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Category Archives: Federalism
Lebanese Pro-Federalism Activist Alfred Riachi: Prior To October 7, The Standard Of Living In Gaza Was Pretty … – Middle East Media Research…
Posted: February 22, 2024 at 8:00 pm
Lebanese lobbyist Alfred Riachi, secretary-general of the Continual Federal Congress, discussed in a February 12, 2024 interview on OTV [Lebanon] the ramifications of Hamass October 7 attack. He said that prior to October 7, the standard of living in Gaza "seemed very reasonable." Riachi said that Hamas does not believe in pluralism and coexistence and that it is not that much better than ISIS. He stated that Israel has never attacked Lebanon unprovoked.
To view the clip of Lebanese pro-federalism activist Alfred Riachi, click here or below:
"Israel, Which You Refer To As 'Satan', Has Never Initiated An Attack Against Lebanon Without Us Giving It A Pretext First"
Alfred Riachi: "The State of Israel, which you refer to as 'Satan', has never initiated an attack against Lebanon, without us giving it a pretext first.
[...]
"What Hamas did... They entered Israel and killed 1,200 people. What did they gain from this? Did they expect Israel to welcome them with rice and flowers?"
Interviewer: "Hold on a minute. You make it sound as if Israel was peaceful, and out of nowhere Hamas entered, and how terrible what they did these innocent Israelis... These people were being killed, under siege, without water, medicine, or food for years and years. They were living in a big prison, on their own land."
Riachi: " I don't know... I watched many shows [about Gaza], and the standard living there seemed very reasonable.
[...]
"Hamas Do Not Believe In Pluralism And In Co-Existing With The Other... For Me Hamas Is Not Much Better Than ISIS"
"I view Hamas as an organization with religious ideology of exclusion. They do not believe in pluralism and in co-existing with the other. Regardless, of whether their cause is justified or not, for me Hamas is not much better than ISIS."
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The Potential Impact of ‘Disease X’ on Federalism in the U.S. – Medriva
Posted: at 8:00 pm
When the World Health Organization (WHO) introduced the term Disease X into their blueprint of diseases in February 2018, they were prophetically acknowledging the potential of an unknown pathogen causing a serious international epidemic. Fast forward to today, COVID-19, caused by an unknown etiology, perfectly fits the description of the first Disease X. This situation has sparked an intriguing discourse on the potential impact of a hypothetical Disease X on the concept of federalism in the United States. As we explore this thoughtful narrative, we will delve into the challenges posed by a nationwide health crisis to the federalist system, with particular emphasis on state autonomy, public health policy, and the role of the federal government.
The concept of Disease X represents the understanding that a severe global epidemic could be triggered by an unknown pathogen. This idea has been cemented by the COVID-19 pandemic. Programs like the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (CEPI), with its 3.5 billion 5-year plan, and the US National Institutes of Allergies and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) Pandemic Preparedness Plan, are aimed at shortening vaccine development timelines and preparing for potential pandemics. The Disease X Act of 2023 further expands priorities to include viral threats that could cause a pandemic.
The federalist design of US laws is a considerable impediment to implementing nationwide community mitigation measures for pandemics, according to a Stanford Law analysis. This structure presents a significant challenge during a nationwide health crisis. State autonomy and the division of power between state and federal governments can potentially hinder the coordination of a unified response to Disease X. This challenge is further complicated by legal reforms adopted by states, which imposed substantive and procedural restrictions on public health authority, such as prohibiting vaccines, mask mandates, and restricting religious gatherings.
The role of the federal government during a major health emergency is crucial. The U.S. CDC vaccine advisory committee, for instance, develops recommendations for U.S. immunizations. However, the applicability of these recommendations largely depends on the states once published in the CDCs MMWR. This dependency on state decisions underscores the delicate balance between state and federal authority during a health crisis. The impact of systematic racism, economic inequality, mass incarceration, and labor market inequalities on COVID-19 disparities further complicates this balance.
As we contemplate the future, the adoption of crisis communication strategies by local governments during pandemics is key. Factors such as school and business closures, efficacy beliefs, and community vulnerability significantly shape these efforts. Furthermore, funding from measures like the CARES Act can enhance local governments capacity to implement these strategies.
In conclusion, the potential impact of a hypothetical Disease X on the federalist system in the U.S. poses thought-provoking questions about state autonomy, public health policy, and the role of the federal government. While our current federalist system presents challenges, it also provides opportunities for adaptive strategies that can help the nation better prepare for future health emergencies.
