel and fuel handling equipment primarily in the Canadian market, which couldcause variability in our financial results.Nuclear Services GroupOur Nuclear Services Group segment provides various services to the U.S.Government. The revenues and equity in income of investees under our U.S.Government contracts are largely a function of spending of the U.S. Governmentand the performance scores we and our consortium partners earn in managing andoperating high-consequence operations at U.S. nuclear weapons sites, nationallaboratories and manufacturing complexes. With its specialized capabilities offull life-cycle management of special materials, facilities and technologies, webelieve our Nuclear Services Group segment is well-positioned to continue toparticipate in the continuing cleanup, operation and management of criticalgovernment-owned nuclear sites, laboratories and manufacturing complexesmaintained by the DOE, NASA and other federal agencies. This segment alsodevelops technology for a variety of applications, including advanced nuclearpower sources, and offers complete advanced nuclear fuel and reactor design andengineering, licensing and manufacturing services for new advanced nuclearreactors.Divestiture of U.S.-Based Commercial Nuclear Services BusinessOn May 29, 2020, our subsidiary BWXT Nuclear Energy, Inc. divested itsU.S.-based commercial nuclear services business, a component of our NuclearServices Group segment. In a cashless transaction, we exchanged net assetstotaling $18.0 million, consisting primarily of property, plant and equipmentand certain warranty obligations, for a manufacturing facility and theassociated land of approximately the same value. The acquired assets arereported as part of the Nuclear Services Group segment.Acquisition of Laker Energy Products Ltd.On January 2, 2020, our subsidiary BWXT Canada Ltd. acquired Laker EnergyProducts Ltd. ("Laker Energy Products"). Laker Energy Products is a globalsupplier of nuclear-grade materials and precisely machined components for CANDUnuclear power utilities and employs approximately 140 personnel. Laker EnergyProducts is reported as part of our Nuclear Power Group segment.Critical Accounting Policies and EstimatesFor a summary of the critical accounting policies and estimates that we use inthe preparation of our unaudited condensed consolidated financial statements,see Item 7 "Management's Discussion and Analysis of Financial Condition andResults of Operations" in our 2019 10-K. There have been no material changes toour critical accounting policies during the six months ended June 30, 2020 withthe exception of the adoption of Financial Accounting Standards Board ("FASB")Topic Intangibles - Goodwill and Other (Topic 350): Simplifying the Test forGoodwill Impairment as described in the notes to the condensed consolidatedfinancial statements in Part I of this Report. 22-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Table of ContentsAccounting for ContractsOn certain of our performance obligations, we recognize revenue over time. Inaccordance with FASB Topic Revenue from Contracts with Customers, we arerequired to estimate the total amount of costs on these performance obligations.As of June 30, 2020, we have provided for the estimated costs to complete all ofour ongoing contracts. However, it is possible that current estimates couldchange due to unforeseen events, which could result in adjustments to overallcontract revenues and costs. A principal risk on fixed-price contracts is thatrevenue from the customer is insufficient to cover increases in our costs. It ispossible that current estimates could materially change for various reasons,including, but not limited to, fluctuations in forecasted labor productivity orsteel and other raw material prices. In some instances, we guarantee completiondates related to our projects or provide performance guarantees. Increases incosts on our fixed-price contracts could have a material adverse impact on ourconsolidated results of operations, financial condition and cash flows.Alternatively, reductions in overall contract costs at completion couldmaterially improve our consolidated results of operations, financial conditionand cash flows. During the three months ended June 30, 2020 and 2019, werecognized net changes in estimates related to contracts that recognize revenueover time, which increased operating income by approximately $11.4 million and$18.9 million, respectively. During the six months ended June 30, 2020 and 2019,we recognized net changes in estimates related to contracts that recognizerevenue over time, which increased operating income by approximately$21.0 million and $23.7 million, respectively.COVID-19 AssessmentA global outbreak of COVID-19 has occurred impacting over 200 countries,including the U.S. and Canada where we maintain our principal operations.Developments have been occurring rapidly with respect to the spread of COVID-19and its impact on human health and businesses, with new and changing governmentactions occurring on a daily basis. As a result, we have been closely monitoringthe COVID-19 pandemic and its impacts and potential impacts on our business.We have received notifications from the U.S. and Canadian governmentsdesignating BWXT as an essential business given our roles in national security,energy production and medical manufacturing. We continue to operate ourfacilities and have taken numerous precautions to mitigate exposure and protectthe health and well-being of our workforce. The COVID-19 pandemic has not causeda significant disruption to our operations or our supply chain to date.Because developments related to the spread of COVID-19 and its impacts have beenoccurring rapidly, it is difficult to predict any future impact at this time. Wemay experience material disruptions to demand for our products and services andour operations in the future as a result of, among other things, national,state, provincial or local government enforced quarantines, worker illness orabsenteeism, and travel and other restrictions. For example, we have experienceda year over year decline in revenues in our medical radioisotopes andradiopharmaceuticals business due to a decrease in demand for electivediagnostic procedures. For similar reasons, the COVID-19 pandemic may alsoadversely impact our supply chain and other manufacturers which could delay ourreceipt of essential goods and services. For example, certain services scheduledduring nuclear power plant outages during which our Nuclear Power Group segmentwould operate have been rescheduled. We have also experienced delays in thebidding and contracting process for our U.S. Government businesses due toCOVID-19 concerns. Any number of these potential risks could have a materialadverse effect on our financial condition, results of operations and cash flows.The extent to which the COVID-19 outbreak impacts our business will depend onfuture developments that are highly uncertain and cannot be predicted, includingnew information that may emerge concerning the severity of the virus and theactions to contain its impact.See Item 1A "Risk Factors" in this Report for an additional discussion of risksof the COVID-19 pandemic on our business. 23-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Table of ContentsRESULTS OF OPERATIONS - THREE AND SIX MONTHS ENDED JUNE 30, 2020 VS. THREE ANDSIX MONTHS ENDED JUNE 30, 2019Selected financial highlights are presented in the table below: Three Months Ended Six Months Ended June 30, June 30, 2020 2019 $ Change 2020 2019 $ Change (In thousands)REVENUES:Nuclear Operations Group $ 410,252$ 358,352$ 51,900$ 834,027$ 663,153$ 170,874Nuclear Power Group 67,983 86,639 (18,656) 155,900 171,038 (15,138)Nuclear Services Group 33,328 29,829 3,499 70,093 58,923 11,170Eliminations (7,043) (3,589) (3,454) (13,292) (5,429) (7,863) $ 504,520$ 471,231$ 33,289$ 1,046,728$ 887,685$ 159,043OPERATING INCOME:Nuclear Operations Group $ 85,972$ 75,226$ 10,746$ 176,331$ 132,851$ 43,480Nuclear Power Group 1,102 14,883 (13,781) 9,572 27,466 (17,894)Nuclear Services Group 4,122 1,490 2,632 10,522 3,061 7,461Other (5,600) (6,744) 1,144 (10,959) (12,840) 1,881 $ 85,596$ 84,855$ 741$ 185,466$ 150,538$ 34,928Unallocated Corporate (3,162) (4,320) 1,158 (4,765) (6,359) 1,594Total Operating Income $ 82,434$ 80,535$ 1,899$ 180,701$ 144,179$ 36,522Consolidated Results of OperationsThree months ended June 30, 2020 vs. 2019Consolidated revenues increased 7.1%, or $33.3 million, to $504.5 million in thethree months ended June 30, 2020 compared to $471.2 million for thecorresponding period in 2019, due to increases in revenues from our NuclearOperations Group and Nuclear Services Group segments totaling $51.9 million and$3.5 million, respectively. These increases were partially offset by a decreasein revenues in our Nuclear Power Group segment of $18.7 million.Consolidated operating income increased $1.9 million to $82.4 million in thethree months ended June 30, 2020 compared to $80.5 million for the correspondingperiod of 2019. Operating income in our Nuclear Operations Group, NuclearServices Group and Other segments increased by $10.7 million, $2.6 million, and$1.1 million, respectively. In addition, we experienced lower UnallocatedCorporate expenses of $1.2 million when compared to the corresponding period of2019. These increases were partially offset by a decrease in operating income inour Nuclear Power Group segment of $13.8 million.Six months ended June 30, 2020 vs. 2019Consolidated revenues increased 17.9%, or $159.0 million, to $1,046.7 million inthe six months ended June 30, 2020 compared to $887.7 million for thecorresponding period in 2019, due to increases in revenues from our NuclearOperations Group and Nuclear Services Group segments totaling $170.9 million and$11.2 million, respectively. These increases were partially offset by a decreasein revenues in our Nuclear Power Group segment of $15.1 million.Consolidated operating income increased $36.5 million to $180.7 million in thesix months ended June 30, 2020 compared to $144.2 million for the correspondingperiod of 2019. Operating income in our Nuclear Operations Group, NuclearServices Group and Other segments increased by $43.5 million, $7.5 million, and$1.9 million, respectively. In addition, we experienced lower UnallocatedCorporate expenses of $1.6 million when compared to the corresponding period of2019. These increases were partially offset by a decrease in operating income inour Nuclear Power Group segment of $17.9 million. 24-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Table of ContentsNuclear Operations Group Three Months Ended Six Months Ended June 30, June 30, 2020 2019 $ Change 2020 2019 $ Change (In thousands)Revenues $ 410,252$ 358,352$ 51,900$ 834,027$ 663,153$ 170,874Operating Income $ 85,972$ 75,226$ 10,746$ 176,331$ 132,851$ 43,480% of Revenues 21.0% 21.0% 21.1% 20.0%Three months ended June 30, 2020 vs. 2019Revenues increased 14.5%, or $51.9 million, to $410.3 million in the threemonths ended June 30, 2020 compared to $358.4 million for the correspondingperiod of 2019. The increase related to the timing of the procurement of certainlong-lead materials when compared to the corresponding period of 2019 as well asadditional volume in our naval nuclear fuel and downblending operations.Operating income increased $10.7 million to $86.0 million in the three monthsended June 30, 2020 compared to $75.2 million for the corresponding period of2019. The increase was due to the operating income impact of the changes inrevenues noted above.Six months ended June 30, 2020 vs. 2019Revenues increased 25.8%, or $170.9 million, to $834.0 million in the six monthsended June 30, 2020 compared to $663.2 million for the corresponding period of2019 as we continue to expand production related to the Columbia-Class nuclearpropulsion system. The increase comprised additional volume in the manufactureof nuclear components for U.S. Government programs and the timing of theprocurement of certain long-lead materials when compared to the correspondingperiod of 2019.Operating income increased $43.5 million to $176.3 million in the six monthsended June 30, 2020 compared to $132.9 million for the corresponding period of2019. The increase was due to the operating income impact of the changes inrevenues noted above as well as favorable contract adjustments related to ournaval nuclear fuel operations.Nuclear Power Group Three Months Ended Six Months Ended June 30, June 30, 2020 2019 $ Change 2020 2019 $ Change (In thousands)Revenues $ 67,983$ 86,639$ (18,656)$ 155,900$ 171,038$ (15,138)Operating Income $ 1,102$ 14,883$ (13,781)$ 9,572$ 27,466$ (17,894)% of Revenues 1.6% 17.2% 6.1% 16.1%Three months ended June 30, 2020 vs. 2019Revenues decreased 21.5%, or $18.7 million, to $68.0 million in the three monthsended June 30, 2020 compared to $86.6 million for the corresponding period of2019. The decrease was primarily related to lower revenues in our nuclearcomponents business of $20.9 million largely attributable to decreased activityassociated with major steam generator design and supply contracts as well as adecrease in volume associated with our medical radioisotopes business. Thesedecreases were partially offset by revenues associated with the Laker EnergyProducts acquisition of $5.7 million.Operating income decreased $13.8 million to $1.1 million in the three monthsended June 30, 2020 compared to $14.9 million for the corresponding period of2019, primarily attributable to the decrease in revenues noted above as well asa decline in operating margins as a result of net favorable changes in estimatesrelated to certain long-term contracts recorded in the prior year.Six months ended June 30, 2020 vs. 2019Revenues decreased 8.9%, or $15.1 million, to $155.9 million in the six monthsended June 30, 2020 compared to $171.0 million for the corresponding period of2019. The decrease was primarily related to lower revenues in our nuclearcomponents 25-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Table of Contentsbusiness of $11.3 million largely attributable to decreased activity associatedwith major steam generator design and supply contracts. We also experienced adecrease in revenue of $9.5 million due to lower levels of in-plant inspection,maintenance and modification services when compared to the same period in theprior year. These decreases were partially offset by revenues associated withthe Laker Energy Products acquisition.Operating income decreased $17.9 million to $9.6 million in the six months endedJune 30, 2020 compared to $27.5 million for the corresponding period of 2019,primarily attributable to the decrease in revenues noted above as well as adecline in operating margins as a result of net favorable changes in estimatesrelated to certain long-term contracts recorded in the prior year, as well ashift in our product line mix when compared to the same period in the prioryear.Nuclear Services Group Three Months Ended Six Months Ended June 30, June 30, 2020 2019 $ Change 2020 2019 $ Change (In thousands)Revenues $ 33,328$ 29,829$ 3,499$ 70,093$ 58,923$ 11,170Operating Income $ 4,122$ 1,490$ 2,632$ 10,522$ 3,061$ 7,461% of Revenues 12.4% 5.0% 15.0% 5.2%Three months ended June 30, 2020 vs. 2019Revenues increased 11.7%, or $3.5 million, to $33.3 million in the three monthsended June 30, 2020 compared to $29.8 million for the corresponding period of2019, primarily attributable to an increase in design and engineering workexecuted by our advanced technologies business.Operating income increased $2.6 million to $4.1 million in the three monthsended June 30, 2020 compared to $1.5 million for the corresponding period of2019. The increase was due to the operating income impact of the changes inrevenues noted above in addition to a decrease in selling, general andadministrative expenses related to business development activities caused by thetiming of proposal activities.Six months ended June 30, 2020 vs. 2019Revenues increased 19.0%, or $11.2 million, to $70.1 million in the six monthsended June 30, 2020 compared to $58.9 million for the corresponding period of2019. The increase was primarily attributable to design and engineering workexecuted by our advanced technologies business and an increase in the volume ofcommercial nuclear inspection and maintenance outage work in the U.S. whencompared to the same period in the prior year.Operating income increased $7.5 million to $10.5 million in the six months endedJune 30, 2020 compared to $3.1 million for the corresponding period of 2019 dueto the operating income impact of the changes in revenues noted above.Other Three Months Ended Six Months Ended June 30, June 30, 2020 2019 $ Change 2020 2019 $ Change (In thousands)

