Monthly Archives: January 2021

Today (21 January 2021), NATO inaugurated a new Cyber Incident Response Capability for the Moldovan Armed Forces. This capability was established with support from the NATO Science for Peace and Security (SPS) Programme and in cooperation with the NATO Information and Communication Agency (NCIA) through a multi-year project. It will help to minimize any threat resulting from cyber incidents, provide quick and efficient recovery and prevent similar incidents in the future. The inauguration was marked through a virtual ribbon-cutting ceremony.

At the event, NATO Deputy Secretary General Mircea Geoan remarked: NATO and Moldova have been partners for more than 25 years. Our cooperation supports Moldovas efforts to reform and modernize its defence and security structures and institutions, in full respect of Moldovas constitutional neutrality. The new Cyber Incident Response Capability established with support from the NATO Science for Peace and Security Programme is an excellent example of NATOs commitment to this partnership, he added.Addressing participants from Chisinau, the Minister of Defence of the Republic of Moldova, H.E. Victor Gaiciuc, said: With the finalization of this important project, we took a step forward towards increasing our cyber defense capabilities. The establishment of the Cyber Incident Response Center of the National Army of the Republic of Moldova will increase the Ministry of Defences posture and capacity to respond to cyber threats.

The NATO Information and Communication Agency provided critical technical advice for the design of the cyber laboratory and the supporting physical IT infrastructure. The Agency Chief of Staff Major General Gksel Sevindik pointed out: We are proud to collaborate with partner nations such as Moldova to prepare them for the cyber challenges they may face in the future. Cyber security is a team sport. We must use our collective knowledge to ensure the security of our Allies and partners.

This project was tailored to address needs identified by the Moldovan government in close coordination with NATO technical experts. It included dedicated training courses and enhanced human, technical and procedural cyber capabilities to counter threats that may affect the military Computer Information Systems functionality, the security of services and critical infrastructure. It was an integral component of NATOs Defence and Security Related Capacity Building (DCB) Initiative for the Republic of Moldova, to which the NATO Science for Peace Programme has already contributed with two completed projects: one in the field of Women, Peace and Security and one in cyber defence. Through these activities, NATO supported the adoption of Moldovas first National Action Plan to implement the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security in March 2018, and the establishment of a state-of-the-art cyber defence laboratory at the Technical University of Moldova.

Through practical cooperation, the NATO Science for Peace and Security Programme contributed to the capacity building of Moldova by providing equipment and specialized training to jointly and effectively address complex threats in the field of cyber defence, Dr Beten, Senior SPS and Partnership Cooperation Advisor highlighted. Since 1995, the SPS Programme has supported many activities in cooperation with the Republic of Moldova primarily in the fields of cyber defence, defence against biological agents, advanced technologies and the Women, Peace and Security agenda. Through the training of young scientists and other specialized experts, these projects have boosted the capacity, knowledge and skills of researchers in Moldova by fostering scientific networks with their NATO counterparts.

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Cyber Incident Response Capability established in the Republic of Moldova with NATO support - NATO HQ

On 22 January 2021, Colombian Vice Foreign Minister for Multilateral Affairs Adriana Meja, Vice Defence Minister for Strategy and Planning Jairo Garca, and NATO representatives decided to extend their bilateral cooperation.

Colombia, a partner since 2017, and NATO have been developing common approaches to security challenges in areas such as intelligence-sharing, cyber defence, maritime security, the fight against corruption, and terrorism and its links to transnational organised crime; they have also cooperated to reinforce the capabilities of the Colombian armed forces through education and training. New areas of cooperation could potentially include resilience, interoperability and defence capability planning.

Colombia, NATOs only partner in Latin America, contributes to international security in many ways. It took part, for instance in NATOs Operation Ocean Shield in 2015 and contributes to UN-led operations in other parts of the world as far-flung as the Western Sahara and Lebanon. NATO and Colombia have been engaged in dialogue and cooperation since 2013; the relationship became an official partnership in May 2017 when Colombia signed an Individual Partnership and Cooperation Programme with the Alliance.