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The Potential Impact of 'Disease X' on Federalism in the U.S. - Medriva
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‘People’s Charter’ Puts Federalism at The Heart of Myanmar’s Democratic Future – The Irrawaddy
Posted: at 8:00 pm
The Peoples Representatives Committee for Federalism (PRCF) published its constitution for a federal democracy on Feb. 12.
The committee comprises 12 political parties: the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, Arakan League for Democracy, Karen National Party, Zomi Congress for Democracy, Democratic Party for a New Society, United Nationalities Democracy Party, Danu Nationalities Democracy Party, Daingnet National Development Party, Mro National Democracy Party, Karen National Party, Shan State Kokang Democratic Party and Mon Affairs Association.
Previously known as the PRF, the committee changed its name to PRCF in March 2021.
Sai Kyaw Nyunt, a joint secretary of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, recently spoke with The Irrawaddy about the objectives of the constitution and its most important features.
What is the intention of publishing a constitution?
It has been nearly two years since we drafted the constitution in 2022. So, we decided that it was time to publish it.
What is the PRCF?
The PRCF was formed after the 2021 coup. It comprises primarily members of the United Nationalities Alliance and their partners.
The PRCF mentioned three main tasks in its statement about publishing its constitution. Can you elaborate on them?
We cant accept any form of dictatorship, either military dictatorship or civilian dictatorship. The conflict in our country since independence is deeply connected to the constitution. The 1974 constitution did not meet the wishes of the people and the same is true of the 2008 constitution.
In our view, federalism is the best [form of government] for this highly diverse and multi-ethnic country. But federalism alone is not enough. There must also be democracy. So, there is a need for a federal, democratic constitution. But again, a constitution alone is not enough. Peaceful co-existence is also critically important for us to come together to form and maintain a union.
How do you see the current political landscape in Myanmar?
Myanmar is at war now. We are politicians so we dont know much about military affairs. Military solutions alone cant solve problems in a country. Space for politics is necessary. It is more powerful than military action in terms of fulfilling the wishes of the people. We want things handled peacefully.
So, your political parties prefer non-violence?
We dont want to say which is right and which is wrong. I am only talking about our tendency. By political means, I mean you dont necessarily have to establish a party and contest the election. You may oppose the voting, and release statements about your views. These are all political means. Dialogue is also a political means. This is what we believe.
What drove the PRCF to design a constitution?
Eleven of the 12 organizations in the PRCF are political parties. We believe certain conditions must be met for our country to have greater peace and stability. So, we have designed the constitution, outlining the conditions that we think are necessary to have peace and stability. Those parties have won votes and support from people in their respective constituencies. So, we designed the constitution to convey our idea about an ideal union.
What are the salient points about your constitution?
We refer to four documents: the fundamental principles of the PRCF, the fundamental principles in a federal democracy charter, the constitution from the Federal Constitution Drafting and Coordinating Committee, and the constitution from the UNA and allies. Our constitution touches upon new topics, such as financial matters, relations between government agencies, and administration and public services.
So, is it fair to say the constitution drafted by the PRFC is one that reflects the federal democracy charter declared by anti-regime political forces?
We cant say so. Many organizations, including ethnic armed organizations, were involved in designing the federal democracy charter. Our constitution was drafted solely by PRCF members, but it can be used as a draft for all the stakeholders to discuss in the future.
Will you accept recommendations, if there are any, to your constitution?
We are willing to accept any recommendation that does not go against our principles.
The military regime upholds the 2008 Constitution. What will you say if they say they dont accept your constitution?
We represent people to a certain extent, and we live among the people. So, the constitution represents our view of what this country should be like. Everyone is aware that one group or organization representing all the others was not successful. We need to try to write a constitution that is acceptable to all by negotiating between all stakeholders.
How did stakeholders in the country respond to your constitution?
No one has yet strongly responded to our constitution. It was only published recently, and perhaps stakeholders are still studying it. Our constitution is largely based on documents of ethnic armed organizations, ethnic political organizations and ethnic Bamar organizations. So, there wont be much difference between ours and theirs.
There might be differences in the way we operate, but I dont think there will be much disagreement regarding policies. The policies of the regime and the military, however, can be markedly different from ours. In the future, we will have to accept what is best for the people.
What is the PRCFs next step?
We established political parties to do our share for the country. So, we will continue to work in our way to restore peace and build a country that all citizens want to see.
