Daily Archives: October 24, 2021

Bill Maher Defends Dave Chappelle: Im Team Dave, but That Doesnt Mean Im Anti-Trans. – The Mary Sue

Posted: October 24, 2021 at 11:42 am

Of course, HBOs Bill Maher took some time on his show,Real-Time, to pushback against criticism aimed at comedian Dave Chappelle, whose Netflix special has come under fire for being transphobic and caused a walkout from trans employees.

On a panel with failed presidential and New York mayoral candidate Andrew Yang and John McWhorter, a writer who once said, victimology, separatism, and anti-intellectualism underlie the general black communitys response to all race-related issues, they talked about the issue. So you know we are dealing with the cream of the crop right here.

The discussion opens up with Maher wanting to set up that all three cis-men favor laws to protect trans people and that if they said that can they have an honest conversation?

McWhorter then goes, Many people dont think so but. Already a great start.

Then it comes to discussing the concept of the one true opinion and what that does for online discourse.

Im a free speech guy. Now, Im Team Dave, but that doesnt mean Im anti-trans. We can have two thoughts in our head at the same time, Maher says.

Sadly, it is so comedic to watch because he takes umbrage with the idea that there are no two sides to the discussion and that disagreeing with trans people doesnt equal hate. Yet, he is not saying what he disagrees with. So then it goes into this we just got gay marriage and we were boy and girl for a long time, and Yang and McWhorternod there. Very generic statements that dont actually seem to discuss anything about the issues at hand, besides generational discomfort.

The thing that makes Mahers comments so frustrating is that it edges on this common sense discussion line where hes making it clear that he doesnt hate or fear trans people, but he also seems to think people should be allowed to be uncomfortable with the realities of what it means to be trans. And he says it in a way that makes me realize why parents all over the world are trapped into thinking hes making good points.

McWhorter is a former professor of linguistics. Now I only have a masters degree, but even Ive readGender Trouble by Judith Butler andThe History of Sexualityby Michel Foucault. Hell, Christine Jorgensen was the face of trans issues and was famous for being a trans woman in the 1950s. So these things are not new. So as an intellectual, he could easily push back, but his record shows that he is against the idea of people being victims and his upcoming book definitely sees there being an agenda with woke culture.

Maher says that he doesnt think he is down with the idea of people not having a gender when they are born and that he doesnt have to be. And hes right, and he doesnt. But there is a difference between not realizing what that means and using your platform to knock it.

It is funny to me how McWhorter tries to make this point that Chappelle is a comedian, and therefore what Chappelle is saying is nuanced and symbolic, but people read it like its The Three Bears.

Yet, at no point do they say what exactly is nuanced or symbolic about Chappelles special. McWhorter also tries to make the point Chappelle erred by not addressing power differentials. Still, a significant part of what Chappelle says is asking the LGBTQ community to stop punching down on his community.

Maher says he condemns trans hate but doesnt think that Chappelle has anything to do with it. Is Dave Chappelle responsible for transphobia? No. Does his comedy special promote ideas that are used to invalidate trans peoples existence and identity and promote them to the mainstream as common sense rational discussion? Yes. And that does matter to trans people.

Dont want to call it transphobic because you dont hate or fear trans people? Fine. Its ignorant. Its dismissive of how trans people discuss themselves. It is just not as clever as yall think it is.

Are there issues in the LGBTQ community with whiteness, anti-Blackness, and using morality as a gotcha? Yup. And you know who is most affected by that? People within the LGBTQ community.

Not Dave Chappelle, who has a ton of money and public backing from people. Not Kevin Hart, who has his own show and is still a popular actor/comedian. Not Da Baby, who is still performing big shows.

Free speech works both ways, and people are allowed to say, no, actually, we cant debate my existence while it is still legal on the books to discriminate against me.

Maher doesnt think you should be afraid to speak in America. Well, it doesnt look like Dave Chappelle is afraid. Trans people are, though, but I guess they should be okay with it because weve had girls and boys for a long time.

(via Deadline, image: HBO)

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To protect our privacy and free speech, Canada needs to overhaul its approach to regulating online harms – The Conversation CA

Posted: at 11:42 am

In the wake of the leaks by Facebook whistleblower Frances Haugen, at least one thing remains clear: social media companies cannot be left to their own devices for addressing harmful content online.

But Canada is currently on a path to regulating online harms that global experts like the Global Network Initiative, Ranking Digital Rights, internet scholar Daphne Keller, legal scholar Michael Geist and others have decried as among the worst in the world.

Why was this law proposed in Canada, and why now? Immediately after the storming of the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, Justin Trudeaus Liberal government began to make good on an election promise from 2019 to introduce a law modelled after the German Network Enforcement Act commonly known as NetzDG.

Read more: Planned social media regulations set a dangerous precedent

Despite Canadas longstanding role as a champion of human rights and internet freedom, the law proposed has numerous flaws that call the countrys reputation into question.

The Canadian law would have 24-hour content blocking requirements for illegal content just like the German law, which has provided a blueprint for online censorship by authoritarian regimes.