Operating Income $ (5,600)$ (6,744)$ 1,144$ (10,959)$ (12,840)$ 1,881

We do not include the value of our unconsolidated joint venture contracts inbacklog. These unconsolidated joint ventures are included in our NuclearServices Group segment.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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BWX TECHNOLOGIES : MANAGEMENT'S DISCUSSION AND ANALYSIS OF FINANCIAL CONDITION AND RESULTS OF OPERATIONS (form 10-Q) - marketscreener.com

With final successful rescue, US Customs and Border Protection bids farewell to UH-1 Huey – Vertical Magazine

On July 21, just outside of Las Cruces, New Mexico, a U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) Bell UH-1N helped locate and rescue two hikers lost along the mountainous Organ Needle Trail.

And with that successful mission, the last UH-1 in operation with CBP performed its final official mission and headed for retirement. Eight days later, CBPs Air and Marine Operations (AMO), El Paso Air Branch, using that same aircraft, conducted the final flight of the UH-1N helicopter for the agency.

It went up there and searched around and we were able to coordinate the locations of search-and-rescue personnel to the people who were lost, El Paso Air Branch Director John Stonehouse told Vertical in a recent interview. They had been out there for about a day and overnight. That was the last official mission the Huey went on. So, it was nice to see it go on one more official mission.

For its farewell flight, the aircraft soared over El Paso, touring its final official home with CBP. It then came back down the taxiway at the citys international airport, where the resident fire engines saluted with arcing jets of water.

The UH-1 November model that we had really allowed us to move multiple people in and out of situations, to get into areas that were maybe higher and hotter than our smaller aircraft could get into, Stonehouse said. Were specifically talking about a law enforcement role where we have to deploy personnel or a rescue role where we are trying to recover additional personnel.

Those rescues could be officers or agents that are down, U.S. citizens that are lost or illegal migration where people have been injured or lost in specific areas that require immediate medical attention, he said.

Flying from El Paso, CBP Hueys spent most of their time operating in the rugged, remote Big Bend Sector, which spans 135,000 square miles (350,000 square kilometers) over 118 counties in Texas and Oklahoma and includes Big Bend National Park, Stonehouse said. Four of the units five UH-1Ns deployed to major hurricane relief efforts, including responding to massive flooding in Houston in the aftermath of Hurricane Harvey in 2017.

The twin-engine, medium-lift UH-1N has been in operation with AMO since Feb. 10, 2015, and was intended as a short-term asset to bridge the gap of medium-lift helicopter capabilities, as AMO initiated the UH-60 Service Life Extension Plan. With that program underway and the recent approval to standardize the medium-lift helicopter fleet to the UH-60, the UH-1N served its purpose in keeping AMOs capabilities viable.

It really has proven its value, even though it is older and its outdated in terms of what it can do, Stonehouse said. We used the UH-1 really as a stopgap capability to get to a standardized medium-lift fleet, which is in alignment with our 2030 vision and strategy.

The fleet of N-model Hueys are all former U.S. Marine Corps aircraft retired between August 2010 and September 2012 and subsequently upgraded to meet AMO requirements. Upgrades included a new communications suite, glass cockpit displays, new wire-strike kit, high-skid landing gear and tail boom and rotor modifications. The Pratt & Whitney Canada PT6T-3 engine received electrical and fuel system upgrades and installation of extended exhaust deflectors. Each aircraft received the $1.3 million upgrade to AMO standard by Rotorcraft Support Inc. of Van Nuys, California.

Since 2011, the UH-1Ns and older model Hueys have operated more than 8,000 hours, contributed to seizure of approximately 16,700 pounds of marijuana and 35 vehicles, contributed to the arrest or apprehension of 245,862 individuals, and were involved in the rescue of 152 individuals.

The five UH-1Ns will be auctioned by the General Services Administration in August. Funds generated will be returned to the AMO operating budget and immediately applied to sustainment of the UH-60 Black Hawk fleet, which will replace the UH-1N along the southern border and is in use across the continental United States and Puerto Rico.

The Hueys will be replaced with two UH-60A+ Black Hawks and one Lima-model equipped with external hoist capability. A single UH-60A is currently in operation with the second scheduled for delivery later in 2020. The UH-60L is scheduled for delivering in April 2021, Stonehouse said.

All three helicopters will come from the U.S. Army. Hoisting is extremely important along the southern U.S. borders mountainous terrain, Stonehouse said.

A lot of people dont realize, they think El Paso is flat, but weve got some big mountains up here, Stonehouse said. Plus, our [area of responsibility] extends down into Big Bend, where theres a lot of beautiful mountains. Its a gorgeous area that we have and we patrol and we get to work in every day, but it does have its environmental challenges.

Once CBP zeroes its fleet with UH-60s, the entire aviation wing of the agency will have a standardized medium-lift capability optimized for emergency response at long range, Stonehouse said.

The UH-60, the benefit it brings, we can haul twice the personnel; we can go twice the distance and about 40 percent faster than we can versus the UH-1, Stonehouse said. Of course, anytime you standardize a fleet, training costs come down, operating costs come down and the interoperability across the nation really goes up.