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'People's Charter' Puts Federalism at The Heart of Myanmar's Democratic Future - The Irrawaddy
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Siddaramaiah vs Modi: The ‘cess-y’ mess in fiscal federalism – Deccan Herald
Posted: at 8:00 pm
Something unique and rare in Indian political history happened recently. Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, Deputy Chief Minister D K Shivakumar, and many senior cabinet ministers went to Delhi and sat in a dharna for a My State My Tax protest. They were joined by ministers and leaders from the other southern states of Kerala and Tamil Nadu and supported in spirit by Telangana. It was an extraordinary development where democratically elected heads of Indias states were forced to go to Delhi to demand their share of tax revenues and taxation rights. No taxation without representation was the slogan for the American independence struggle against the British. Southern states in India are now protesting against Representation without taxation!
With the southern states protests and the Supreme Courts recent ruling, the late BJP finance minister Arun Jaitleys contribution of the phrases cooperative federalism and electoral bonds to Indias political lexicon have been rendered dubious and hollow by the Modi government.
Elected governments across the world rely on direct and indirect taxes for revenues to implement schemes and fulfil their electoral promises. As per the Constitution, state governments in India do not have powers to levy direct income and corporate taxes, unlike in other federal nations. After GST, state governments lost their exclusive powers for indirect taxes, too. They are only left with powers to tax sin goods, fuel, property, electricity, and agriculture, which constitute a small slice of overall tax revenues. To put it simply, post-GST, democratically elected state governments in India are forced to be almost entirely dependent on the Union government for resources.
To make matters worse, the Modi government, true to its governance style, has politicised Indias federalism through duplicitous means of cesses and surcharges to garner greater share of tax revenues for itself and minimise states share.
When a Karnataka resident buys a certain good or service and pays Rs 100 as central taxes on it, the Union government keeps Rs 58 of it and shares Rs 42 with the states. But for the same transaction, if Rs 100 is charged as cess by the Union government, then it gets to keep all of it and not have to share it with the states. This is a quirk and a relic of Indias historical taxation laws. So, a cooperative federalism-minded Union government will try to minimise cess and maximise tax revenues which can be shared with state governments for their governance. Unsurprisingly, the Modi government did the exact opposite in its decade-long tenure.
Cesses and surcharges have nearly doubled as a share of revenues from 12% to 20% of overall tax revenues during Modis tenure. In 2014, overall tax revenues collected by both the Union and state governments was Rs 18 lakh crore, which rose to about Rs 46 lakh crore by 2023. But a whopping 10% of this increase came from cesses and surcharges, depriving state governments of nearly Rs 3 lakh crore. This is a huge amount, and hence state governments are crying foul. This has impacted every state government but because of the extreme high-command culture and imposition of their will on BJP-ruled states, BJP Chief Ministers can only grumble in private rather than join Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Bengal and Telangana in an overt protest. The Modi governments cess mess has stained Indias fabric of federalism.
This deceit by the Modi government is what has angered the high tax-contributing southern states and prompted them to question the transfer of their tax revenues to poorer northern states. The average person in Karnataka or Tamil Nadu pays Rs 20,000 annually in taxes while the average person in Madhya Pradesh or Uttar Pradesh pays just Rs 4,500. But the average person in Bihar, UP or Madhya Pradesh get back Rs 260 for every Rs 100 they pay in taxes, while the average Kannadiga gets back only Rs 40. Over the course of Modis tenure, this gap has only widened, and little progress has been made in bridging either the fiscal or the development gap between the richer and poorer states. Now, the contributing states are questioning the need for such an extreme skew in the distribution of tax revenues.
The very idea of India as a Union of states is now precarious. There is a complete breakdown of trust and trustworthiness between the Union and states. This growing banyan tree of distrust between states was sown by the duplicitous fiscal approach of the Modi government, watered by the imposition of a one nation one policy framework, branched by the extreme politicisation of institutions such as ED, CBI, Income Tax, Election Commission, and tended by governor politics. It is no secret that most states harbour deep disenchantment with the Modi governments anti-federal style of governance. It so happens that the more developed southern states, which are not ruled by the BJP, are able to express their resentment more freely than their Maharashtra, Haryana and Gujarat counterparts.
Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman exemplifies this disdain for states, especially those that are governed by non-BJP parties, with her scornful public rebukes and shallow pomposity, evident in the white paper she released in parliament recently. It claimed that Indias economy and infrastructure have grown in the last decade, all due to the untiring efforts and the inordinate skills of Narendra Modi. It was like parents celebrating the growth in age of their child from 5 to 15 after a decade. Even if cricketer Ravindra Jadeja or actor Akshay Kumar had been Prime Minister in this period, GDP would have grown, more toilets and houses constructed, more airports, ports and highways built, and India would have been the Chair of the G-20. The real question is not whether the child has grown in age, which is largely inevitable, but how tall, healthy, and happy is the child for her age. Ask the states!
(Published 17 February 2024, 20:21 IST)
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Siddaramaiah vs Modi: The 'cess-y' mess in fiscal federalism - Deccan Herald
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Ideas Of India: Devendra Fadnavis To Take A Deep Dive Into Role Of Collaborative Federalism In Nation-Building – ABP Live
Posted: at 8:00 pm
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Potential of federalism should be realized: PM Dahal – The Himalayan Times
Posted: at 8:00 pm
Potential of federalism should be realized: PM Dahal The Himalayan Times
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Potential of federalism should be realized: PM Dahal - The Himalayan Times
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Sensible education policy needed – The Kathmandu Post
Posted: October 9, 2023 at 12:24 am
A few weeks ago, a daily newspaper reported that about 550 colleges in Nepal were close to closure for lack of students as large numbers of them were going abroad for higher studies. The news said that approximately 100,000 students had obtained No Objection Certificates from the Ministry of Education, and nearly the same number had departed for foreign countries in the past year.
Israeli Ambassador to Nepal Hanan Goder had cautioned me as a parliamentarian about the potential repercussions of this youth migration. The government and the political parties should show a heightened sense of concern and take proactive measures.
I will delve into this matter in greater detail next time. For now, I will highlight the Education Bill and the issue related to new universities.
When bills are introduced without adequate discussion and consultation, it is natural for disagreements to arise among the stakeholders. Furthermore, the issue of ownership is problematic, and this may hinder effective implementation.
Teachers' protest
Public school teachers and employees have conducted protests against the School Education Bill recently tabled in Parliament. While the protests ostensibly focus on improving service facilities and other demands, their underlying concern is to avoid being placed under the jurisdiction of local authorities.
The bill should have been introduced only after thorough discussions with teachers and other stakeholders. The government should have explicitly stated that the authority over school education belongs exclusively to the local level.
Following the protests, the government was compelled to reach an agreement with the teachers to address the issues, but in the end, the responsibilities and burdens are likely to be shifted to the local level. The constitution has vested the authority over school education in local governments, yet the government often appears to undermine this right by avoiding consultations with them.
The bill has overlooked the fundamental constitutional goal of advancing socialism and appears to promote private education. Additionally, the initial proposal to move private schools into trusts within a five-year timeframe has been omitted.
The proposed legislation has significant shortcomings. It overlooks crucial aspects, such as the recruitment of gold medallists and highly accomplished university graduates as educators, lacks a comprehensive strategy for subject-specific educators, and avoids addressing the controversial issue of political influence in the teaching profession.
Moreover, the bill suggests that the Education Department and the District Education Offices should be placed under the Ministry of Education, despite already having been dissolved. This move may increase the financial burden and infringe upon the rights of the local and provincial governments.
The Federalism Implementation Study and Monitoring Parliamentary Special Committee of the National Assembly had recommended dissolving half of the departments at the federal ministries because their functions have been devolved to subnational levels. The committee's proposal was unanimously approved by the National Assembly.
The prime minister had also pledged to adhere to the committee's report. But instead of implementing its recommendations, the government has reorganised the previously abolished departments and offices. This goes against the objectives of federalism and represents an unfortunate turn of events.
Eight years post-constitution, our education system lacks federalism-friendly practices. Delayed bills have perpetuated education sector issues, leaving important matters unaddressed.
On the one hand, the state of school education is in a critical condition, and on the other hand, the government is haphazardly creating new universities. Recently, the bill pertaining to Nepal University was approved by the National Assembly. In the last year, bills related to Yogamaya and Madan Bhandari universities were also passed and have become law. Currently, there are a dozen universities in operation.
The constitution has granted the provinces the authority to establish provincial universities, resulting in a rapid proliferation of university openings. The federal government is also participating in this race. It is important to note that whether a university is federal or provincial, the financial resources ultimately originate from the same pool.
Determining the number and type of universities in Nepal post-federalisation is intricate. A comprehensive study is essential to formulate an inclusive education policy embraced by all three levels of government.