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News: Strengthening relations with Colombia, 22-Jan.-2021 - NATO HQ

Location: Florence, Italy

Project name: Holographic and Impulse Subsurface Radar for Landmine and Improvised Explosive Device Detection

Project description:Explosive ordnance disposal (EOD) is one of the most dangerous jobs in the world. But with millions of pieces of ordnance left over from conflicts all over the world, it's necessary to detect and remove explosive remnants of war to protect civilians. To assist with this hazardous work, NATO scientists at the University of Florence in Italy have developed the first generation of a new EOD robot. The "UGO-1st" is smaller, smarter and more agile than previous equipment and it has two innovative types of radar to detect and identify underground objects quickly.

An important lesson for our team was learning how to manage a multicultural project, where the added value came from the collaboration between scientists of different nations (including Italy, Ukraine and the United States). The theme of innovation in safety for mine clearance operations was the point of attraction for all team members on this project, and all of them personally contributed to achieving this goal.

Another key lesson learned was that there is a concrete advantage of using a robotic scanner in the field to increase the safety and productivity of demining by using advanced customised sensors but installing all of these tools in a single robot can be too complex and not effective. So we understood that a team of cooperating robots might be a better solution, which will be explored in the new project.

Both lessons learned are useful for the present project, where significant progress in multisensors and cooperative robots will be implemented with a larger number of international teams with different skill sets.

The most important challenge was certainly that of integrating all the components of the project carried out in different countries into a robotic system operating on natural soil. For example, the problem of importing and exporting developed devices and instruments has limited the time available to test both the single devices and the whole system.

The concept of UGO-1st is now developed for different cooperating robots, controlled remotely with an easy human-computer interface. This allows for both military and civilian applications, to detect subsurface objects or structures with very low set-up time. This is a key advantage compared to common hand-held, ground-penetrating radar or metal detectors. There are many consolidated areas for civilian use, like floor, road and pavement inspection, both indoor and outdoor. In the new project, there are industrial end users who are really interested in seeing a version of UGO-1st equipped with an ultra-wideband ground-penetrating radar for pavement thickness surveys, or in using holographic microwave radar imaging to detect underground services or cultural heritage items.

The sharing of technological solutions for demining with partner countries like Ukraine is one of the most important impacts of this project. This impact is also demonstrated by the commitment of endusers operating in post-conflict countries on explosive threat detection and removal operations.

Furthermore, the collaboration between young scientists from different countries improves the capability of dialogue and comparisons of the research methods and proposed solutions. This networking is facilitated by intensive and regular use of group meetings, in teleconferences, and in person before COVID-19.

My background in electronics engineering has developed through the years to create complete systems and instruments that are usable and useful in the medical field and in non-destructive testing. The system engineer approach, and the experience in leading institutional and industrial projects, have also been extremely useful for the project's development and management.

The development of UGO-1st, and now its evolution in the DEMINING ROBOTS project, requires teams with different backgrounds in electronics, robotics, electromagnetism, computer science and applied geophysics. Moreover, the specific application for detection of landmines required that team leaders already had experience in projects related to this field.

The advice I would give to young researchers is to share their research specialisation/ excellence with others by operating in an organised project where all of them have a role and responsibility in defined tasks. This will provide a new perspective of doing their research not limited to their research group and laboratory in an international and multidisciplinary environment.

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NATO Science presents: The robot that goes first - NATO HQ

China built a wall to protect against foreign invaders, but Russia is erecting a barrier that could weaken its position. On its western border from Finland in the north to Georgia in the south, Russia has pressured neighbors and caused NATO to deploy more military force close to Russia. The Kremlin probably did not intend to hand NATO this opportunity.

Russia uses hard power intimidation, coercion, disinformation so often that the Kremlin may underrate the capacity or will of neighbors to resist. Seemingly aware of these risks, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has warned ofNATOs unprecedented plans tomove toward our bordersand involve neutral countries like Sweden and Finland in its military exercises.

Moscows pressure on neighbors has spurred NATO to bolster its presence in Russiasimmediate vicinitythrough such means as land power in Poland, air and naval power in Romania, and warship patrols in the Baltic and Black Seas.