But the law would go much further than Germanys NetzDG, and not in a good way. NetzDG requires removal of manifestly unlawful content within 24 hours but gives platforms seven days to assess content that falls in legally gray areas. There is no nuance like this in Canadas proposed blocking requirements, and thats a problem.

Canadas requirement is bound to lead to over-removal and the censorship of legitimate speech, especially given that companies can face massive fines of up to five per cent of gross global revenues or $25 million under the proposed law. There is also mounting evidence that automated removal decisions by platforms are biased against marginalized and racialized communities, causing further harms to the very people that this law aims to protect.

The proposed law could well require websites and social media companies to proactively monitor and filter five types of content posted online ranging from terrorist content to intimate images shared without consent. It would also force websites to disclose personally identifying information to law enforcement and intelligence agencies.

Entire websites could be blocked in Canada, with enormous implications for the rights to free expression and access to information in Canada and beyond.

But requiring websites and social media platforms to proactively monitor content and feed data on their users to the police is tantamount to pre-publication censorship, according to David Kaye, former special rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression.

It also effectively transforms online service providers into an investigative tool and suspicion database for law enforcement.

When combined, these intrusive obligations pose an unacceptable risk to the privacy of Canadians and have no place in the laws of a free and democratic society.

The Canadian Internet Policy and Public Interest Clinic at the University of Ottawa, and many other non-governmental organizations ranging from Citizen Lab to the Internet Society of Canada and the Canadian Civil Liberties Association, have all filed comments describing the problems with the law.

What happens in Canada wont stay in Canada. Just as with the landmark ruling in Google Inc vs. Equustek Solutions Inc, which enabled worldwide online takedowns and spawned international imitators, other countries will leap on Canadas example to pass similar laws that advance their own governmental interests.

Canada needs a new approach to regulating online harms that respects human rights. We must change course before authoritarian regimes replicate Canadas approach for intrusive surveillance, censorship and other human rights abuses.

A fundamental problem with the Canadian online harms legislation is that it deals with the most controversial aspect of internet governance the issue of online speech regulation in isolation.

Unlike its global peers in the United States and the European Union, there has been no conversation in Canada about the bigger picture of big tech regulation.

Canada hasnt reckoned with the business models of behemoth social media platforms premised on surveillance capitalism and the problems of anti-competitive actions by technology companies.

Nor has the government devoted a fraction of the political energy it is spending on online harms to reforming Canadas outdated online privacy laws.

After Trudeaus Liberal government called for a snap election, his party promised to introduce legislation to regulate online harms within 100 days.

Some promises are best not kept. This is one of them.

The digital rights community needs to hold Canada to account and urge Canada to slow down, think things through, and come up with a model of internet regulation that should be emulated and not avoided around the world.

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Freedom of speech on the line in ‘New Uzbekistan’ – FRANCE 24

Posted: at 11:42 am

Issued on: 22/10/2021 - 12:40Modified: 22/10/2021 - 12:38

Termez (Uzbekistan) (AFP)

With plans to construct brand new apartments in its place, officials offered Sattoriy a fraction of his home's worth in compensation, sparking indignation and action.

The 41-year-old quickly gained a loyal following with coverage of other forced evictions and videos blaming the authorities for high food prices, neglecting heating infrastructure and corruption at state companies.

Sattoriy and other citizen journalists were emboldened by assurances from President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, who, after taking power in 2016 was undertaking reforms unthinkable under his predecessor, an infamous rights abuser in Central Asia.

"Otabek took his lead from the president who said 'expose all shortcomings, don't be afraid, criticise. I Shavkat Miromonovich Mirziyoyev stand behind you,'" his father recalled in an interview with AFP.

"Everyone began to phone him. He tried to solve their problems -- wherever there was no gas, wherever the roads weren't paved, wherever there was no running water," 69-year-old Abdumannon Sattoriy said, crossed-legged on the floor of the modest family home in southern Uzbekistan.

Then police swooped in.

In January, more than 20 plain-clothes security officers raided Sattoriy's home in Termez near the border with Afghanistan.

"They were searching everywhere. Otabek's desk, all the furniture, our laundry, they turned it all over," Abdumannon Sattoriy recounted.

Ultimately, the blogger was arrested and jailed in May for more than six years on defamation and embezzlement charges.

The ruling drew condemnation from international rights groups which say it points to the limits of free speech under Mirziyoyev's rule -- set to be extended in a vote Sunday.

The Committee to Protect Journalists called the case "a clear attempt to frighten the press away from covering sensitive issues as presidential elections grow near".

It also contradicted changes in the media landscape under Mirziyoyev after his predecessor tolerated no independent media and bad news was ignored completely.

It rendered him the first media worker to be jailed since the passing of the guard between Islam Karimov and his former prime minister of 13 years, 64-year-old Mirziyoyev.

The president, who is facing off against four token candidates Sunday, has been credited with bringing the country out of deep isolation, loosening tight controls over Islam and the media and ending forced labour in the Central Asian country's cotton fields.