Consider the data of the University Grants Commission which shows meagre enrolments of 201 students at Gandaki University, 417 students at Rajarshi Janaka, and 482 students at Lumbini Buddhist University. These numbers wouldn't sustain a primary school. This begs the question: Why persist with opening more universities?
We must ask what rationale guides the creation of new universities while the existing ones are falling dormant. Do these decisions stem from economic, scientific or sociological factors, or are they purely political manoeuvres? Clarity is crucial for Nepal's educational future.
I've consistently voiced concerns in Parliament about the government's insufficient commitment to the education sector. Prioritising education and implementing reforms to meet evolving societal needs is paramount. This entails not only addressing the quantity and diversity of universities, but also ensuring quality education and equitable access within the federal framework. My advocated approach involves crafting an education policy as a first step, followed by a comprehensive umbrella law for universities based on this policy. Only then should new universities be established if deemed necessary under the provisions of this law. Regrettably, I stand alone in championing this perspective in Parliament.
How many universities?
I've actively opposed the consecutive creation of three new universities through my votes, but it's disheartening that none of my fellow Members of Parliament has raised concerns about the government's direction. During a recent visit to Switzerland, I sought insights from Prof Johanna Schnabel at the Free University of Berlin, Germany regarding federal government-run universities. She said that there were none, as all institutions were under provincial jurisdiction. Swiss Prof Sean Mller at the University of Lausanne also said that there were only two federal universities in Switzerland. Both emphasised that the distinction between federal and provincial universities was less critical; the focus should be on maintaining educational quality and generating employment opportunities. They stressed that while ample resources allow for new institutions, their long-term sustainability should align with constitutional mandates.
Education profoundly impacts human life, contributing to individual and national development. It plays a pivotal role in global economic, scientific, social, and cultural progress. The government must genuinely commit to the country's education system. The federal, provincial and local governments should collaboratively develop a unified education policy, serving as the foundation for legislation, schools, colleges/campuses and universities in line with the constitution's spirit. Such unity is crucial to ensure Nepal's transition to federalism is meaningful.
Finally, Germany and Switzerland, both highly developed countries, differ significantly in their federal university systems. Germany has none, while Switzerland only has two such institutions. In contrast, a country like ours, which faces economic challenges, should seriously consider the necessity of having numerous federal universities.
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Both cooperative federalism and competitive federalism have their … – Insights IAS
Posted: August 18, 2023 at 10:59 am
Topic: Functions and responsibilities of the Union and the States, issues and challenges pertaining to the federal structure, devolution of powers and finances up to local levels and challenges therein.
4. Both cooperative federalism and competitive federalism have their own merits and can be relevant in different contexts within a diverse country like India. The choice between the two depends on the specific challenges, goals, and dynamics of the country. Critically analyse. (250 words)
Difficulty level: Tough
Reference: The Hindu ,Insights on India
Why the question:
Cooperative federalism emphasizes collaboration and coordination between the central government and state governments for policy formulation and implementation and the Ministry of Education to negotiate better terms must with the dissenting States, respecting the essence of cooperative federalism.
Key Demand of the question:
To write about which form of federalism competitive or cooperative that suits India better.
Directive word:
Critically analyze When asked to analyse, you must examine methodically the structure or nature of the topic by separating it into component parts and present them in a summary. When critically is suffixed or prefixed to a directive, one needs to look at the good and bad of the topic and give a balanced judgment on the topic.
Structure of the answer:
Introduction:
Begin by defining cooperative federalism and competitive federalism.
Body:
First, explain the differences between both. Discuss how the spirit of competitive federalism is seen in the various inter-state ranking metric derived such as for ease of business, environmental pollution etc. Discuss how the spirit of cooperation is being enhanced by sharing experiential learnings etc
Next, Discuss the pros and cons of one over the other competitive federalism requires States to reform their programmes and provide goods and services that they can self-fund, disciplines the states, accelerates growth. Discuss the advantages that cooperative federalism offers.
Conclusion:
Conclude by giving a balanced opinion.
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Both cooperative federalism and competitive federalism have their ... - Insights IAS
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Federalism to poll promises: South India CMs bring up host of local … – South First
Posted: at 10:59 am
Independence Day messages delivered on Tuesday, 15 August, by the chief ministers of the states across South India this year had a strong welfare flavour, with the general elections due in less than a year.
In the case of Telangana, Chief Minister K Chandrashekar Rao dwelt only on development and welfare, steering clear of any attack on the BJP, either directly or indirectly.