A waryFinlandis enhancing cooperation with NATO by making forces interoperable.Sweden, a target of Russianair and navalharassment, is implementing itsbiggest military budget increase in 70 years and expanding its armed forces by half.

The Baltics perceive greater threats. In 2007, Moscow conducted a large-scalecyber-attack on Estonia,and it wages constantinformation war. Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are responding with whole-of-societyresilience and resistance, including unconventional warfare. They eagerly host rotatingbattalion-sized NATO units.

In Moldova last November a pro-Western candidate won a presidential vote by a landslideagainst an incumbent who appears to have taken Russian payments. Moldova is working withNATO to reformand modernize defense and security structures.

Aggression in Ukraine has spurred a strong reaction from the U.S. and NATO. After Russia in 2014 seized and annexed UkrainesCrimearegion and launched a still simmeringwar in eastern Ukraine, the West began providing Ukraine far more military support than it ever expected. Ukraines armed forces numberover a millionactive and reserve personnel, and their potency is growing.

The U.S. has provided over$1.7 billionin military aid to Ukraine, including$250 million approved by Congress last summer. Most has gone for training and for equipment such as counter-fire radar, Javelin anti-armor missies andnaval patrol boats. OtherNATO cooperationis underway. Contrary to ambivalence prior to Russias invasion, Ukraine now seesNATO membershipas the countrys strategic course.Western military aid to Ukraine also helpstie downsome of Russias military power, which could threaten Western interests elsewhere.

On a more modest scale, the West is assistingGeorgiato strengthen its territorial defenses, following Russias 2008 war and the occupation of Georgias Abkhazia and South Ossetian regions. Popular support in Georgia for joining NATO is strong.

On Russias European border this leaves only Belarus as a close partner. Since the outbreak last August of hugestreet protestsagainst the regime of President Alexander Lukashenko, Moscow has taken sides. It has sent propagandists to help Lukashenko disorient Belarusians, and it is promotingmilitary integration. A massive joint military exercise next fall could see substantial Russian forces flowing into Belarus.

If at some point Lukashenko were to falter and the Kremlin used force to forestall the emergence of a more democratic government, the U.S. and NATO might consider deploying even more force in the alliances eastern flank, especially Poland.

An eastward surge was not foreseen when the 1997 NATO-Russia Founding Act came into force. It vaguely promised that in the current and foreseeable security environment NATO would eschew additional permanent stationing of substantial combat forces in new member states. NATO has abided by this pledge, dispatching only rotational forces.

Because much Russian transport though Ukraine is severed, Belarus is more important to Moscowssubstantialtradewith the EU. Any reduction in this accesscould reduce the reliability of energy transit to Europe, raise trade costs and barriers, and hinder Russias ability to take economic advantage of its favorable geography between China and Europe. Economic competitors could exploit Russias diminished access.

Absent Russias overuse of hard power against neighbors, NATO would likely not have moved so much military presence so close to Russia. If it were to use substantial force against the people of Belarus, NATO might further bulk up its eastern flank.For example, aRAND studyrecommends that NATO deploy brigades, not just battalions, to the Baltics.

WilliamCourtneyis an adjunct senior fellow at the nonprofit, nonpartisan RAND Corporation and a former U.S. ambassador to Kazakhstan, Georgia and the U.S.-Soviet commission to implement the Threshold Test Ban Treaty.

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Russia's great wall | TheHill - The Hill

Newly inaugurated President Joe Bidens nominee for secretary of state, Antony Blinken, received a largely warm welcome from Democrats and Republicans in his confirmation hearing before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee yesterday, aided by his pledge to work in sincere cooperation with Congress.

Both the President-elect and I believe we must restore Congresss traditional role as a partner in our foreign policy making, Blinken said. As a former staff director for the committee before he joined the Obama administration, Blinken is in a good position to work with members on both sides of the aisle, and he seized on that connection in his remarks and responses to questions. Chairman Jim Risch of Idaho and Senator Lindsey Graham of South Carolina were among the Republicans who made clear their support for Blinken, with Graham saying he expects a big bipartisan vote for Blinkens confirmation and declaring, You deserve it.