In the years before the case, authorities had released several journalists jailed under Karimov, including an editor and a reporter -- Muhammad Bekjanov and Yusuf Ruzimuradov -- who were the two longest-imprisoned media workers in the world.

"Vibrant and dynamic outlets have emerged that regularly report on sensitive topics ranging from high-level corruption to police misconduct", said Steve Swerdlow, associate professor of the practise of human rights at the University of Southern California.

For the last year or more, however, "ugly authoritarian habits have reared their head," Swerdlow said.

Moving forward, the path for journalists and bloggers is complicated by vaguely worded media legislation that gives law enforcement latitude to make arbitrary arrests, according to Dilfuza Kurolova, a lawyer in the capital Tashkent.

Kurolova argues multiple economic and social crises unleashed by the pandemic might help explain the recent backsliding on freedom of speech.

"There was always going to be a time that the state needed to show its hegemony," she told AFP.

The tightening of screws on new media outlets and bloggers has raised questions about Mirziyoyev's commitment to freedoms his regime has allowed.

The problems highlighted in Sattoriy's blogs were far from unique in his region and have undermined a state media narrative of rapid economic progress.

But for Sattoriy's father, it is provincial officials who are to blame for his son's plight, not Uzbekistan strongman.

"He is a real president," said Sattoriy, a lifelong communist who held posts in his region's Soviet-era party.

"I make no secret of it -- on Sunday I will go and vote for him just like I did five years ago."

2021 AFP

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Opinion | To protect freedom of speech, keep hate speech – Daily Illini

Posted: at 11:42 am

Photo Courtesy of Anthony Crider/Flickr

People counter-protest the Unite the Right rally held by far-right, white supremacy groups in Charlottesville, Virginia on Aug 12, 2017. Columnist Judith Race believes that completely banning hate speech goes against freedom of expression, and its exposure allows people to learn and fight against it.

In 1978, neo-Nazis sought to march through Skokie, Illinois, where one-sixth of the Jewish townspeople were Holocaust survivors or descendants thereof. To protect liberty for all Americans, the American Civil Liberties Union defended the right of the Nazis to stage their march.

However, even after winning the case, the wannabe brownshirts were too gutless to go to Skokie. What the ACLU demonstrates, though, is the importance of defending the freedom of expression for ideologies and people who are utterly abhorrent. Refusing to protect others rights risks compromising everyones freedoms.

Defending freedom of expression is on many peoples minds around campus as the student body contemplates a proposal by the University: policy number FO-82, Expressive Activity On Campus. With questions about protest and expression in the air, there is no time like the present to discuss free speech absolutism.

At its core, free speech absolutism is about the total protection of expression, with few restrictions. This is at odds with recent discourses on banning hate speech since absolute freedom of speech includes all expressions short of defamation, incitement of violence and similar crimes.

The Constitution and judiciary have protected the absolutist doctrine for good reason. As Justice William O. Douglas posited, allowing the legislature and courts to ban harmful expression is effectively signing a blank check for them to mold society as they see fit.

Those who hold office could quash dissent as they please, arguing that political disharmony is detrimental to the nations productivity and efficiency. With polarization at a fever pitch, now would be the worst time to pass such a law, as elites would undoubtedly abuse it for political gain. Therefore, the government must allow the expression of all beliefs in public spaces, no matter their vitriol and bigotry.

As a major public forum in the C-U community, the University campus should also allow for unfettered expression. After all, the purpose of college is to educate and prepare students for the world. If the University bans hate speech on campus, who would prepare students to combat the hate that exists beyond the Main Quad and Allen Hall?

Hate, whether most people care to admit it, is part of what makes people human it is a part of the imperfection of humanity. One cannot find freedom from hate by hiding from it, nor from hiding hate itself. Confronting the destructiveness of its tendencies by shining a light on it is the only path to controlling it.

Banning hate speech does momentarily insulate the population from threatening, infectious ideas. However, as W. B. Yeats said, Things fall apart; the centre cannot hold. Such insulation would last until the virus of hate infiltrates the peoples minds again, as it mutates to avoid restriction via anonymous online forums, VPNs, the dark web and so on.

To prevent hate from spreading, there must be inoculation. Prioritize teaching people how to fight bigotry, so they can fight hate in the daylight on their terms rather than banning hate and hunting it by moonlight in unfamiliar terrain.

Judith is a senior in LAS.

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The Nobel Peace Prize and Free Speech in the Philippines – The Diplomat

Posted: at 11:42 am

ASEAN Beat|Politics|Southeast Asia

The awarding of the prize to pioneering journalist Maria Ressa points to the deterioration in press freedom under President Duterte.

Journalist Maria Ressa launches her book From Bin Laden to Facebook in Manila, Philippines, on October 12, 2012.

The awarding of the 2021 Nobel Peace Prize to journalists Maria Ressa and Dmitry Muratov highlighted the role of independent media outlets in challenging authoritarian governments around the world. In the case of the Philippines, it put a spotlight on how truth-seekers like Ressa have stood their ground in the face of the relentless state-backed attacks targeting the media during the presidency of Rodrigo Duterte.