The contents of his message were understandable as he has to prepare for the Assembly elections in December itself, which will be a warm-up exercise for him for the Lok Sabha polls along with other states next year.
Meanwhile, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin wanted education to be brought under the state list from the concurrent list, indicating his belligerent posturing, while his Kerala counterpart Pinarayi Vijayan expressed concern over ethnic and caste divides that have cast a long shadow on the countrys secular fabric.
Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, basking in the glory of his partys victory in Mays Assembly elections, dwelt at length on how the five guarantees of his government would render social justice to the people.
Meanwhile, Puducherry Chief Minister N Rangasamy stuck to welfare measures the government was implementing for the well-being of the people.
Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister YS Jagan Mohan Reddy took a deep dive into the gram swaraj as postulated by the Father of the Nation and explained how his government was following it in the administration of villages.
Here are the details:
After unfurling the Tricolour at the Golconda Fort in Hyderabad, Telangana Chief Minister and BRS chief K Chandrashekar Rao blamed the rulers of erstwhile Andhra Pradesh for the rundown condition of his state when it was formed in 2014.
He said the state had progressed by leaps and bounds thereafter under the BRS government.
He added that his government had balanced development with welfare to ensure that the people would be free from want to the extent possible.
Now everyone knows that what Telangana implements, the rest of the nation follows, said the chief minister, tracing the transformation of Telangana which he said was in a deplorable state, to a land of milk and honey of sorts.
He said the two important indices that pointed to the growth of a state were per-capita income and per-capita power consumption. On these two counts, the state stood first, he said.
The per-capita income was 3,12,398, while the per-capita power consumption was 2,126 units.
He said the Niti Aayogs poverty index had shown that the poverty in Telangana was on the wane, and that it was only one-third of the national average.
On the occasion, he announced 1,000 crore as the Deevali-Dasara bonus to the employees of the Singareni Collieries Company Ltd (SCCL) and the commencement of distribution of 1 lakh double-bedroom houses in and around Hyderabad to the poor.
He presented a long list of welfare schemes in implementation in Telangana state, a majority of which concerned the farmers.
After taking over the reins of administration in 2014, the BRS government waived crop loans, he said, adding that it once again took up the waiver of crop loans after it came to power for the second time. In the last nine and a half years, the government waived 37,000 crore crop loans, he noted.
He also spoke about Kaleswaram and other small and medium irrigation projects, meant to increase the scope of agriculture.
The government provided round-the-clock power supply to the farm sector, besides implementing schemes such as Rythu Bandhu and Rythu Bheema, he said, adding that this had led to the production of 3 crore tonnes of paddy in the state, which was now competing with Punjab on that front.
The chief minister said despite the financial burden, the RTC staff had been taken on government rolls. Though the government had been financially supporting the corporation by providing 1,500 crore, it has now taken the decision benefits 43,373 employees.
He said very soon a new PRC would be constituted for the state government employees. Till the PRC makes its recommendations, the state would pay the employees an interim relief.
Hoisting the national flag at Fort St George in Chennai on the occasion of the 77th Independence Day, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin said that all subjects that had a direct connection to the people especially education should be brought under the Constitutions state list.
Only if education is moved to the state list of the Constitution could qualifying examination methods like the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET) be completely scrapped, he said.
Stalin also announced that the Tamil Nadu government would constitute a welfare board to benefit workers attached to service providers such as Ola, Uber, Swiggy, and Zomato, among others.
Stalin also said that his government was committed to ensuring that proper respect was given to the leaders who fought for freedom, and that the monthly pension for freedom fighters and their family members would be increased from 10,000 to 11,000.
The Tamil Nadu government is planning to train 10,000 ex-servicemen to aid them to get employment and about 55,000 vacancies in various government departments would be filled during the ongoing financial year, he said.
In his social media message, Stalin said, As we celebrate Indias journey toward independence, let us reaffirm our commitment to preserving the diverse fabric of our Union. Together, as part of INDIA, we stand strong to safeguard our Constitutions ideals of democracy, unity, and diversity.
Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah said the five guarantees of his government that had been introduced were intended to follow the principles of social justice in the accumulation and distribution of wealth.
Addressing people on the occasion of the 77th Independence Day at the Sam Manekshaw Parade Ground in Bengaluru, Siddaramaiah pointed out that the people had realised that the prerequisite for development was peace.
The five guarantees, he said, were now in implementation as the gap between the haves and the have-nots had increased due to neo-liberalism.