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With final successful rescue, US Customs and Border Protection bids farewell to UH-1 Huey - Vertical Magazine

The Mission of the Texas A&M AgriLife Extension Service by Mario Villarino – KSST

DevelopedbyDr.MarioA.Villarino,CountyExtensionAgentforAgricultureandNaturalResourcesHopkinsCounty, Texas

The mission of the Texas A&M AgriLife Extension Service is to provide quality, relevant outreach and continuing educational programs and services to the people of Texas. Extension educates Texans in the areas of agriculture, environmental stewardship, youth and adult life skills, human capital and leadership, and community economic development. The agency improves the lives of Texans through an educational process that uses research-based knowledge focused on issues and needs. Because of the broad range of needs, priorities and learning styles, extension personnel use several educational tools to educate people. Using mass media (i.e. this publication) helps extension professional educate many people in a subject very quickly. As our communities get more involved in rural activities and where our food comes from, many get interested in Gardening. Gardening is, in the way I see it, the primer of agriculture. Because of its simple start up process, easy access to varieties and their seeds, gardening offers a wide variety of experiences shared with other sectors of agriculture. And, at the core of gardening rest the soil. The soil is a storehouse for all the elements plants need to grow: nutrients, organic matter, air, and water. Soil also provides support for plant roots. When properly prepared and cared for, soil can be improved each year and will continue to grow plants forever. Uncared for soil will soon become suited only for growing weeds. Texas gardeners must work with many different soils. Some are very sandy, some are sticky clay, and others are rocky and shallow. Sandy soils do not hold enough water; in windy areas, blowing sand can injure vegetables. Clay soils hold too much water and do not allow enough air to enter the soil. Vegetables need a deep and well-drained soil with adequate organic matter. Good garden soil with proper moisture will not form a hard ball when squeezed in the hand. It should crumble easily. The soil should be tilled as deeply as possible, at least 8 to 10 inches. Deep tilling loosens soil and lets vegetable roots go deeper. Turn each shovelful of soil completely over. Till soil when it is moist but not wet. Working soil when it is too wet can cause it to become rough. Spade the soil in the winter to prepare for spring planting. Winter temperatures and moisture help mellow soil. This is especially important if the soil is being worked for the first time. Add organic matter each year during soil preparation to build and maintain the soil. Be sure all plant material is turned under the soil. If organic material is added before planting a fall garden, it should be well-rotted, such as compost. Before planting, rake the soil clean and level it. Remove all sticks, rocks and other material. Allow water to drain away from plant roots the soil several months before planting to allow it time to decompose. Most gardeners do this during the winter. Manure: Use composted manure and incorporate it into the soil well ahead of planting. Do not use fresh manure, as it can damage plants and introduce diseases. Apply 30 to 40 pounds of composted manure for every 100 square feet. Compost consists of de-cayed plant materials. Work it into the soil before planting. Sawdust: Compost this before adding it to the garden. Do not use un-composted sawdust because it will rob the soil of nitrogen and, consequently, starve the plants of this essential nutrient .Green manure: Plant rye or oats in the fall and plow or spade it under in the spring. These cannot be used if a fall garden is planted. Do not add more than a 4-inch layer of organic material. Most heavy clay soils benefit from the addition of gypsum. It adds some nutrients but, more importantly, it loosens clay soils and makes it more workable. Spread about 3 to 4 pounds of gypsum per 100 square feet over garden soil after it has been dug in the winter. Work it into the soil or allow it to be washed in by rain. Add sand and organic matter to clay soil to make it more workable. Mix 2 inches of clean sand and 3 inches of organic matter, such as leaves, with the soil. Do this during the winter season. Use a shovel or rake to pull the soil up into beds 8 to 10 inches high. Pack beds or allow them to settle before planting. Also level the tops of the beds and widen them to about 6 to 8 inches before planting. Plant on top of the beds. After completing the steps required to properly prepare the soil for planting, gardening might seem anything but easy. But with proper soil preparation, gardening will get easier every year.

For more information on this or any other agricultural topic please contact the Hopkins County Extension Office at 903-885-3443 or email me at [emailprotected].

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The Mission of the Texas A&M AgriLife Extension Service by Mario Villarino - KSST

Nestbox is a modular trunk extension that turns cars into campers – Dezeen

Czech firm Studio 519 has designed a plywood module called Nestbox, which fits neatly into the boot of a car and can be expanded into a double bed and fully fitted kitchen for camping.

The unit, created for local company Ego, comes in four sizes to suit a range of cars and can be customised with modules such as a cooker, mini-fridge, sink and camping shower attachment.

During transport these different elements are neatly compacted into a steel-backed mainframe which, at its largest, measures just over one metre long and half a metre wide and tall.

But on arrival, a system of integrated, space-saving drawers and fold-away attachments allow the Nestbox to be turned into a complete sleeping and cooking set-up in a matter of minutes.

"Our main goal was to achieve a similar level of comfort to a motorhome within the confines of a van," said the head of Studio 519, Richard Vodika.

"We happily gave up the convenience of a flush toilet, which you get in a camper, in favour of more freedom when travelling.

By expanding the possibilities of a regular van you facilitate a way of travelling that is far richer in experiences. It allows you to slow down your life and get closer to nature."

To set up the bed, a panel of slats that is folded away on top of the mainframe during transit can be unfurled over the car's collapsed back seats and finished off with a foldable mattress.

Meanwhile, the kitchen is condensed into one large drawer, which can be pulled out from the trunk to provide counter space and access to the cooker and mini-fridge.

The sink is collapsable and integrated into a drop-leaf panel that can be stowed away while not in use.

A range of smaller drawers was specifically designed to store kitchen equipment while on the road, with designated slots carved out of the wood to hold knives and cutting boards.

Locally sourced birch plywood is used liberally throughout the design to create a sense of warmth and bring nature into the interior of the car.

"The materials and the colour scheme stand in contrast to classic automotive aesthetics and are more likely to evoke a sense of home," said Vodika.

"Except for the folding washbasin, everything is locally sourced and made in the Czech village of Blovice or its surrounding area," Vodika continued.

"The designers and the people who manufacture the kits work on the same grounds. This kind of immediate feedback is very important for us."

Vodika hopes that Nestbox can offer alternative modes of travel and a renewed sense of agency to holidaymakers, who were left in the cold by the Covid-19 travel restrictions.

"We are in the middle of a mindset shift right now," he said.

"Global travel restrictions have caused people to rethink what they expect from their vacations and their leisure time. Nestbox is able to give its users a sense of privacy, security and most importantly freedom."

Elsewhere, designers have started to ponder how we can make traditional modes of transport safer in a post-pandemic world, with PriestmanGoode sharing plans for how we should "future-proof" air travel and Italian architect Arturo Tedeschi and Hong Kong's Ponti Design Studio releasing concepts for how to integrate social distancing measures into local tram systems.

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Nestbox is a modular trunk extension that turns cars into campers - Dezeen

A home of their own, together | Features – boulder-monitor.com

Could senior cooperative housing, a model gaining popularity in states with aging populations, be the solution to alleviating social isolation and population loss in Montanas rural small towns?

In Montanas rural counties, where demographic trends show large numbers of young people leaving for the states fast-growing urban areas, the need for elderly housing solutions is going to become increasingly important.

These communities are losing population and growing older. But many seniors in these communities dont want to leave because they know their neighbors and have spent decades as leaders in the community. Housing options for the elderly are few and far between in these areas. Older farmhouses are often poorly equipped for people to age in place, as they often have stairs and require lots of maintenance. Many small towns lack assisted living facilities or nursing homes, and many senior citizens dont need or want that type of round-the-clock care, preferring a more independent lifestyle.

Across the United States, especially in places like Florida, Arizona and California, senior cooperative housing organized around the concepts of resident control and sustaining independence with minimal services is becoming an appealing model. Cooperative housing usually includes independently owned living units, such as condos or houses, arranged around a communal gathering space with some shared activities.

Senior cooperative housing communities are different from assisted living facilities or retirement communities because theyre not usually developed by outside entities, and residents take charge of programming, forming boards that govern everything from landscaping to occupancy. They often include shared kitchen facilities, outdoor areas and rooms where visitors can stay.

What attracts older adults to senior cohousing is the desire for greater social engagement, for a new old-fashioned neighborhood, as one member put it, said Sherry Cummings, a former professor of social work at the University of Tennessee Knoxville who co-authored a book about the facilities. Theyre designed so people see each other a lot. They typically get together for several meals or activities each week. They help one another out with practical tasks, such as driving someone to the airport, and support each other through crisis situations.

In 2016, the Montana Cooperative Development Center funded a feasibility study on the prospects for new housing cooperatives in the Northern Rockies. The study documented a high degree of interest in the development of housing cooperatives as a potential strategy to address a number of housing needs in the northern Rockies.

Jill Eversole Nolan, a retired Ohio State University faculty member, co-authored a study on rural cooperative housing for older adults for the Journal of Extension in 2001, aimed at giving extension offices information for people curious about the facilities.

Cooperative housing for older adults would most certainly be a viable option in Montana, she said in an interview with the Missoulian earlier this year.

Eversole Nolan completed her doctorate on quality of life for older adults in rural communities, with a focus on senior cooperative housing.

In reviewing the literature, older adults wanted to stay in the community where they had lent their leadership and where they had family, she said. Their friends were there, their farm was there, but as dynamics changed many of the children would go off and not return to the farm, so they were at an age where they could not maintain the farm but they still wanted to stay in the community. But there were not housing opportunities.

Eversole Nolan visited cooperative living communities for those age 55 and older in rural towns in the Midwest and in the southeastern United States.

I interviewed one woman that was 95, she recalled. She said, I was born here, I grew up here, I got married and raised children here and I want to die here. Something like a cooperative housing community was a good choice for her because she could not live in her home and continue her way of life.