The Nobel prize was announced on October 8, the same day that Senator Bato dela Rosa filed his certificate of candidacy as president representing the ruling party. Bato was a former police chief who enforced Dutertes notorious anti-drug campaign (known locally as Tokhang) in 2016 and 2017. It is ironic that the ruling party presented the Tokhang implementer as its standard-bearer in the 2022 elections on the day Ressa was recognized by the Nobel Committee for her work exposing the abuses of the police and other security forces.

This explains why the presidential palace was slow to praise Ressas Nobel victory. The president and his subordinates know fully well that the award reflects the decline of press freedom in the country. When a half-hearted greeting to Ressa was finally given by the presidents spokesperson, it was quickly followed up by a denial that freedom of expression has been suppressed under the Duterte administration.

For winning the Nobel, Ressa is qualified to receive the Senate Medal of Excellence, but Dutertes allies wanted this to be placed on a vote. Senator Bato is among those who are questioning the merits of honoring Ressa by echoing the assertion of the presidents spokesperson about press freedom being alive and robust in the time of Duterte.

This claim can be easily disputed by citing last years forced closure of ABS-CBN, the countrys biggest media network, after its franchise renewal application was denied by Congress. Duterte made no secret about his intent to shut down the broadcaster and his allies in Congress made sure that this was successfully carried out. Thousands of jobs were lost, the publics right to information was eroded, and the silencing of a media giant has created a chilling effect among the ranks of media practitioners.

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Aside from closing down ABS-CBN, the Duterte government can be accused of failing to end the culture of impunity as media killings remain unabated in the past five years. Attacks against the media have worsened, according to the monitoring of the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP).

When 20 of us have been killed, four of us have been jailed, when there have been 37 cases of libel brought against our own, and 230 cases of varied attacks in our ranks, we feel the big chill, the NUJP said in response to the statement of the presidents spokesperson, who denied that journalists are worried about the rise of censorship in the country.

Get briefed on the story of the week, and developing stories to watch across the Asia-Pacific.

It should be added that free speech was curtailed even during the pandemic. Authorities invoked the state of emergency to criminalize the posting of so-called fake news. Several critics and activists were detained for the alleged violation of health protocols. Journalists are among those victimized by redbaiting operations, which usually ends in an act of violence or incarceration as in the case of 22-year-old Frenchie Mae Cumpio, who was arrested based on a trumped-up accusation that she is part of the armed communist movement.

Recently, the military was pinpointed by a government agency as being the source of cyber attacks targeting alternative news websites. Another worrisome development is the purging of subversive books from at least three universities upon the instigation of the police and military.

It is against this alarming backdrop that we should review the work of Ressa and how she wielded her pen to explain how the Duterte government weaponized laws and social media to stifle free speech. This has angered Duterte so much that he has personally attacked Ressa on numerous occasions. His government had filed eight charges against Ressa and the news company she founded, Rappler. These are obviously politically motivated and intended to intimidate Ressa and other hard-hitting journalists. Ressas response to hold the line and defend the truth became the battle cry of many journalists facing persecution. She never wavered in her duty as a journalist despite the intensified harassment she received from the president and his cyber troll army.

For her courageous work of speaking truth to power, Ressa deserves to receive the Nobel Peace Prize and she is right to share the honor with fellow journalists who are standing their ground and fearlessly confronting Dutertes authoritarian regime.

For the allies of the president in the Senate who are hesitant to offer another medal to Ressa, the least they can do is recommend the dropping of the eight remaining charges against the first Filipino Nobel laureate.

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House Democrats Are Retiring as Party Fears Losing Majority – The New York Times

Posted: at 11:39 am

Democrats insist that unique factors will make the 2022 elections history defying. Mr. Trump, the Capitol attack of Jan. 6, the pandemic and the fate of democracy itself will share the ballot with the usual issues of economic growth and the performance of the president.

While voters see Democrats rebooting the economy and getting folks back on the job, Republicans are campaigning on junk science that is endangering peoples lives and false election claims that threaten our democracy, said Chris Taylor, a spokesman for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee.

Redistricting will make the Democratic road steeper. David Wasserman, who tracks new district maps for the nonpartisan Cook Political Report, said so far, Democratic fears look somewhat overblown Republican state legislatures have already gerrymandered their maps so severely that they can only go so much further. Republicans appear more intent on shoring up their vulnerable incumbents than destroying Democratic seats, he said.

In contrast, Democratic legislatures, especially in New York and Illinois, may actually produce more partisan maps than their G.O.P. brethren. In all, Mr. Wasserman said, Republicans could net up to five seats from new district lines, possibly enough to win the majority but far fewer than the 10 to 15 seats some Democrats fear.

Nonetheless, the new maps are pushing Democrats toward retirement. Mr. Doyle said he expects his district, which was once dominated by the city of Pittsburgh, to expand into more Trump-friendly counties to allow some of his Democratic voters to shore up the swing district now held by Representative Conor Lamb, a Democrat who is running for the states open Senate seat.

He could still win, he said, but he would have a whole new set of constituents, staff to hire, offices to open and hands to shake. After 26 years in the House, retirement was logical.