Over more than four hours, the hearing was a world tour of trouble spots, starting with Iran but with equal concern over the challenges the United States faces from China, Russia, North Korea, and even NATO ally Turkey. On China, Blinken provided serious answers to a range of rigorous questions, from its economic coercion around the world, to suppression of dissent in Hong Kong and of its minority Uyghur population in Xinjiang Province, to its aggression toward Taiwan.

Senators also focused questions on the conflict in Ethiopia and the extremist threat in several parts of Africa, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and the ongoing turmoil in Venezuela. On immigration, Blinken said the administration will seek continued aid for the Northern Triangle countries of Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador to help them tackle issues such as corruption and lack of education and health care that spur emigration to the United States. With respect to asylum in particular, Blinken said the United States has a legal and moral obligation to allow people to make asylum claims and to deal with those claims expeditiously.

Biden has been very clear, Blinken said, that our charge will be to put democracy and human rights back at the center of American foreign policy. Bidens plan to hold a Summit for Democracy likely will materialize toward the end of this year, Blinken said. Our ability to be a stronger leader for and defender of democracy and human rights largely depends on the strength of our own democracy here at home.

Blinken said the key will be to engage vigorously across the globe and bring on board the expertise needed to address current and future foreign policy and national security challenges, noting in particular the need for increased expertise in global health, climate, and technology issues. Blinken noted that rising to these challenges will require focus, commitment, and resources, and committee members expressed a readiness to provide such resources.

Well show up again, day-in, day-out, whenever and wherever the safety and wellbeing ofAmericans is at stake, Blinken said. Well engage the world not as it was, but as it is: A world of rising nationalism, receding democracy, growing rivalry with China, Russia, and other authoritarian states, mounting threats to a stable and open international system, and a technological revolution that is reshaping every aspect of our lives, especially in cyberspace.

In addition to turning the page on substantive foreign policy matters, Blinkens hearing showcased a clear shift in tone from former Secretary of State Mike Pompeos quips about bringing swagger to the department.

Humility and confidence should be the flip sides of Americas leadership coin, Blinken said in his opening statement. Humility because we have a great deal of work to do at home to enhance our standing abroad. And humility because most of the worlds problems are not about us, even as they affect us. Not one of the big challenges we face can be met by one country acting alone even one as powerful as the U.S.

Risch and Menendez agreed to try to expedite Blinkens confirmation. I think all of us have a very strong interest in seeing that the president has in place, as rapidly as possible, his national security team, Risch said.

Just Security consulted a range of leading experts and former senior State Department officials for their views on Blinkens confirmation hearing and what may come ahead:

Brian Egan, Partner at Steptoe & Johnson LLP, former National Security Legal Adviser and Deputy White House Counsel, and former Legal Adviser at the Department of State under the Obama administration, Just Security Board of Editors.

Blinkens nearly five-hour confirmation hearing before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC) was a homecoming of sorts for the nominee, who served as the Democratic staff director for the panel from 2002 to 2008.Blinken struck a largely conciliatory note with Republican members of the committee, even while identifying several areas where the Biden administrations approach to foreign policy would differ from the Trump administration.Blinken repeatedly committed to rebuilding and reinvigorating the State Department, with diversity in hiring as one of his major priorities.Blinken emphasized the importance of revitalizing the U.S. role in multilateral institutions and diplomacy.He also committed to returning to regular order on conferring with and notifying the SFRC of foreign arms sales.

Blinken characterized China as posing the most significant challenges of any country and described the Trump administrations policy towards the Indo-Pacific region as getting some questions right while getting the answers wrong.He noted the need to distinguish more clearly areas where the United States is adversarial to China from those where the United States should compete or cooperate with China.

On Iran, Blinken confirmed that the administration would seek to renew diplomatic discussions with Iran and the other parties to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) nuclear framework, while acknowledging the importance of addressing Irans support for terrorism and its ballistic missile capabilities.Blinken would not commit to introducing any new nuclear-related deal with Iran as an advice-and-consent treaty instead he promised to engage with Congress in the course of any Iran-related negotiations.