Older houses in rural areas lack upgrades that allow older, disabled and frail adults to function normally, Eversole Nolan said. Something as simple as a rounded faucet knob can be difficult for someone with arthritis, and a lack of elevators in multi-story housing can be impossible to live with for some.

She also noted that cooperative housing isnt just for people who want to be social all the time.

Some individuals didnt want to partake in a lot of group interaction, she said. Others engaged in many activities. So it gave them a choice to choose the way of life they were accustomed to living.

Margaret Roesch is an organizer for and resident of Village Hearth Cohousing, an intentional cohousing neighborhood for 55-and-over LGBT residents, friends and allies in Durham, North Carolina.

We certainly never imagined, when we joined Village Hearth as members, that we would move in during a global pandemic, Roesch said in a recent newsletter to members. It has certainly added some unexpected twists, but it also makes us all the more thankful and excited to be joining a community of caring people.

The 28-residence facility includes a common house and was built just this year.

People are moving in now, and instead of in-person happy hours, the group has instituted Zoom happy hours during the pandemic.

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A home of their own, together | Features - boulder-monitor.com

Southern Poverty Law Center Announces Initial Grants in $30M Vote Your Voice Initiative Four Georgia… – SaportaReport

By Clare S. Richie, public policy specialist, Community Foundation for Greater Atlanta

In June, the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) announced Vote Your Voice, a partnership with the Community Foundation for Greater Atlanta to invest up to $30 million through 2022 from the SPLCs endowment to engage voters and increase voter registration, education, and participation; support Black- and brown-led organizations often ignored by traditional funders; support and prototype effective voter engagement strategies; and re-enfranchise returning citizens despite intentional bureaucratic challenges. SPLC recently announced a total of nearly $5.5 million in a first round of grants to 12 voter outreach organizations across the Deep South, four of those organizations are in Georgia.

The 12 organizations have proven track records empowering voters of color and presented innovative proposals to boost voter registration, education and mobilization in Vote Your Voices five targeted states Alabama, Georgia, Florida, Louisiana and Mississippi. The grants will help the organizations continue their efforts to turn out low-propensity voters amid voter suppression schemes and other barriers, including the pandemic, in advance of upcoming elections.

Organizations working to boost voter engagement in Georgia are:

Black Voters Matter increases civic engagement and power building in predominantly Black communities. The organization works in nine southern states Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia. In 2019, it expanded into two northern states Michigan and Pennsylvania. Through the $500,000 grant the organization will register, educate and mobilize Black voters in 17 Alabama counties and 24 Georgia counties through mini grants to grassroots groups and conduct outreach via texting and other digital and social media strategies.

The Georgia Coalition for the Peoples Agendas mission is to improve the quality of governance through a more informed and active electorate who will hold elected officials accountable.The organization operates seven offices metro Atlanta, Athens-Clarke County, Bibb County, Chatham County,Dougherty County,Richmond County and Troup County and conductscivic engagementactivities, registers thousands ofvoters,holds educationalforumsand mobilizes volunteers to participatethrough phone banks, texting and providing rides to the polls, focusing primarily on African American women and men in57 counties across the state.Through the $75,000 grant, the organization will continue their work focusing on people of color, young people, single women and low-income Georgians. Their tactics include phone banking, texting and relational organizing.

The New Georgia Project (NGP) is focused on voter registration, engagement and power building for the large and growing population of African Americans, Latinos, and Asian Americans in Georgia. NGP is part of a movement not a moment to meet the changing demographics of Georgia, to harness the unheard voices of the New American Majority and to position Georgia for leadership in the South and across the country, identify local policy priorities, demystify the political process, and move their families and neighbors to action. Through the $750,000 grant, the organization will engage in voter registration, education and mobilization among low-propensity communities of color, women of color and young people. Additionally, it will counter online voter suppression with videos, songs, social listening and tech tools.

ProGeorgia is a bold, trusted, and diverse collaborative that champions an equitable and inclusive democracy, for and with traditionally underrepresented communities. The organization supports and coordinates the civic engagement programs of its diverse partners. ProGeorgia develops the infrastructure, executes the joint strategies, and employs new tools and technology to assure a government that is more responsive to the needs of its constituencies. Through the $750,000 grant, the organization will continue its work to register, educate, mobilize and protect voters in low-propensity communities of color as well as women of color and young people, focusing on 33 counties for voter engagement and 70 counties for election protection.

SPLC and Community Foundation have started to accept applications for grants in a second round of distribution across the target states. The initiative is seeking a broad cross-section of nonprofit organizations with deep roots within communities prioritized; experience in nonpartisan voter registration, education and mobilization; and a commitment to working with the initiatives data partner to track progress and impact.

Together with the first cohort, organizations participating in the Vote Your Voice initiative will use grants to amplify their ongoing work to engage millions of voters across the South this election cycle to exercise their basic right to vote and ensure their voices are heard.

Applications for the second round of grants are due by August 14, 2020. Organizations can apply here. Additional application information may be found here. Click here for more details including a full list of organizations that received first-round grants.

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Southern Poverty Law Center Announces Initial Grants in $30M Vote Your Voice Initiative Four Georgia... - SaportaReport

COVID-19 is revealing the flaws of Silicon Valley culture – Fast Company

Thanks to intentional culture-building, startup workplaces have evolved to become much more than officestheyre where people take meals, cultivate friendships, and find their purpose. Great culture attracts and retains great talent, encourages people to spend more time working toward company goals, and rallies the team around a mission. For many employees at these companies (and the other companies that emulate their cultures), the role of the workplace has taken on an outsize importance.

But as round after round of startup layoffs have occurred during the COVID-19 pandemic, the downsides of this type of culture are becoming rapidly apparent. As a founder-turned-venture capitalist, I find myself contemplating the total costs of this indoctrination-style approach to culture. When people are laid off, they lose income and health insurancedevastating losses in the middle of a global health pandemic. But they also lose some things that are far less tangible but potentially even more costly. Intentional and immersive culture-building has tied our identities, self-worth, emotional security, and lifes purpose to our jobs, leaving both employeesand employersvulnerable.

Years ago, after a round of layoffs at TaskRabbit, the company I founded, I had to face some hard truths about the culture we had so painstakingly built. We spent years cultivating an environment that could offer fulfillment, purpose, and a sense of belonging to every team membera family in a very real sense. Our success in doing so meant that layoffs suddenly became about much more than discontinuing a persons income. We had power we shouldnt have had as employers: Thanks to the culture wed built, separating a person from their job also separated them from their sense of self, their purpose, and their closest friends. There isnt a severance package in the world that can soften that blow.

There isnt a severance package in the world that can soften that blow.

Just as record-high unemployment has made it crystal clear that relying on employers to provide healthcare is a faulty and dangerous idea, its time to stop propping up the very Silicon Valley notion that a persons identity, lifes purpose, and belonging should go hand in hand with their place of employment. This moment requires a total shift in mindset. Instead of building cultures that emphasize a companys role in peoples lives, what if we dedicate our efforts to prioritizing the individuals themselves?

As the founders I work with have started to grapple with this very question, many find themselves arriving at the same conclusion: Shifting as much autonomy as possible to the employee makes companies stronger.

This simple mindset shift meets the moment were in. As parentsparticularly momsshoulder compounding responsibilities at home and many young people pour off-hours into social justice, its becoming more apparent than ever that employees require greater control over how they spend their time, energy, and talents. Workplaces must adjust to accommodating the full lives of their employees to navigate this new reality. The solution isnt as simple as switching to Zoom meetings and remote project managementit requires a culture that gives employees greater agency over their own work.

Recognizing the full life of your employees requires accepting that we all have multiple roles to play. People can be engineers and activists, marketers and moms, dev-ops and dads. People who write code by day might write short stories by night. That star support employee might also front a band. Every team is full of people with obligations to their families, social circles, passions, and communities. By giving each employee full control of how and when they work, they can better integrate their work into the rest of their livesand their workplace will cease to become the central place where people feel a sense of purpose. Instead of encouraging employees to stay late at work, push them to set a schedule that helps them find balanceand meaningin other parts of their lives as well. This isnt just the necessary remedy for getting through this particular moment, and it isnt just a fluffy nice thing to doits a pathway to creating stronger companies over time.

It will bring a greater wealth of experience to your workplace. When individuals are encouraged to prioritize their other life roles, they bring those experiences and skills back to their work. This diversity of thought and perspective is something that many startups lack, and the positive impact of it is incalculable. Imagine: Spending more time helping his aging parents leads your designer to have an UX epiphany that streamlines your app. The community organizing your product manager does on the side shows up in the way she marshals resources to get that feature done on time. Helping her kid with history homework gives your copywriter an idea that becomes your next successful lead generation campaign. Moving away from an office-centric life also makes groupthink much more difficult, which means you can approach problems with more perspectives and get to clarity (and solutions) faster.

It increases a companys resilience and agility. Companies with more individualistic cultureslike those with distributed teams and greater employee autonomyadjusted much more quickly to our new work-from-home reality than companies with office-centric cultures. Working parents suddenly juggling home education and childcare on top of work responsibilities at companies that didnt take an individualistic approach found themselves in an impossible bind. Imagine how much productivity could have been gained had every working mother simply been empowered to figure out her own schedule and workflows.

This ability to swiftly adapt to changing circumstances is often the difference between survival and death for early stage companies. Theres no such thing as an entirely future-proofed business, but trusting the individuals on your team to make the best decisions for themselves and for the company is a solid start.

It boosts the value, productivity, and momentum of your employees. Giving your employees the leeway to invest in themselves and their lives doesnt just increase your chances of retaining them, it increases the value they can bring to your company. All that energy people spend figuring out how to juggle the many obligations in their lives on the margins can actually be used for productive work. Whats more, people experiencing success in other aspects of their lives can use that momentum in the work they do for your company.