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Influential Texas Democrat says she’s ‘fed up, but fired up’ and hopes political pendulum swings back towards the middle – WFAA.com

Posted: at 11:39 am

State Rep. Yvonne Davis, of Dallas, says shes disappointed with the level of politics influencing that happened under the Capitol dome versus policy itself.

DALLAS While Republicans finish the 2021 legislative cycle having accomplished just about everything they wanted, Democrats leave Austin nearly empty-handed.

And at least one says shes disappointed and disgusted with the level of politics influencing that happened under the Capitol dome versus policy itself. And state Rep. Yvonne Davis says the most vulnerable communities are the ones being attacked.

People just want to ignore the rights of minorities and their right to vote, their right for fair representation. So, its just a continuation of what can we do to the people to harm them, the Democrat from Dallas said on Inside Texas Politics. We didnt get anything.

Even though the vast majority of growth in Texas over the past decade was fueled by minority populations, making Texas the only state to gain two seats in Congress, Republicans solidified their power with their new political maps. They insist the new districts follow all federal voting rights laws and are race blind. Democrats say since 95% of that growth was because of Texans of color, the maps are discriminatory.

And to not represent that with the maps that we drew, its unconscionable, Rep. Davis said.

At least one federal lawsuit has already been filed, with the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF) arguing the maps weaken the strength of Hispanic voters and violate the federal Voting Rights Act. Many more lawsuits are expected to follow.

It all concerns Rep. Davis, who fears some voters may be losing confidence in the process altogether, which will lead to fewer people participating in electoral politics. But she thinks Democrats can use it to motivate their voters. And while she mentioned no specific names or offices, she says some good candidates are still considering a run for office.

The process, it always swings back. And this pendulum of conservative take all you can, while you can, when you can, will grow old for the citizens of Texas and they will want their government back in the middle, she said.

Rep. Davis says its clear the system is broken, from the states pandemic fight to battles over mask and vaccine mandates to several school districts even suing the governor. The influential Democrat says it all has her "fed up," but also "fired up."

I think that one of the challenges for folks like myself is, because we know it can be better, is to get fired up and try to make it better, fed up with the stupid stuff, and energized enough to try to get people motivated to recognize its not getting better, its deteriorating and it requires them to get engaged, said the Dallas Democrat.

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What Democrats need to do to avoid self-destruction | TheHill – The Hill

Posted: at 11:39 am

After weeks of unfruitful intraparty infighting over their agenda, it has become clear that the Democratic Party is headed down a self-destructive path.

President BidenJoe BidenGrant Woods, longtime friend of McCain and former Arizona AG, dies at 67 Sanders on Medicare expansion in spending package: 'Its not coming out' Glasgow summit raises stakes for Biden deal MOREs bipartisan infrastructure bill is still being held hostage by progressives, who have threatened to kill the bipartisan agreement if its brought to a vote before the party finalizes their expansive social spending package, also known as the 'Build Back Better plan.

However, it seems highly unlikely that moderates namely, Sens. Joe ManchinJoe ManchinSanders on Medicare expansion in spending package: 'Its not coming out' Glasgow summit raises stakes for Biden deal Sunday shows preview: CDC signs off on 'mix and match' vaccine boosters MORE (D-W.Va.) and Kyrsten SinemaKyrsten SinemaSunday shows preview: CDC signs off on 'mix and match' vaccine boosters Buttigieg aims to use Tucker Carlson flap to spotlight paternity leave Biden injects new momentum into filibuster fight MORE (D-Ariz.) will come together with progressives on a framework for the Build Back Better plan. At this point, it actually seems more likely that Manchin and Sinema will be driven from the party.

Negotiations hit a new impasse this week when Sinema made clear that she would not vote to raise taxes on high-income earners or corporations to pay for the bill.

In a CNN townhall, Biden acknowledged that talks were faltering: [Sinema] will not raise a single penny in taxes on the corporate side and/or on wealthy people, period, Biden said. And so thats where it sort of breaks down.

Enough is enough. There is simply no good reason for Democrats to continue down the ill-fated path of pushing for this so-called transformational legislation when there is no political will, support or consensus surrounding it.

Instead, Biden and Democratic leaders need to convey to members of both parties that their first priority going forward will be passing the presidents historic bipartisan infrastructure bill in order to urgently repair and modernize our nations crumbling infrastructure.

Then, rather than pushing for a $2-trillion or $3-trillion-dollar social spending bill which both progressives and moderates have problems with, and no Republicans support the party should move forward with each initiative separately.

How, given the circumstances, should Democratic party leaders move forward with a vote on the bipartisan infrastructure bill?

Dare progressives to vote against it. Call their bluff. And if they oppose it, attack them directly.

Even if some progressives still decide to vote no on the bipartisan agreement as a result, it is not out of the question that more Republicans will be moved to vote yes on to the bipartisan bill, given that it would no longer be tied to a massive social spending bill that every single congressional Republican opposes.

The approach I have suggested is both in line with and in part inspired by the one New York Times Bret Stephens outlined in his recent editorial, in which he called for Democrats to: disaggregate the spending bill into separate items of legislation that could be voted on la carte, according to their merits and political appeal.