When asked whether the existing Authorizations for the Use of Military Force (AUMFs) would authorize military strikes against Iran, Blinken said he believed that they would not, and that the executive branch should consult with Congress before conducting such strikes regardless.Blinken also committed to working on a bipartisan basis to repeal and replace the existing AUMFs from 2001 and 2002.He said the Biden administration would immediately seek to work with Russia on an extension to the New START arms control agreement, which is due to expire next month.

Blinken also acknowledged several foreign policy achievements of the Trump administration, including its efforts to normalize relations between Israel and other states in the region through the Trump administrations Abraham Accords, and he indicated that he had no intention to move the U.S. embassy out of Jerusalem.He strongly endorsed the Global Magnitsky human rights sanctions framework that had been created by Congress and implemented by the Trump administration.He also agreed with outgoing Secretary Pompeos statement yesterday that Chinas actions against its Uyghur minority amounted to genocide.

Ambassador Thomas Graham, Jr., Executive Chairman of the Board of Directors of Lightbridge Corporation, served for nearly three decades at the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, including 15 years as its General Counsel.

Blinkens opening statement was excellent, particularly some comments on his and his familys background. [Blinken told the story of his late stepfather, Samuel Pisar, who escaped from a death march after four years in a concentration camp, was rescued by an American GI, and found refuge in America after enduring the horrors of the Holocaust.]

The series of questions on the merits or lack thereof of the policies of the Trump administration permitted him to display the great depth of his knowledge and understanding of foreign policy. It also demonstrated his ability to communicate effectively with members of the Senate on the complexity of foreign policy issues, which reflects his years as the chief Democratic staffer of the Foreign Relations Committee.

He will be an excellent Secretary of State backed up by an outstanding staff.

Beth Van Schaack, Leah Kaplan Visiting Professor of Human Rights at Stanford Law School, former Deputy to the Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issues in the Office of Global Criminal Justice of the U.S. Department of State, Just Security Executive Editor.

It is notable that Blinken agreed with the Trump administrations determination the same day that China had committed genocide in its treatment of Uyghurs in Xinjiang, a position that is consistent withan earlier condemnation from the Biden-Harris campaign.

From a doctrinal perspective, this is important. In addition to decrying the use of concentration camps to detain Uyghurs, the statement from Pompeo reflects an understanding that there can be a genocide without mass killing. This is consistent with the main treaty devoted to genocide, the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, which prohibits the imposition of conditions of life calculated to destroy the target group as well as forced sterilization and the transfer of children, as we have seen in Xinjiang.

Crimes against humanity, one of the core crimes prosecuted at Nuremberg, captures this harm as well and can be prosecuted even without firm evidence that the perpetrators are acting with the intent to destroy the group, in whole or in part the hallmark of genocide.

The timing of Pompeos statement coming as it did on the eve of the inauguration is, of course, curious when this course of conduct has been underway since at least 2017, as noted by the statement. It will now fall to the Biden-Harris administration to identify additional measures to mitigate the harm to the victims and promote accountability for those responsible for this campaign of ethno-religious persecution.

Rob Berschinski, Senior Vice President for Policy at Human Rights First, former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor.

Blinkens confirmation hearing today was noteworthy both for what it was and for what it wasnt. Unsurprisingly, from his prepared remarks forward, Blinken evinced a tone and perspective concerning U.S. foreign policy at deep odds with that of his immediate predecessor. As Mike Pompeo hurled culture warnapalmfrom the sidelines, Blinken made clear that swagger and bombast are soon to be replaced as Americas diplomatic lodestars by humility and confidence, which he aptly described as the flip sides of Americas leadership coin.

On substance, Blinken ably reaffirmed what Ive come to think of as the 3 Rs of President-elect Bidens stated priorities when it comes to U.S. foreign policy: revitalizing reeling workforces at the State Department and other agencies; returning to multilateralism and a commitment to defend democracy and human rights; and realizing gains for the American people. A fourth R, Blinken made clear, would be the reestablishment of constructive relationships torched during the Trump era. The list of those in need of repair is long, but Blinken made clear that hell extend the principle not just to Americas traditional European allies, but also to members of Congress on both sides of the political aisle.