Theres no doubt that culture can make or break a company. As an ecosystem, startups have been wise to prioritize it and approach it with intention. But the cultures we built before simply arent good enough for what comes next. This moment of uncertainty provides a unique opportunity to do things better, and founders thinking about the future understand they must adapt. Rather than turning a company into employees whole world, focusing culture-building efforts on giving employees agency and celebrating their lives beyond work is a good place to start.

Leah Solivan is the founder of TaskRabbit and the general partner at Fuel Capital.

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COVID-19 is revealing the flaws of Silicon Valley culture - Fast Company

Harvard GSD faculty take on the challenge of building just cities – The Architect’s Newspaper

The current global health emergency and the ongoing uprising against police violence in the United States have once again laid bare the nations enduring crisis of white supremacy. In the design and planning professions, many scholars, practitioners, and organizers have pointed out that these challenges are not new, but foundationalwhiteness and anti-Black racism have long defined the ways in which design is framed, taught, and practiced. As design schools across the country begin to respond to longstanding criticism over their wholesale embrace of whiteness in pedagogy, it is useful to examine the work that some educators and researchers are doing to analyze and challenge systems of oppression, both within the disciplines and more generally in U.S. cities. The Architects Newspaper talked to several practitioners at the department of urban planning and design at Harvards Graduate School of Design (GSD) about the work theyve been doing in this area.

Urban Design and the Color Line

Taught by Stephen Gray, associate professor of urban design, Urban Design and the Color Line is a seminar workshop that developed out of a series of research projects at the GSD. Having advised student researchers on mapping strategies for the exhibition Bang! Bang! Bang! Housing Policy and the Geography of Fatal Police Encounters and the atlas project Map the Gap: Visualizing Sociospatial Inequity in the U.S., Gray went on to conduct extensive research on racial inequities in the Boston area for Urban Intermedia: City, Archive, Narrative, an exhibition curated by professors Eve Blau and Robert Pietrusko.

In the portion of the exhibit that focused on Boston, Gray and Alex Krieger, research professor in practice of urban design, examined neighborhoods in the citys South Bay area, where redlining, urban renewal, and infrastructure projects have long determined which communities have access to resources. As Gray told AN in a recent conversation, outwardly beneficial linear park projects like Southwest Corridor Parkfirst developed on Bostons South End in the 1970s and 80sraised particularly compelling questions about race, urban design, and infrastructure. If people arent meaningfully involved in the imagination and making of a space, does that space actually have any benefit to them in the long run? Gray asked.

Following his work on Urban Intermedia, Gray developed the curriculum for Urban Design and the Color Line, a course that centers on infrastructural reuse projects in the United Satesnamely, New Yorks High Line and its progeny. Gray and his students have partnered with the Urban Institute, GSD CoDesign, Friends of the High Line cofounder Robert Hammond, and the High Line Network (HLN), a group of leaders of industrial reuse projects around the world that aims to learn from the social and economic challenges faced by the High Line, to help develop an equitable impacts framework pilot for 19 HLN member projects. Pairs of students in the course focused on two infrastructure projects each during the semester. After analyzing the histories and geographies of racial inequity in the cities where the projects are located, the students proposed equity agendas for their assigned HLN projectsrecommendations that were handed off to the partner organizations for possible implementation.

According to Gray, the class and its research constitute a sort of informed speculation: Were using student research to inform curriculum, which is now informing practice. The ultimate objective is to deploy student minds and educational resources to make a real and measurable impact in the world, a mandate that has only become more pronounced as institutions and city agencies alike are called to action over white supremacy and state violence against Black people. Americas segregated cities present immense challenges to the people who shape their built environments, but as Gray notes, If urban designers are intentional about our work, we can begin to break down some of those divisions.

CoDesign

Founded in 2018 at the GSD, CoDesign is a multifaceted, school-wide initiative that aims to tighten links between design, research, teaching, practice, and activism. Building on existing relationships between government agencies, GSD researchers, private design practices, and local communities in the Boston area, CoDesign equips educators, researchers, and students with tools for a more equitable approach to design and community engagement. This work has taken many forms over the course of two years, including technical assistance for the citys Community Preservation Act and research assistance for the Boston Foundations Place Leadership Network and the Highline Network.

In a recent conversation with AN, CoDesigns faculty coordinator Dr. Lily Song reflected on both the opportunities and challenges presented by university-based community engagement work. For one, relationships between elite institutions like Harvard and local BIPOC or working-class neighborhoods are historically defined by institutional exclusion, extraction, and displacement. There are also disconnects between what is typically expected of design students at the GSD and what local partners are often seeking. Communities are hardly looking for abstract design propositions or beautiful renderings that dont reflect their aspirations or their needs, Song said. At the same time, the skills of students can be useful if theyre plugged into what efforts local community groups are leading. Leveraging the GSDs convening power, research acumen, and financial resources, CoDesigns local partners can advocate for policy changes, fundraise for community-led projects, and begin to challenge established power relations.

As the GSD and other leading design schools face intense scrutiny over their cultures of white supremacy and intensification of systems of racial injustice, CoDesign teamed up with Powerful Pathways to release the Design Studio First Aid Kit. Posted on the initiatives Instagram page and shared as a free zine online, the kit offers straightforward guidance on how to begin confronting white supremacy and its intersecting oppressions in studio environments. Song views it as a resource for jumpstarting a much longer, more committed process. The idea is that we can all administer first aid in ways that are accessibleits not a panacea, but a first step, Song said.

Acknowledging that CoDesign is somewhat constrained by its need to serve a wide variety of communities and stakeholders across the Boston area, Song also recognizes the ways in which the current uprising has invigorated the push for anti-racist practices. With the longstanding scourge of police violence against Black people and the broader injustices of white supremacy in stark relief, there is an opportunity to advance a more liberatory and reparative vision with CoDesign. The Design Studio First Aid Kit is just one part of that process. Moving forward, Song emphasizes the need to foreground radical community work led by BIPOC organizers. Whether we ally or accomplice, we first need to reckon with our own identities, power, and privileges and use them in service of these movements. Its defining yourself and your work beyond your day job, Song said. You harness the network and resources you have at your disposal.

Design for the Just City

Design for the Just City centers on the fundamental question: Would we design better places if we put the values of equality, inclusion, or equity first? Led by Toni L. Griffin, professor in practice of urban planning, since its inception nearly ten years ago, the research lab has promoted justice in the design and planning disciplines through a series of exhibitions, master-classes, talks, workshops, and publications.

In order to frame its mission, the lab has spent years developing the Just City Index, a matrix designed to be used as a tool for communities to establish their own definition and principles for what makes each city or neighborhood more just. The listed values range from reconciliation and spirituality to protest, empathy, and participation, all categorized under a series of 12 Values Indicators, from acceptance to welfare. Through its free digital resources, as well as design workshops hosted in Johannesburg, Amsterdam, and Cambridge since 2018, the Just City Lab aims to empower communities to articulate their own values and aspirations.

In 2015, the Just City Lab collaborated with Gehl Studio, the J. Max Bond Center, and Transportation Alternatives to compile Public Life & Urban Justice in NYCs Plazas, a report investigating the real and potential impacts of public space design on public life and urban justice. Using seven public spaces in New York City as case studies, the lab and its collaborators took a critical look at the contributions of the citys Public Plaza Program to quality of life and issues of social justice.

In the wake of the murders of Breonna Taylor and George Floyd by police in Louisville, Kentucky, and Minneapolis, the Just City Lab has released one essay per week from its 2015 publication The Just City Essays: 26 Visions for Equity, Inclusion, and Opportunity. The volume contains reflections and visions for how to pursue reparative and restorative justice in 22 cities through architecture, city planning, art, and policy-making. With writings by such prominent figures as urbanist Teddy Cruz, architect Theaster Gates, and former mayor of Minneapolis Betsy Hodges, The Just City Essays are meant as a provocation, a call to action. As the Just City Lab states on its Instagram page, Now, during these times of dissonance, unrest, and uncertainty, their contents have become ever more importantWe hope they may continue conversations about our shared responsibility for the just city.

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Harvard GSD faculty take on the challenge of building just cities - The Architect's Newspaper

Announcing the 2020 Carleton University Chair in Teaching Innovation – Carleton Newsroom

Carleton University is pleased to announce Professor James McGowan (School for Studies in Art and Culture: Music) has been named the 2020 Carleton University Chair in Teaching Innovation.

On behalf of Carleton University, I am pleased to acknowledge and congratulate James McGowan on this achievement, said Provost and Vice-President (Academic) Jerry Tomberlin.

The Chair in Teaching Innovation is an important appointment that plays a significant role in furthering teaching excellence across Carleton.

Prof. James McGowan (Photo Jenna Gernon)

Established last year, the Chair in Teaching Innovation is awarded annually to an educator who has demonstrated teaching excellence and innovation across their academic career. It provides faculty with a $45,000 grant spanning three years to undertake projects that advance the Scholarship of Teaching and Learning (SoTL) and student success at Carleton.

James is an outstanding educator who is fully invested in providing students with creative and engaging learning experiences, said Associate Vice-President (Teaching and Learning) David Hornsby. Were looking forward to seeing his project implemented and the impact it will have throughout the Carleton community and beyond.

McGowan, who has been teaching at Carleton since 2010, sees the important role the performing arts play in student success, mental health and wellbeing, and fostering a sense of community. With this award, he plans to create and support a network of like-minded instructors, students and staff using the principles of Performative Learning and Artistic Communities of Engagement (PLACE).

The network will identify opportunities for performative learning, exploring experiential arts-based approaches to engage students in a variety of disciplines, and create artistic communities of engagement that allow students to find means of expression beyond course work.

Receiving this distinction signifies to me that the university is ready to be a leader in applying and researching innovative approaches that allow students to experience a wide range of disciplines of study enhanced by the intentional exploration of the arts, said McGowan.