Indeed, once the bipartisan bill has passed, then, Democratic leaders should move forward with each initiative in the Build Back Better plan separately. This would mean forcing a simple, separate yes or no vote on each policy or area within the larger package paid family leave, the child tax credit, prescription drug pricing and climate initiatives, to name a few.

This way, the onus is on the Republicans and the various fighting wings in the party to compromise issue-by-issue on policies that voters can understand.

Comparatively, if Democrats continue on with their current approach to the Build Back Better agenda, there are only two possible outcomes, neither of which will leave the party in a stronger position.

If by some unlikely turn of events, Democrats are able to reach an agreement on a reconciliation package, it is inevitable that neither progressives nor moderates will be completely happy with it. Further, no Republicans will vote for it. The end result will be a multi-trillion-dollar expenditure that progressives dont think went far enough, moderates feel went too far, and Republicans stood in uniform opposition to.

Or, more likely, negotiations will drag on, no deal will be reached, and President Biden will be left with very little to show for legislatively entering a midterm election year. And you can count on voters taking their frustration over the dysfunction in Washington to the ballot box in November 2022.

Of course, the approach Ive outlined could fail in part or in all when it comes to securing the passage of legislation. However, Biden whose national approval rating is underwater, especially among Independent voters and Democratic leaders will at least be perceived as being closer to the center, and as standing up for whats right in the face of obstruction from the far-right and far-left.

If nothing else, this approach will at least change the national narrative. It will no longer appear to voters as though President Biden and the entire Democratic party are ineffective and blameworthy. Rather, voters will place any blame squarely on the far-left, as well as the far-right, for impeding progress.

A final word to my fellow Democrats:

We dont need massive spending and taxation initiatives. We dont need inflation-fueling policies.

We do need a limited and focused amount of government that delivers targeted, practical economic and social policies.

It is time to rise above petty politics and deliver for the American people.

If Democrats cannot rise above the challenges of intramural party politics, they are almost certain to be brought down by their real adversaries in the form of Donald TrumpDonald TrumpGrant Woods, longtime friend of McCain and former Arizona AG, dies at 67 Super PACs release ad campaign hitting Vance over past comments on Trump Glasgow summit raises stakes for Biden deal MORE and his supporters seeking political revenge in the 2022 midterm and 2024 presidential elections.

Douglas E. Schoen is a political consultant who served as an adviser to President Clinton and to the 2020 presidential campaign of Michael BloombergMichael BloombergDemocrats' combative approach to politics is doing more harm than good Battling over Biden's agenda: A tale of two Democratic parties Budget impasses mark a critical turning point in Biden's presidency MORE. He is the author of, The End of Democracy? Russia and China on the Rise and America in Retreat."

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Sinema Is the Dying Scream of the Corporate Democratic Party – The Intercept

Posted: at 11:39 am

Kyrsten Sinema might be on the young side for a senator less than half the age of some of her colleagues but she represents the Democratic Partys past. Think of her and Sen. Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., as the dead hands reaching out of the grave, grabbing at the party as it tries to move on from them. They might have managed to claw back spending on the Build Back Better Act, but the reality that their time has passed is clear. And the way you can measure this most directly is in terms of dollars.

For Sinema in particular, her approach to the negotiations to push against social spending and tax hikes on the rich and corporations has cost her badly in the polls at home and hasnt had much of an upside when it comes to campaign cash. Her model of politics is outdated, though it has beenthe dominant form for most of her life.

In the 1980s, in response to the Reagan Revolution and the ongoing realignment that broke what Democrats thought was a permanent stranglehold on Congress, the party developed what was called at the time a PAC strategy but today is just called fundraising. Republican candidates in 1980 had heavily outspent Democrats, who believed that their name recognition and long record they implemented the New Deal, won World War II, enacted the Great Society, and so on meant that the GOP was wasting money on television. When that turned out not to be the case, Democrats realized that they needed comparable money of their own, and the fundraising idea was that since Democrats still had durable control of the House of Representatives they could cling to it for 14 years after Reagans 1980 election businessesthat had interests before Congress needed to start ponying up for access.

Raising corporate money is not actually that efficient.

Access quickly turned to alliance, and the party drifted heavily in a pro-business direction. These New Democrats argued that the party had to beat back the power of special interests and by special interests, they meant civil rights advocates, environmentalists, and labor unions. The presidential campaign of Jesse Jackson in 1988 pushed back against this hegemonic approach, but without a way to aggregate grassroots enthusiasm into the money needed for a national infrastructure, the threat was neutralized. Starting with Howard Dean in the 2004 presidential race, it finally started to look possible that a candidate funded by a large number of small, individual donations could compete with one funded by the rich and corporations. Technology was making it possible for people to quickly translate their enthusiasm not just into a honk and wave on a highway overpass, but also into actual money.