The message seemed well received by most members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Joining Democrats, several Republicans went out of their way to praise Blinkens deep knowledge, thoughtfulness, and willingness to learn from past mistakes in what could accurately be described as a multi-hour sub-tweet of the past four years. For one day, at least, a sense of shared national interest in solving exceptionally difficult questions prevailed. It was a breath of fresh air. Let us hope that more such days are to come.

Luke Hartig, Fellow in New Americas International Security program, former Senior Director for Counterterrorism at the National Security Council, Just Security Board of Editors.

Of the many exchanges Blinken had with senators during his four-hour confirmation hearing for Secretary of State, one of the most interesting was his collegial dialogue with Senator Lindsey Graham. Graham, of course, has largely been a fierce Trump defender while also being a friend of the late Senator John McCain, who opposed Blinkens nomination as deputy secretary of state. But Graham was warm and gracious and, even before asking a question, affirmed his support for Blinken he called the nominee an outstanding choice and predicted a big, bipartisan vote for his confirmation and declared you deserve it.

Among a long list of foreign policy concerns, Graham focused on the counterterrorism campaigns of the past 20 years since 9/11, stating his view that the United States had only been spared a major attack by al-Qaeda and ISIS because the country has kept its foot on their throat. Graham was critical of the Afghanistan drawdown and cautioned against trusting the Taliban in negotiations around the future of Afghanistan. Blinken largely agreed with Graham on most of this, noting the importance of staying vigilant on terrorism and expressing wariness about the Taliban.

But while Graham and Blinken may have agreed on foundational principles, in other parts of the nominees testimony, differences appeared around implementation. Although Graham reaffirmed his support for soft power to go with aggressive responses and sustained military operations, Blinken outlined a vision of a robust and distinctly civilian-led response to these threats. He called for a reinvigorated State Department, a strengthened civil service and Foreign Service workforce, and a diplomatic corps that could effectively and safely operate in some of the worlds most challenging environments. Blinken acknowledged the mistakes the Obama administration had made in Libya, particularly in overestimating the capacity of Libyas institutions to take control post-Qaddafi. He spoke with nuance about the tricky diplomacy the department would have to utilize to address the dynamic situations in Yemen, Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, and the Horn of Africa, places with immense challenges and where terrorist groups have often thrived. Blinken applauded the Development Finance Corporation, Global Fragility Act, and Middle East Partnership for Peace Fund. And he committed to multilateral approaches to terrorism and more.

This is the approach that many of us have called for over the past four years, as the Trump administration gutted the State Department, slashed the foreign affairs budget, shredded alliances, undermined its own diplomacy, and carried out a series of aggressive but often haphazard military operations. The challenge for Blinken, however, will not just be turning back the Trump approach but turning the ship of U.S. counterterrorism from the militarized approach that has prevailed across three administrations. The U.S. has built a machine that has kept America safe, as Graham rightly notes, but at the cost of creating a sense of perpetual war, a view that every overseas terrorist threat, no matter how small, must be neutralized with military force, and a belief that we must spend whatever it takes to carry out that mission. As Blinken notes, we cant take our eye off the ball of terrorism, but the hard work now is building and securing congressional support for the civilian institutions, processes, and capabilities necessary for them, rather than the military, to take the lead on the effort.

Rita Simeon, Director of National Security Advocacy at Human Rights First, Just Security Board of Editors.

There was much of note in Blinkens confirmation hearing today, but one important issue worth highlighting is the need to address the outdated war authorizations that remain not only on the books but in use far beyond what Congress originally authorized. As Blinken rightly noted, it is long past time we revisit and review them. In many instances, they have been cited and used in countries and against groups that were not part of the original authorization.

As Blinken acknowledged, getting agreement on the path forward on authorizations for the use of military force (AUMF) has proven a challenge: We did try to do this a few years ago, and its not easy to get to yes. For some, the porridge is too hot and for others its too coldbut I would be committed and determined to working on that. The president-elect feels very strongly about this.