It seems more than ever that we as a university community want to grow in ways that create meaningful, exciting and safe experiences to challenge students to thrive and engage artistically with communities on campus.

While PLACE will start this Fall with online programming of songwriting and community music at Carleton, McGowan plans to extend the network to include a variety of arts and non-arts-based disciplines, and eventually expand outside of the university.

Professor McGowans ambitious project will employ arts-based approaches to learning in disciplines far beyond the humanities, offering students unique opportunities to integrate performative learning into any field of study, said Pauline Rankin, Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Professor McGowans extensive experience with diverse forms of performance studies makes him the ideal champion for this exciting experiment at Carleton. His vision for the Chair in Teaching Innovation is particularly relevant at a moment in which many of us are turning or returning to the arts to sustain and inspire us during this unprecedented period.

Through the PLACE initiative, McGowan says he hopes to enrich the student experience at Carleton and promote student engagement within the community, while acting as a resource for colleagues in developing innovative educational strategies.

The biggest hope I have is that the PLACE initiative will give students a richer experience at Carleton. For some students, that might mean that they see opportunities to reach out to others to explore interdisciplinary conversations. For others, this might mean that they simply enjoy a creative activity with other students, helping to sustain them through the inevitable darker days, said McGowan.

Ultimately, I truly hope that applying PLACE principles at Carleton will create and support programming that will enhance students connection to this beautiful campus community. In tandem with this goal, I hope that wecolleagues with common interests and Iwill be able to explore and share the results of studying the impact of this programming more broadly.

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Announcing the 2020 Carleton University Chair in Teaching Innovation - Carleton Newsroom

How to promote diversity in coverage and in the newsroom – IJNet

In partnership with our parent organization, the International Center for Journalists (ICFJ), IJNet is connecting journalists with health experts and newsroom leaders through a webinar series on COVID-19.The series is partof theICFJ Global Health Crisis Reporting Forum.

This article is part of our online coverage of reporting on COVID-19. To see more resources,click here.

You have a television station. We have these AK-47s. We will have to tell our stories with these guns, members of an indigenous community who had joined Maoist forces told journalistShubhranshu Choudhary. Your media will not give us any space.

Their representation is zero, and Indias mainstream media shows little interest in changing that, Choudhary said during a panel discussion co-hosted Tuesday by ICFJ and theMedia Diversity Institute(MDI).

Around the world, a lack of media diversity has dire consequences. Yet even among news outlets that claim to value diversity, most have failed in their efforts to hire, retain, engage and report accurately on minority and disenfranchised communities, panelists said.

At the same time, the global pandemics outsized effect on already-vulnerable communities, along with the growing strength of the Black Lives Matter movement in both the U.S. and other countries, is forcing a reckoning in many newsrooms, they said.Choudhary, founder of IndiasCGNet Swaraand a former ICFJ Knight Fellow, joinedTory Parrish, regional director of the National Association of Black Journalists (NABJ) in the U.S; Frans Jennekens, head of diversity at Dutch broadcasterNTR; and Syrian journalistZaina Erhaim, communications manager at theInstitute for War & Peace Reporting(IWPR), to examine the state of media diversity. MDI Communications Manager Anna Lekas Miller moderated the discussion.

It's really hard to cover a community when you only swoop in when bad things happen, said Parrish, a business reporter at Newsday. And that has been a problem with the media for centuries.

In the U.S. this year, black journalists have become more outspoken in the newsroom for the last couple of months, she said. In her own newsroom, there are conversationsgoing on about coverage, about diversity, about hiring and the importance of diversity at the management level, she said.

She said hiring managers need to be more intentional in their efforts to hire and retain diverse talent. The quality of the talent is there. But the issue is how deliberate are you in bringing the talent onto your staff? And it's not enough to just say, Well, we posted the job. Did you reach out to any journalists of color? Did you reach out to the National Association of Black Journalists, National Association of Hispanic Journalists, Asian American Journalists Association offices? She emphasized the importance of hiring more than just one or two people from each underrepresented group, which leads to isolation and high turnover, she said.

Jennekens, with NTR, said he believes the newsroom is mostly a representation of the ruling powers. And the whole problem is, in my view, that in the newsroom there is this system of tapping. So when people are hired for the newsroom, they want to have someone who looks like the people who are already in the newsroom. And as long as this whole system of tapping is not more or less destroyed, I think it will be very difficult to change a newsroom.

He thinks the journalism industry should see this as a business case, as something that makes this medium stronger. You get more viewers, you get more participants. Your base and society will be stronger if you are more diverse and you give more room to different kinds of voices and to people who are not the same as yourself.

Erhaim, the Syrian journalist who works for IWPR, noted that in some cultures, newsroom diversity is a non-starter.

When we're speaking about the Middle East or the Arab world, diversity is in many cases criminalized, she said.

Getting to know who you're living with, getting to know the other cultures, sects and ethnicities is going to make a kind of peace, Ehraim said. You might be able to unite together, but everyone was raised on fearing the others and that was their way of controlling the area and keeping everyone silent.

Erhaim also advocated for free legal counsel for journalists who want to sue the large media companies that parachute in and take unfair advantage of local reporters.

We don't know our rights. We are not raised to know about rights or demand them, she said. If enough journalists begin to take legal action, big media institutions will think twice before taking advantage of local journalists or treating them as free-of-charge sources.

Choudary urged others to start their own, independent platforms for news. As an ICFJ Knight Fellow, he created CGNet Swara, a citizen journalism platform that uses Bluetooth technologyto bring news to media-dark villages in India.

We should be more interactive. A lot of journalists are afraid of their own audience, he said.

Can people tell their own stories? Can [citizen reporting] be a new way of doing journalism? Can we reinvent ourselves? he asked. Technology is giving us that opportunity. In the remotest parts of the country, I go to any village in India, and I find at least half a dozen mobile phones. Each phone can broadcast and become its own radio station, he said.

Can we connect that radio station which is there in every pocket with our newsrooms? It is doable. It is possible. We should be doing more of it. We should be using more of this technology if we want to remain relevant, he said.

Jennifer Dorrohis a senior program director at ICFJ.

Main image CC-licensed by Unsplash viaChristina @ wocintechchat.com.

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How to promote diversity in coverage and in the newsroom - IJNet

After Weeks Of Protests, West Palm Beach Creates Task Force To Address Racial And Ethnic Equality – WLRN

The nationwide protests for racial justice impacted several local cities in Palm Beach County.The tension is still there; its a movement, not a moment, says activists, members of various communities, and elected officials. A task force formed to help solve racial inequities might be a potential huge step within the proverbial movement.

The Stronger Together march in Riviera Beach called for economic and political empowerment, interracial unity, alleviation of food deserts and affordable housing. The protest staged outside of a Lake Worth Beachs city commission meeting urged commissioners to consider a symbolic renaming of Dixie Highway.

You turn to WLRN for reporting you can trust and stories that move our South Florida community forward. Your support makes it possible. Please donate now. Thank you.

Young demonstrators in West Palm Beach, who marched in the scorching summer heat with their masks and bright signs, demanded policies aimed at economic equality and police reform countywide, tax-paying residents rallied for actionable plans and timelines.

Community organizers say they want to be involved and make elected officials accountable for their actions, and inactions, for whichever policy-driven plan is presented to the public.

West Palm Beach Mayor Keith James discuss the city's Task Force For Racial And Ethnic Equality with WLRN's Wilkine Brutus

As a response to the ongoing protests, West Palm Beach Mayor Keith James has created a citywide task force for racial and ethnic equality to identify and address stark racial disparities related to education, wealth, income, housing, poverty, and police reform. He also said he eventually wants the young women and men who took to the streets to have a say in the process.

James said as a Black mayor in West Palm Beach, he felt it was incumbent on him to grasp the moment and see what we can do in terms of making our city a more just city.

He told WLRN, creating the task force was also a way to address the unyielding poverty rate, which, in 2018, stood at 17 percent, according to that years West Palm Beach Economic Development Study. James believes "that there's some systemic causes for that.

The task force includes the Black Chamber of Commerce, Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, State Attorney's Office, subject matter experts within subcommittees, and other leaders appointed by the mayors office.

Here's an excerpt of the mayor's conversation with WLRN, which has been edited for length and clarity.

KEITH JAMES: So we're going to have up to 17 members of the task force itself. And what is consistent from the earlier executive order is that we will have five pillars to really drill down deep into some substantive areas, including education, housing, health care, economics, criminal justice. And I wanted to get a very broad variety of individuals, both from a diversity standpoint, gender standpoint and generational standpoint. I'm intentional about bringing some of those young people who were out on the streets marching and protesting to enter the room. So they are also at the table.

West Palm Beach is still a city in the south. And if you as we dig into its history and we're going to spend a lot of time in those conversations that we do as we dig into the history of West Palm Beach, we will note that our community, as other communities in the South and maybe even around the nation, has not always been at its best when it comes to racial matters.

And so I want the committee to spend time understanding the history, as ugly as it may be, but having those tough, difficult conversations with this very diverse group of accomplished individuals to make sure that we grasp the true history of our city. Because if we sugarcoat that, if we try to just brush that under the rug, I don't think that the committee will be able to do its job to its fullest capability.

WLRN: Is the current mood in the air forcing cities and counties to shift some of their focus and money to racial equity?

Its more than a moment, its a movement. I wanted to take advantage of the platform that I have as an African-American mayor to see what I could do to engage in a conversation. I conducted a town hall shortly after a lot of the demonstrations and the protest began included Congresswoman Lois Frankel, Patrick Franklin, head of the Urban League, and some other notable individuals in our community. And that was very well received. But I knew that was not enough. I said, "What else can I do to capture this moment in time to make sure that we don't lose this moment and that it doesn't just wither away?"

Once the recommendations come out of this task force, how would the public have access to that information?

So there will be a published report. But also one of the things that we want to come out of the task force work are specific policy recommendations that could then be brought to the commission and debated and discussed.