Then-presidential candidate Barack Obama showed the promise of small dollars in 2008, but he also raised an insane amount of money from Wall Street and, once in office, he abandoned the network of small donors he had built and went with the big money. In his 2016 presidential campaign, Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., nearly toppled the Clinton machine with his famous $27 contributions. In 2018, the small-donor revolution spread to normie Democrats, with anti-Trump, #Resistance liberals throwing hundreds of millions of dollars at congressional Democrats, enabling them to retake the House. In 2020, small donors did it again, and the resource-rich Democrats took both the House and Senate.

One of the people who noticed this shift was Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., once known as Wall Street Chuck. But thanks to all of these small donors, he nowserves as Senate majority leader. A lot of people have chalked up Schumers pivot toward progressives as fear of a primary challenge from Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., and no doubt thats part of whats going on. Another factor is that Schumer is used to delivering for donors so that they keep the spigot flowing. And Schumers donors are now rank-and-file Democratic activists throwing in $27 at a time. In 2020, 41 percent of the money raised by Democratic Senate candidates came from donations of less than $200. What they want is to see Democrats fighting for what they ran on, so Schumer is happy to give them that fight.

Schumer also knows that raising corporate money is not actually that efficient, because each one of these lobbyists or rich people requires coddling, demands intimate access, wants internships for their kids, wants a dinner and a speech and photo, and on and on. Small donors just want you to win and then deliver what you promised. They dont expect to ever meet you unless theyre volunteering at a headquarters where you happen to stop by.

Over the summer, Sinema showed just how much work it is. For the past few months, we were treated to endless stories about Sinema skipping important events in Washington to be at this or that fundraiser and even leaving the country to go to Paris to raise money. For all that trouble, Sinema broke her fundraising record, reporting $1.1 million in fundraising in third quarter.

And its true thats her record since she became a senator.

But when she was a candidate running for Senate back in the third quarter of 2018, when Democratic voters thought she was a progressive and wanted to help her flip a Republican seat she raised almost $7 million.

Thats not a fluke. You might think that 2018 was a special year and that Democratic small donors are no longer fired up since President Donald Trump is out of office and kicked off Twitter. That argument falls apart when you start looking at individual candidates. Fellow Arizona Democratic Sen. Mark Kelly is totally fine with the full $3.5 trillion proposal for the reconciliation bill, voted for a minimum wage increase, supports passing partsof the labor reform legislation called the PRO Act, and generally supports all kinds of reforms that Sinema is battling. Kelly, whos up for reelection next year, raised $8.2 millionthis past quarter, while the Republican candidate expected to win that primary raised just over half a million.

OK, youre thinking, maybe Kelly just has a ton more rich friends than Sinema. Well, the way to test that hypothesis is to look at the Federal Election Commission records for how many of the contributions were itemized, how many were unitemized, and how many were from PACs. Unitemized means that it was less than $200, and PACs are generally corporate PACS, but they could also be labor unions, and Kelly probably did well from them aftersupporting the PRO Act.

In the last three months, Kelly raised $3.4 million from small donors, according to his FEC report. In other words, he raisedthree times more than Sinema just from small donors even while Sinema was making a corporate-loving spectacle of herself and traveling the world to raise money. He made nothing from PACs. And his $3.8 million in itemized contributions shows that a Democrat in a swing state can back the Biden agenda and still raise money from big donors.

Sinema raised $914,000 from itemized contributions those are big donations and just $31,653.71 from small donors. She also raised $192,000 from PACs.

The fundraising profile that looks the most similar to Sinemas is Manchins. Like Sinema, hes up for reelection in 2024. He did better than Sinema in the third quarter, raising almost $1.6 million. But just $10,448of that was made up of donations of less than $200. Of that, $1.3 millioncame from large donations, and $250,000came from PACs.

Manchin, though, is distinguished from Sinema in that he can plausibly claim to be in a different political environment back home, a state that Trump carried in 2020 by nearly 40 points while losing in Arizona.

Sen. Tammy Baldwin is perhaps the best comparison, since she serves from Wisconsin, which Trump won in 2016, Biden won in 2020, and will be hotly contested in 2024. The last quarter, she raised $640,000, about half of which is from small donors. So if thats Sinemas game selling out the entire Democratic agenda to do slightly better than Baldwin in the fundraising race I guess congratulations are in order.

Over in Georgia, Sen. Raphael Warnock put Sinemas haul to shame, raising $4.7 million from small donors in the third quarter on his way to raising $9 million overall. Maggie Hassan, the New Hampshire senator up for reelection this cycle, also raised more than Sinema: $2.5 million last quarter, more than $800,000 of which was from small donors.

And how did Sinema compare to a House member without a serious challenger?

Ocasio-Cortez raised just over $1.6 million to Sinemas $1.1 million. In fact, she raised more from just small donors than Sinema raised total.

The simple fact is that Sinemas style of fundraising just isnt the best way to raise large sums of money anymore. And most politicians ultimately follow the money, which means that theyre now going to follow the people, especially if theyre in swing states that millions of people care about. So if you believe that politicians are corrupt and only do what their donors tell them to do, this is actually good news about the future of the Democratic Party. For now, however, the partys past still has a death grip on the present.