In India, 10 percent of the people control 70 percent of our resources. The British plundered the country during the colonial era, but now a few capitalists are accumulating wealth and resources. In this situation, can development be possible? Keeping this in mind, the state government has brought in the five guarantees, he said.
The five guarantees were formulated to elevate the socio-economic status of the people, he said, adding that the government had also taken price rise, unemployment, discrimination based on caste and religion, and corruption seriously.
We took the decision to implement these schemes in the first Cabinet meeting and introduced them within three weeks of government formation.
Training his guns at the Centre for non-cooperation in providing an additional 5 kg of rice for the Anna Bhagya scheme, Siddaramaiah said his government decided to pay cash instead of giving grains to each beneficiary every month.
According to him, 1.04 crore families were receiving financial assistance under the Anna Bhagya scheme.
Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister YS Jagan Mohan Reddy said that his government had reflected the true meaning of gram swaraj.
In his Independence Day address after unfurling the national flag at the Indira Gandhi Municipal Stadium in Vijayawada, the chief minister said that the state government had implemented such programmes in the past four years which were seldom done by any other government in the 76-year history of independent India.
He noted that the state witnessed true gram swaraj envisioned by Mahatma Gandhi through village secretariats, ryhtu bharosa kendras (RBK), English medium schools, and village clinics.
Additionally, digital libraries equipped with broadband services have been constructed. This is a great change brought about by no other government in the 76 years of history (independent), said Reddy.
He also said the delivery of services such as birth certificates, caste certificates, pension, ration, and government schemes did not require visiting offices as they were available at the doorstep through the village secretariat and the volunteer system.
The Chief Minister said that 2.31 lakh crore had been credited in 50 months into the bank accounts of people in the form of welfare without the need to bribe anyone.
Most of the funds had been transferred into the bank accounts of women to empower them and ensure that the money was put to the best use, he added.
Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan on Tuesday said as the nation celebrated its 77th Independence Day, instances of caste and ethnic divisions were casting a shadow over the republic and injuring its secular nature.
Vijayan contended, in a Facebook post, that even federal values had been subverted. In such a situation, every citizen ought to renew their pledge to preserve the nations secular character and its federal values, he urged.
After hoisting the national flag at the central stadium in Thiruvananthapuram, he referred to the achievements of the state in various sectors, like Information Technology, setting up new enterprises, infrastructure and welfare, in the past seven years.
Vijayan noted that the state was witnessing financial growth and development since 2016 as its internal production has almost doubled, the per-capita income had increased by around 54 percent, and over 1,000 projects worth around 81,000 crore had been initiated.
The state was also intervening in the welfare sector, as evidenced by the over 4 lakh homes provided under the Life Mission scheme to the homeless.
Vijayan also said his government hoped to eradicate extreme poverty from the state by 2025, and had launched several initiatives for that the first state in the country to do so.
The idea is to turn Kerala into a world-class state similar to the developed and middle-income nations by the time India celebrates the 100th anniversary of its independence, he contended.
Earlier in the day, Vijayan also posted his greetings on the occasion on the social media platform X (formerly Twitter).
Our freedom movement wasnt just about breaking chains; it was about forging a diverse and inclusive India. On this #IndependenceDay, lets uphold our nations secular and democratic ideals, and ensure these values remain at the core of our nationhood. Happy Independence Day! Vijayan tweeted.
Puducherry Chief Minister N Rangasamy, in his Independence Day message, highlighted the schemes implemented by the government of the Union Territory (UT) to promote the welfare of the poor, the fishermen, students, farmers, and unemployed youth.
He said law and order were maintained well in the UT, and this has resulted in a steep decline in crimes during this year when compared to the scenario seen in the past.
Claiming that his government was implementing various welfare programmes with the support of the people, he said, I seek continued support of the people to frame more schemes and implement them to benefit the marginalised sections.
Rangasamy further said the implementation of the Smart City programme would ensure the development of infrastructure to promote tourism, education, and the welfare of the poor and the have-nots.
The UT government had spent 93.56 percent of the 11,500 crore earmarked under the revised estimate during 2022-2023.
As many as 16 departments had earmarked assistance covering a big chunk of beneficiaries under the direct benefit transfer scheme to promote their well-being.
An integrated complex to house Legislative Assembly would be constructed at a cost of 528 crore in the neighbouring Thattanchavady and a National Law University would also come up at a cost of 483 crore in Kalapet, he added.