This is certainly I think it's more than a movement. It's a moment. And I think ... as a mayor of this city, I felt it incumbent upon me to grasp the moment and see what we can do in terms of making our city a more just city.

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After Weeks Of Protests, West Palm Beach Creates Task Force To Address Racial And Ethnic Equality - WLRN

A remote workforce, urban exodus and opportunities emerging from the pandemic – CIO Dive

Editor's note: The following is a guest article from Charla Griffy-Brown, PhD, Professor of Information Systems and Technology Management at Pepperdine Graziadio Business School.

Over the past month, major companies, JPMorgan Chase, Barclays and Morgan Stanley, announced they would permit large numbers of employees to work from home on a long term or permanent basis.

The practice of extended or indefinite work-from-home is growing. Twitter and Square's CEO, Jack Dorsey, along with Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg recently notified employees of a permanent work from home policy.Many other tech companies followed suit.

Perhaps less surprising, the acceptance of working remotely is also strongly supported by employees. A recent Gallup poll showed 59% of U.S. workers who moved to remote work on account of the pandemic indicated they would like to continue working from home even after the COVID-19 crisis ends.

Tens of thousands of workers who were once unfamiliar with video conferencing have, in a few short months, achieved expertise. They will naturally keep using these technologies and likely incorporate them into the post-COVID-19 business norm.

What are the potential opportunities for diversity, equity, and inclusion? Can we leverage this shift not only for creating stronger more economically robust communities but also to create stronger businesses with healthier employees?

With that in mind, here are five factors driving work from home arrangements that point to opportunities for community building and employee arrangements that have potential for addressing problems the pandemic unveiled in stark reality: unhealthy work/life habits and the need for greater diversity, equity and inclusion.

There is a collective, growing mindset supercharging the adoption of digital technologies. This will go beyond traditional technology adoption and be seen most starkly geographically as some trends slowly reverse.

For example, Richard Florida coined the term "superstar" metropolitans,places where ambitious and skilled people feel they need to be.

But in recent years, metropolitans benefiting from tech centralization source of much of their wealth have faced the "new urban crisis."

Riddled with affordability and quality of life issues, now coupled with a psychology of social distancing that will leave a shadow as people reexamine risk and family-life differently.

Affordable housing is more available in remote locations and the digital infrastructure required to reliably work from home is stronger.

Traditionally, people move to cities because cities are job hubs. But cities have become unaffordable and create economic hardship for millions of people.

Now with companies welcoming a remote workforce, cities, suburban and rural areas are set to dramatically change. At one point in April, Americans were relocating at twice the pace they did a year earlier, a trend that continued into mid-May,according to data firm Cuebiq.

Future job growth will not hinge on working in an office. According to Brookings,more than one-third of the nation's digital services job growth in the last decade was concentrated in five metro areas: New York, Seattle, Boston, San Francisco, and San Jose, California.

The success of a few large metropolises created geographic inequality and bottlenecks in economic growth in other areas.

Personal wealth growing opportunities will be more balanced. By creating a remote workforce, the U.S. can expand economic wealth and the digital potential for communities that have been "left behind."

The U.S. Chamber of Commerce estimates that increased adoption of online tools and digital services for businesses across rural American could add $140 billion to the U.S. economy and create more than 360,000 jobs.

The opportunity gap will close between the tech elites and tech novices. With higher-wage jobs moving toward permanent remote work, the U.S. moves away from "superstar" metropolitans decentralizing tech across the nation and fostering new tech jobs.

Remote work impacts how society connects, opening up a broader attack surface and increasing the need for cyber-physical security.

Boards and executives should put together "innovation strike-forces" within their organizations to reimagine their future products, services, and how they will do business.

This rapid shift could be a magnitude change, if anticipated and supported through infrastructure growth, including investments in education and services, and intentional corporate efforts to address long-standing equity issues.

Though COVID-19 brought tremendous negative impacts, it also left little choice for workers to adjust to a new, digital normal.

The new digital transformation is not only creating new product/service variations, but leadership, operations and organizational design is also being transformed.

This means that digital leadership, including command/control, is being reinvented.Operations and infrastructure can now be completely decoupled from geography to more efficiently execute delivering new value to stakeholders, including employees.

Industry faces the opportunity for both leadership and employees to develop new skill sets and ask deeper questions regarding employee health, productivity, how to create broader diversity, equity and inclusion which could fuel increased top-line and bottom-line corporate growth.

To achieve these goals we should collectively ask better questions such as:

As the U.S. begins to recover and develop a new "normal," the vibrant tech titans of the U.S. and business leaders have a unique opportunity to recognize the concentration of prosperity and invest in a more stable future across a larger geography with broader diversity, equity, and inclusion.

COVID-19 has given us perspective, and together we have the opportunity to create a future worth wanting.

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A remote workforce, urban exodus and opportunities emerging from the pandemic - CIO Dive

Why are security measures heightened in some KC neighborhoods and not others? – Flatland

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Published August 3rd, 2020 at 1:45 PM

Glass barriers. Metal gates. Visible security cameras.

Ostensibly, each of these things is meant to make a building safer. Theyre often put in place after a crime is committed nearby, designed as deterrents for any future crime. But why do we see these measures more often in minority communities?

Thats what Lisa Middlebrook wondered, except her question focused on post offices. Middlebrook, who is an anti-racist educator, moved from a majority White neighborhood to a majority Black neighborhood. The post office in her new neighborhood on Troost Avenue had a feature her old one did not glass panes that separated customers from postal workers.

To better understand the original curiousKC question, we decided to look at how security measures are implemented and why theyre so prevalent in communities of color.

Daniel Serda, a city planner who specializes in community design, development and historic preservation, said theres a deep history behind these barriers.

In many minority neighborhoods, there is much more perception of crime than there is real crime, Serda said. And theres also much more misperception of crime.

Serda said people not only tend to believe theres more crime in a neighborhood than actually exists but they also tend to believe that certain types of crime occur more often. Part of that, he said, has to do with media coverage. For instance, because some media cover homicides every time they happen, communities think homicides happen more often than other crimes.

Perception is rarely in line with reality, he said. The media plays a big part in reinforcing that bias.

As a result, people associate violent crime with the community in which they happen, which increases their fear of being victimized in that community, according to a report by the Dart Center for Journalism and Trauma.

The presence of certain security measures can be a reflection of the misapprehension of certain types of crimes happening, Serda said.

Security measures such as metal bars, glass barriers and security cameras can then lead to mistrust and confusion among community members. Even though one person involved in a business may feel a barrier was necessary, others might not feel the same way.

For the average member of the public, seeing bulletproof glass between you and the clerk is probably not the most reassuring thing, Serda said. You wonder, whats going on here, or why am I being perceived as a threat?

But when you live in an area with security barriers for most of your life, that becomes normalized.

Wanda Taylor, the corporate secretary for the 49/63 Coalition and former president of the Troostwood Neighborhood Association, lives near Troost Avenue. She said when it comes to barriers like the ones at the post office, its hard to tell that somethings not right.

A part of living in a place for a long time, certain things just become normal, until you start looking at it, Taylor said. When you dont know what the other side looks like, you dont know that something is abnormal. Thats the danger sometimes in implicit bias, because people on either side, their reality is their reality.

White flight, where White people relocated to the suburbs in order to leave racially diverse, urban areas, left a lasting economic impact on minority communities. Businesses reduced investment in urban areas as White customers moved, and many havent returned.

Taylor said when you travel along Troost disinvestment is on full display. She pointed to the abandoned buildings that line the street, boarded up while waiting for new tenants, while new businesses pop up in other areas of town.

Underneath all of that, the reality is that these neighborhoods are looking at decades, generations of disinvestment, Serda said.

Ongoing disinvestment created issues such as food deserts, where grocery stores pulled out of urban areas in favor of the suburbs. Urban areas could be profitable for grocers, but theyre still reluctant to return.

Serda said that when asking businesses why they wont relocate to these neighborhoods now, they often cite security concerns.

If they open up (a business) and you know theyve got a metal screen, and two-inch thick bulletproof glass, it doesnt matter who you are, thats going to send a message, he said.

Serda pointed to a trend in New York during the 70s when street crimes such as pickpocketing and theft were common. In response, many businesses began implementing aggressive security measures like roll-down gates over their storefronts.

It was not unusual, even in the 80s and 90s, youd be walking along after five oclock, and there were these weird metal screen garage doors pulled down in front of all the businesses, he said. Sometimes, you couldnt even see that they were businesses.

In the 90s, economic development professionals began advocating against the measures because they create the perception that an area isnt safe.

They started pushing this argument that this is actually very alienating to the public, and its questionable whether it actually increases security, Serda said. What it tends to do is reinforce identity in certain areas and perception of those areas.

In an effort to make the area more attractive to customers, they began to pay businesses to take down the more extreme security measures. This initiated a shift from metal screens to more subtle features we see now, such as thick glass and cameras.

Serda said that in recent years the security of public buildings has been influenced by changing firearm regulations. Most major public buildings now have some kind of security measure, such as metal detectors, physical barriers and cameras.

The New York Times reported that in Kansas, lawmakers voted to allow concealed firearms in public buildings but granted an exemption. Communities can ban concealed firearms so long as they put security measures such as metal detectors in place. Laws like this force cities and counties to either invest in those measures, a costly endeavor, or permit concealed firearms.

Public spaces, by their nature, are required to be open to everyone. Because of that, Serda said, those spaces consciously had to redesign their security measures with the deregulation of concealed carry.

Additionally, security features in private businesses are spurred by a reaction to a perceived threat the business owner has seen reports of crimes in the media, or there was a crime near their business.

In public spaces, cue the post offices Middlebrook noticed, these features tend to be more intentional. Public institutions often have handbooks guiding their design. In the architects handbook for building post offices, for example, its stipulated that security features must be unobtrusive. But it lacks specific guidance on what unobtrusive means, so theres still room for individual variation in different communities.