As the incoming administration considers the appropriate path forward, it should take heed of the lessons learned from how the existing AUMFs have been stretched beyond recognition, and ensure that any new authorities it seeks from Congress containminimum essential safeguards.

But, if military force is to be used only as a last resort, as Blinken testified it should be, then the administration must also first carefully consider the full array of available tools for addressing current security challenges before seeking new or additional authorization to use force.

Laura Rozen, foreign policy reporter and founder of the Diplomatic newsletter, formerly at Politico and Foreign Policy, where she launched The Cable newsletter, Just Security Board of Editors.

Blinken pledged to make a sharp break with his predecessor in cutting partisan politics out of the State Department, in working to restore Americas alliances especially with European democracies, and in committing to recruit, retain, and promote a more diverse and inclusivediplomatic corps. The latter particularly was a sharp contrast to outgoing Secretary Pompeos reactionary tweet ahead of the nomination hearing that woke-ism, multiculturalism, all the isms theyre not who America is.

He offered some continuity in taking a tougher approach to China, saying he was interested in crafting a bipartisan policy on China that would seek to forge an alliance with other democracies.In response to questions, Blinken said he agreed with Pompeos declaration the same day that Chinas abuses against its Uyghur Muslim minority constituted genocide.

I think were very much in agreement, Blinken said. The forcing of men, women, and children into concentration camps; trying to, in effect, re-educate them to be adherents to the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party, all of that speaks to an effort to commit genocide.

Blinken sought to leave room for Biden to return to the Iran nuclear deal, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, if Iran agrees to return to its full commitments, as a starting point. The administration would then seek to negotiate, in concert with partners and allies, a longer and broader deal, and to address issues left out of the pact, such as Irans support for militant groups in the region, its development of ballistic missiles, and its human rights record.

Biden believes that if Iran comes back into compliance, we would too, Blinken said. But we would use that as a platform with our allies and partners, who would once again be on the same side with us, to seek a longer and stronger agreement,

Having said that, I think were a long way from there, Blinken added.

Blinken said Biden was inclined to extend the new START strategic arms reduction pact with Russia, which expires next month, but hedged on the details, noting that Biden transition officials had studiously avoided consultations with foreign governments while another president was in office.

Blinken also said the Biden administration would halt military support to the Saudi-led war in Yemen, though he said officials would have to examine the details of U.S. backing to gauge how and when to shift gears, and that it would review U.S. policy toward the Saudi kingdom more broadly. He also said the Biden administration would immediately review a controversial 11th-hour Pompeo designation of Yemens Houthi rebels as a terrorist organization, which humanitarian groups, the United Nations, and a bipartisan group of Senators fear could worsen an already catastrophic humanitarian situation while, at least on its surface, it seems to achieve nothing particularly practical in advancing the efforts against the Houthis and to bring them back to the negotiating table.

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Blinken Sails Through Queries on Iran, China, Russia, NATO, and More in Confirmation Hearing - Just Security

Jens Stoltenberg has invited Joe Biden to participate in a NATO summit at a date to be set (File)

NATO and the European Union are looking forward to working with US President-elect Joe Biden to strengthen transatlantic ties, the military alliance's chief said on Tuesday.

"We look forward to working with President-elect @JoeBiden to further strengthen ties between the #UnitedStates & #Europe, as we face global challenges none of us can tackle alone," NATO's Jens Stoltenberg wrote on Twitter after meeting European Council President Charles Michel.

EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell also took part in the working dinner on the eve of Biden's swearing in.

Traditional US allies in the European Union and NATO were often shunned by outgoing US President Donald Trump throughout his divisive four years in office.

Biden has signalled he intends to repair those relationships and return to multilateralism, underscored by his nomination of seasoned diplomat Antony Blinken for secretary of state.

Stoltenberg has invited Biden to participate in a NATO summit at a date to be set, while Michel has proposed organising a special meeting with the incoming president and EU leaders.

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

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"Looking Forward To Working With Joe Biden," Says NATO Chief - NDTV