(With inputs from South First and PTI)
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Justice Mitchell (Alabama): "The New Bar Exam Puts DEI Over … – Reason
Posted: May 20, 2023 at 10:38 am
In recent years, there have been many shifts in how states administer bar exams. One of the most significant developments has been the expansion of the Uniform Bar Exam (UBE). The upshot of the UBE is that a score is "portable." Someone who receives a passing score in one state can transfer that score to another state. The biggest downside, in my view at least, is that the UBE eliminates the requirement to know any state-specific law. Instead, the UBE focuses on "general" legal principles that apply uniformly across the country. In 2015, I warned that the spread of the UBE would obscure the important flavors of local law, and in the long run, harm federalism.
If law students are trained to believe that there is no difference between laws of different states, then an entire generation of lawyers will have even less regard for the values of federalism, wherein the states can serve as laboratories of democracy. There is an importance in State A and State B being able to approach the same principle of law in different ways. Prioritizing a uniform bar exam will diminish respect for that value.
Alas, my concerns did not prevail.
To date, 40+ jurisdictions have adopted the UBE, including my home state of Texas. And that number will eventually approach 50, as states without the UBE place their law students at a competitive disadvantage. The appeal of portability trumped the appeal of lawyers actually knowing the law of the state in which they'll practice. It is difficult to imagine any of these states could abandon the UBE, and revert to a state-specific exam.
Now that the states are hooked, the National Conference of Bar Examiners (NCBE) is preparing the next generation of the exam. The "NextGen" Exam, as it is known, will be launched in 2026. The 1Ls starting in the Fall 2023 will eventually sit for this exam. Prudent law schools will craft their curriculum, in particular 1L coverage, to ensure students are adequately prepared for the NextGen Exam. As usual, law schools are trying to prepare for a moving targetthe details of that NextGen are not yet final. And there is reason for concern.
Justice Jay Mitchell of the Alabama Supreme Court highlights some of the troubling revisions in the Wall Street Journal. For example, Mitchell notes, the exam will no longer test Family Law and Wills and Trusts. Last year, my colleagues and I submitted a letter observing that roughly half of the topics covered in property will be optionalthat is, students will only need a "general familiarity" with areas like covenants, recording statutes, and mortgages. If a topic is not covered on the exam, then law students likely will not learn that topic. And, when they venture into actual practice, they will be unprepared. For sure, baby lawyers can learn a topic they are unfamiliar with, and I'm sure all of them will. But the NCBE is proactively creating huge gaps in knowledge for all attorneys.
Beyond the substance covered, Mitchell explains how DEI is undergirding the entire process. And a watered-down exam may further reduce the exam's efficacy to measure a lawyer's fitness to practice.
But perhaps the biggest concern is the NCBE's use of the NextGen exam to advance its "diversity, fairness and inclusion"agenda. Two of the organization's stated aims are to "work toward greater equity" by "eliminat[ing] any aspects of our exams that could contribute to performance disparities" and to "promote greater diversity and inclusion in the legal profession." The NCBE reinforces this message by touting its "organization-wide efforts to ensure that diversity, fairness, and inclusion pervade its test products and services."
What does all this meanand how does it have any relation to the law? Based on the diversity workshop at the NCBE conference, it means putting considerable emphasis on examinees' race, sex, gender identity, nationality and other identity-based characteristics. The idea seems to be that any differences in group outcomes must be eliminatedeven if the only way to achieve this goal is to water down the test. On top of all that, an American Civil Liberties Union representative provided conference attendees with a lecture on criminal-justice reform in which he argued that states should minimize or overlook would-be lawyers' convictions for various criminal offenses in deciding whether to admit them to the bar.
None of this is encouraging. It shouldn't matter who you are or where you come fromif you can demonstrate minimal competency on the bar exam and meet a state's character-and-fitness requirements, you should be allowed to practice law. If you can't, you shouldn't be given a license to handle the legal affairs of others. The bar exam should test the law straightwithout respect to ideology and on a race- and sex-blind basis.
It would be helpful if a state could simply opt out of the NextGen exam. But they are all hooked onto the UBE. There's no turning back to the old ways. Mitchell proposes one potential off-ramp:
States, for their part, should push for the option to retain the current exam for at least the next five to 10 years until they can properly assess the effectiveness of the new exam. State courts and bar associations would also do well to insist that the NCBE commit in writing that the new exam will be ideologically neutral and blind to race and sex.
In hindsight, state Supreme Courts that adopted the UBE should have given due regard to federalism. Instead, we are stuck with one completely imperfect solution.
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