Municipal and federal buildings are guided much more by specific design guidelines, he said. But there are people internally helping shape those decisions.

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Church amid COVID-19: Alice Drive Baptist’s readiness for online services connects families across the world – Sumter Item

All our coronavirus coverage is free to the public. Its the right thing to do as a public service to our community. If you find this article helpful or informative and want to support our continued coverage, please subscribe orsupport us with a tax-deductible donation.

To find all our coronavirus coverage, including helpful local resources and website links,click here.

This is the first in an occasional series spotlighting faith-based communities in Sumter, Clarendon and Lee County with a focus on how the congregation and its leaders are reacting and adjusting to the COVID-19 pandemic.

The first week Alice Drive Baptist Church elected to not have in-person services due to the coronavirus pandemic was on March 22. When it resumed in-person services on May 31 following the implementation of social distancing, disinfecting and cleansing guidelines, the Rev. Clay Smith said attendance was about half of what it would be pre-coronavirus.

However, with the spike in positive coronavirus cases and deaths in the weeks following, in-person numbers dipped.

"That has fallen off now to about 20% to 25% of a normal crowd," Smith said. "We think a small percentage of that is just summer stuff, but the much larger is that people are still uncomfortable coming to a large public gathering. We have the benefit of being able to arrange our chairs where the rows are 6 feet apart, and we've got it about as socially distanced as we can. But still we recognize that there are some who just aren't comfortable coming back yet.

"Essentially, some of it is older people, and some of it is families with young children, and some of it is just people that if they get sick - they're self-employed - then they wouldn't be able to work. So that just puts them in a difficult position, and they just don't want to take any chances."

That hasn't deterred the church itself from limiting its worship services, though. The Loring Mill Road church is still having three Sunday morning services as well as a Monday service, while its Pocalla campus on Bethel Church Road is having two Sunday services.

Smith said the biggest combined number upon return to in-person services was 730, whereas the typical number is 1,500. And while those numbers have dropped off, Smith doesn't think that has come because of a state of fear.

"I honestly feel that it's shifted somewhat," Smith said. "I think at first people had a lot of fear, and now people are more like, 'We need to be wise, and we're really ready for this to be over.' Most of our people, they're not rattled by it. They really are walking in faith, I would say."

While the number of people coming to the church is obviously down, Smith said the tithes and offerings to the church have remained strong.

"We have been extraordinarily blessed," he said. "Our people have continued to give, and we're within 5% of our giving projection goal.

"It shows some good, spiritual maturity on their part, that they're not just thinking about church as just what's in it for me, but they're recognizing this is a time where they want to lean in and say, 'We want to be generous for what our church is doing and continue to support our ministries.'"

When the in-person services were stopped, many churches turned to online and social media options. Fortunately for Alice Drive, it was already well-versed in producing services online.

"We had already been doing online, and we actually hired a part-time online minister to do that for us," Smith said. "So we're really thankful God led us in that direction because we didn't have to scramble at the last minute to try to figure out how to do it."

As one might expect, the numbers of those participating online have increased dramatically. Prior to the shutdown, Smith said the church had an average of about 350 devices linked to the services. Since then, it is between 1,000 and 1,200 on a Sunday.

The good thing, Smith said, is it's not just locals watching the services.

"What's amazing is I know of a couple of situations where some smaller churches, like in Oklahoma and Florida that have not reopened, they have some family connections, so they're watching us online, which is just like amazing to me," Smith said. "We have a thing that shows you the geographic cluster, and there's like 20 devices in northeast Oklahoma that watch us every Sunday."

Smith said he knows the church is being watched by those living overseas, as well, and that's likely due to the church's military connections with Shaw Air Force Base.

"That's really humbling," Smith said of the services being viewed in countries such as England, Afghanistan and Qatar.

Along with the Sunday and Monday services, Alice Drive also has student meetings outdoors on Wednesdays and also holds small "life groups" meeting in person and via Zoom, as well.

Smith doesn't see any increase in services at the church happening at this time.

"Right now, we're probably going to stay right where we are, and we're just looking for signs that the infection rate goes down and the death rate goes down," Smith said. "And at that point, then we'll probably consider moving back to having Sunday morning groups. But right now, putting people in small rooms in small groups may not be the wisest thing for us."

As people deal with the pandemic and other issues, such as movements against systemic racism and racial injustice, taking place in the country, Smith thinks being connected with the Lord is imperative.

"People need to be responsible for caring for their whole soul," he said. "So they need to be wise about how they take care of their body, but they also need to be nurturing that spiritual relationship they have with the Lord. This is a time to really stay connected to a church or get connected to a church, get connected to whatever gives you some spiritual hope. And that has to be something that right now is intentional because there is just so much going on that wants to rob us of our hope."

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Church amid COVID-19: Alice Drive Baptist's readiness for online services connects families across the world - Sumter Item

Letter: Liberal representatives have lost their way – Opinion – Lincoln Courier

TuesdayAug4,2020at9:45AM

Our liberal members of the U.S. House of Representatives have lost their ethics. Attorney General Barr was recently invited to testify before the House Judiciary Committee for a so-called "hearing." Mr. Barr was confronted with incendiary questions from liberal committee members and each time he responded, these Congressmen rudely interrupted him by stating, "I am reclaiming my time". This charade was planned to embarrass him while providing committee members an opportunity to promote their own views. Thoughtful people can see through these shameful actions.

Do we want these people representing us in Congress? They are supposed to do the legislative work of our country but all they do is use their positions to promote their political bias. What a disgraceful scene watching the behavior of Chairman Nadler and others.

Mr.Nadler even had the audacity to suggest that the Portland demonstrators were peaceful. Did he miss seeing the demonstrators throwing rocks and bottles, and blinding three federal agents with lasers pointed at their eyes?

Liberal Congressmen are more concerned with the "rights" of the mob than they are in supporting police and federal agents. The federal government has every right to protect property. Since when are riotous mobs allowed to destroy anything they please?

Lady Justice has lost control. Yet, this is an election year and voters can support law and order candidates. Lets restore Lady Justice to her throne by defeating anti-law and order lawmakers. Support your vote with discerning analysis of the candidates and oppose liberal destroyers of democracy and freedom.

Imee Miedema, Springfield

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Letter: Liberal representatives have lost their way - Opinion - Lincoln Courier

Roberts is no GOP villain or liberal savior. Hes a dyed-in-the-wool conservative – The Boston Globe

The latest GOP jeers came after an order from the Court late last Friday rejecting a bid by a Nevada church to block state COVID-19 attendance restrictions, which impose tighter limits on churches than on businesses like casinos. Like most summary orders, the justices gave no reason for siding against the church, but Roberts joined the more liberal justices in the vote.

That spurred Republicans to pounce, blasting Roberts for failing to zealously guard what they view as religious rights.

Senator Ted Cruz of Texas tweeted that Roberts abandoned his oath and suggested that churches would be better served by the court if they set up craps tables.

Earlier the year, Roberts also joined the courts liberals in turning aside abortion restrictions enacted in Louisiana, citing court precedent. Senator Josh Hawley of Missouri threw down a new gauntlet. I will vote only for those Supreme Court nominees who have explicitly acknowledged that Roe v. Wade is wrongly decided, Hawley told The Washington Post. By explicitly acknowledged, I mean on the record and before they were nominated.

Trump explicitly made Robertss vote an election battle cry, tweeting: Wow! Win in 2020!

But ironically, the Republican ire gives Roberts political cover to be the conservative he has long shown himself to be.

Because what he wants people to do is think the court is a nonpolitical institution that isnt beholden to the Republican Party, said Tom Goldstein, a veteran Supreme Court practitioner and cofounder of the SCOTUSblog website. So weirdly, the more he is attacked for not advancing their agenda, the more he accomplishes one of his goals. He cares enormously about the institution and how its perceived, and about its legitimacy.

And by careful managing of the publics perceptions and expectations of the court, Roberts can lead it through a tumultuous election year, with plenty of time to spare in his still-young tenure to steer the court firmly to the right.

A close look at last weeks vote by Roberts, along with other votes he cast with the liberal justices of the court this term, reveals no leftward shift in the chief justices jurisprudence, but rather what appears to be a knack for avoiding political firestorms and biding time to bring his true judicial conservatism to bear.

Yes, he was the deciding vote that kept Trump from nixing the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals order, or DACA, protecting young Dreamers from deportation. But only on a technicality, ruling simply that Trump didnt follow statutory rules governing how to dismantle the program.

He declined to give Trump blanket immunity against subpoenas from House Democrats and New York prosecutors seeking the presidents tax returns and other financial documents. But in the process, Roberts narrowed the scope of lawmakers ability to act as such a check on the executive.

He sidestepped attempts by his fellow conservative justices to add gun rights to the docket and restrict abortion rights, but those issues remain teed up for a less politically fraught moment in the future when the right cases appear. Roberts has already made clear what side hell be on when hes ready to cast substantive votes on those issues, as well as votes on voting rights, affirmative action, and immigration.

He is a dyed-in-the-wool conservative, said Melissa Murray, a constitutional law expert at New York University School of Law. His carefully cast votes, she said, give John Roberts more cover to be conservative.

That means progressives who want long-term protection of reproductive rights, voting rights, and gun control shouldnt confuse the GOPs impatience with Roberts as victory. The onus lies on Democrats to roll up their legislative sleeves and be as effective as Republicans have been in convincing voters that the control of the Supreme Court is a crucial campaign issue. Because when Roberts has enough political cover to be his true ideological self, progressives will likely no longer be cheering.

Editorials represent the views of the Boston Globe Editorial Board. Follow us on Twitter at @GlobeOpinion.

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Roberts is no GOP villain or liberal savior. Hes a dyed-in-the-wool conservative - The Boston Globe