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Sinema Is the Dying Scream of the Corporate Democratic Party - The Intercept

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Spurred to get involved by Obama, Democrat Roberto Alves says he has ‘will’ to help Danbury – Danbury News Times

Posted: at 11:39 am

DANBURY Heartbroken over the 2016 presidential election, Roberto Alves watched former President Obamas farewell speech with his wife.

In the speech, Obama urged people to grab a clipboard and run for office if they were disappointed in their elected officials.

That really spoke to me, said Alves, 38.

Alves, who immigrated to the United States at 5 and had his Green Card, became a U.S. citizen and ran for Danbury City Council in 2017. He lost then, but won an at-large seat in 2019.

Now, the Democrat seeks to become Danburys next mayor.

Ive always had the want and the will to help people, he said.

Alves is running against Republican Dean Esposito, the mayors chief of staff, in the first open mayoral race in Danbury in 20 years.

Alves was born in Portugal, where his dad is from, but his family then moved to Brazil, his mothers home country. He was too young to remember Portugal, but from Brazil recalls his classmates, neighborhood grandmothers house and the tragedy of his grandfathers death.

At 5, his family decided to move to Danbury, where his uncle was a business owner. They arrived in the fall, and it was so much colder than Rio, Alves said. He attended kindergarten at what was then the Roberts Avenue School.

I felt different, he said. I didnt speak the language and recognized that as a kid. It was a whole new world and it was scary.

He said he was lucky that his teacher spoke Portuguese. He has stayed in touch to this day, he said.

Danbury is diverse, after all. Friends in his class spoke Portuguese and lived in his neighborhood, and his family went to a Portuguese church.

That made it easier, Alves said.

He worked hard to learn English.

I didnt want to have an accent, Alves said. I didnt want to be picked on.

Now, he embraces his Portuguese and Brazilian heritage, while loving being an American.

I still respect my cultural heritage, Alves said. I grew up in this country. I love it here.

His family has lived the immigrant story of struggle and success that many in Danbury are familiar with from those whose Italian or Irish grandparents came here to those newly arriving in the country, Alves said.

Alves dad, Augusto, worked various jobs, including in construction and as an overnight janitor, while his mom, Isaura, worked in laundromats, as a house cleaner and other odd jobs.

Alves, meanwhile, looked after his two younger sisters. His middle sister was born in Portugal and went to Brazil as a baby. His youngest sister was born in the United States.

Eventually, his parents owned OFaia Catering in Danbury.

They instilled that hard work ethic on their son, he said.

Its just that hardscrabble, grit, determination and lifestyle that America was built on, Alves said.

His friend Farley Santos said Alves has said his parents taught the candidate to help others who are less fortunate, even if you dont have much yourself.

Thats something thats ingrained and is a part of his values, Santos said. His values are Danbury values.

Alves met his wife, Robyn, through band in middle school. Although she remembers him from kindergarten, first and second grade, he doesnt.

I joke shes been chasing me since elementary school, Alves said.

They started dating in high school and went to prom together.

They married in 2012. Rather than spending money on a large wedding, they traveled the world for several months, including living in Brazil. They bought her grandfathers house, which is next to her fathers house.

Their son, Julius, is 8, and their daughter, Catalina, is 6.

Alves first foray into local politics was in advocating for more basketball courts in Danbury, he said.

He was driven to become more active in the community once he and his wife decided to raise their family in Danbury. Alves said he saw his peers leaving the city because of negative perceptions of the local public schools.

He said they started watching school board meetings and quickly realized it wasnt the Board of Education. It was the city and its current leadership that left the schools wanting.

Addressing the schools enrollment and funding challenges have been chief aspects of his campaign.

Former President Trump and the national rhetoric after the 2016 election pushed him to become more involved politically, he said.

Thats when he met Santos, who was among the Democratic candidates in 2017.

Roberto is a natural leader, said Santos, a City Council member. That really stood out back then and in every single election or organization or nonprofits that weve been involved with. He has a natural ability to bring people together.

He said he has seen this in food and backpack drives Alves has helped organize, as well as the candidates role on the Danbury Museum Board of Trustees.

After a couple years, Alves began to take the lead on local issues, said State Sen. Julie Kushner, D-Danbury.

As I got to know him better, I realized he was very sincere and hardworking and energetic and really hopeful about how to make this a better place to live in Danbury, she said.

She said she noticed his leadership after the police killing of George Floyd when younger people in the community looked up to him as they organized demonstrations in the city.

Kushner described Alves as a deep thinker.

He takes in a lot of information and takes advice from people, but ultimately he thinks about these things deeply and he makes decisions, she said.

Alves background as a technical sales engineer at Cartus Corporation in Danbury would be a benefit for the city, said state Rep. David Arconti, D-Danbury.

Hes been in board rooms all across the country, Arconti said. He knows what it takes to recruit a business.

Santos said Alves would be a strong advocate for families and first responders in Danbury.

He is passionate, Santos said. He loves this city. He says that over and over again, and thats because thats evident.

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Spurred to get involved by Obama, Democrat Roberto Alves says he has 'will' to help Danbury - Danbury News Times

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