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‘They mad over a forehead kiss?’: Fans Cry Hypocrisy as Disney – Bastion of Political Correctness – Edits Out Ayo-Aneka Kiss Scene in Black Panther:…

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'They mad over a forehead kiss?': Fans Cry Hypocrisy as Disney - Bastion of Political Correctness - Edits Out Ayo-Aneka Kiss Scene in Black Panther: Wakanda Forever  Animated Times

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Ancient DNA and Neanderthals | The Smithsonian Institution’s Human …

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DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) is arguably one of the most useful tools that scientists can use to understand living organisms. Our genetic code can tell us a lot about who we are, where come from, and even what diseases we may be predisposed to contracting and acquiring. When studying evolution, DNA is especially important in its application to identifying and separating organisms into species. However, DNA is a fragile molecule, and it degrades over time. For most fossil species, there is essentially no hope of ever acquiring DNA from their fossils, so answers to questions about their appearance, physiology, population structure, and more may never be fully answerable. For more recently extinct species scientists have, and continue to, extract ancient DNA (aDNA) which they use to reconstruct the genome of long-gone ancestors and relatives. One such species is Neanderthals, Homo neanderthalensis.

Neanderthals were the first species of fossil hominins discovered and have secured their place in our collective imagination ever since. The first Neanderthal fossils were found in Engis, Belgium in 1829, but not identified as belonging to Neanderthals until almost 100 years later. The first fossils to be called Neanderthals were found in 1856 in Germany, at a site in the Neander Valley (where Neanderthals get their name from). Neanderthals diverged from modern humans around 500,000 years ago, likely evolving outside of Africa. Most ancestors of Homo sapiens remained in Africa until around 100,000 years ago when modern humans began migrating outwards. In that time, Neanderthals evolved many unique adaptations that helped them survive in cold environments of Europe and Asia. Their short limbs and torso help conserved heat, and their wide noses helped warm and humidify air as they breathed it in. Despite these differences, modern humans and Neanderthals are very closely related and looked similar. We even overlapped with each other-living in the same place at roughly the same time in both the Middle East and Europe. If this is the case, why did Neanderthals go extinct while we survived? We can use DNA to help to answer this question and others, including:

Scientists answer these questions by comparing genomes as whole, as well as specific genes, between humans and Neanderthals. Before getting into the specifics of Neanderthal DNA, it is important to appreciate the structure of DNA itself, why it is so important, and why aDNA can be so difficult to work with.

Fast Facts

You may recognize the basic structure of DNA: two strands arranged in a double-helix pattern with individual bases forming rungs, like a twisting ladder. These bases are adenine (A), thymine (T), guanine (G), and cytosine (C). They form complementary pairs on opposite ends of each ladder rung: adenine across from thymine and cytosine across from guanine. For example, if one side of the twisting ladder reads AATG, the opposing side will read TTAC. It is the sequence of these individual base pairs that makes up our genetic code, or our genome. Errors can occur when DNA is unwound to be replicated with one or more bases being deleted, substituted for others, or newly added. Such errors are called mutations and range from being essentially harmless to deadly.

The main function of DNA is to control the production, timing, and quantity of proteins produced by each cell. This process is called protein synthesis and comes in two main stages: transcription and translation. When the cell needs to produce a protein, an enzyme called RNA polymerase unzips the DNA double-helix and aids in pairing RNA (ribonucleic acid, a molecule related to DNA) bases to the complementary DNA sequence. This first step is called transcription, the product of which is a single-sided strand of RNA that exits the cell. This messenger RNA, or mRNA, goes into the cells cytoplasm to locate an organelle called a ribosome where the genetic information in the mRNA can be translated into a protein. The process of translation involves another kind of RNA, transfer RNA or tRNA, binding to the base sequences on the mRNA. tRNA is carrying amino acids, molecules that will make up the final protein, binding in sequence to create an amino acid chain. This amino acid chain will then twist and fold into the final protein.

Base pairs are arranged in groups of three, or codons, on the mRNA and tRNA, Each codon codes for a single amino acid. Each individual amino acid can be coded for by more than one codon. For example, both AAA and AAG code for the same amino acid lysine. Therefore, a mutation changing the last A to a G will be functionally meaningless. This is known as a silent, or synonymous change. If that last A in the codon mutated to a C, however, the codon AAC codes for asparagine, a different amino acid. This new amino acid could lead to the formation of a completely new protein or make the amino acid chain unable to form a protein at all. This is known as a nonsynonymous change. Nonsynonymous changes are the basis for diversity within a gene pool on which evolution acts.

The total DNA sequence is made up of base pairs, but not all sequences of base pairs serve the same function. Not all parts of the DNA sequence directly code for protein. Base pair sequences within DNA can be split into exons, sequences that directly code for proteins, and introns, sequences that do not directly code for a specific protein. The exon portion of our genome is collectively called the exome, and accounts for only about 1% of our total DNA. Exons and introns together form genes, sequences that code for a protein. On average there are 8.8 exons and 7.8 introns in each gene. The noncoding, or intron, parts of DNA used to be called junk DNA, random or repeating sequences that did not seem to code for anything. Recent research has shown that the majority of the genome does serve a function even if not coding for protein synthesis. These intron sequences can help regulate when genes are turned on or off, control how DNA winds itself to form chromosomes, be remnant clues of an organisms evolutionary history, or serve other noncoding functions.

Most of our total genome is made of up nuclear DNA, or the genetic material located in the nucleus of a cell. This DNA forms chromosomes, X-shaped bundles of DNA, that separate during cell division. Homo sapiens have 23 pairs of chromosomes. Nuclear DNA is directly inherited from both parents with 50% each coming from an organisms biological male and female parents. Therefore, both parents lineages are represented by nuclear DNA with one exception. One of those pairs of chromosomes are called sex chromosomes. Everyone gets some combination of X (male female parent) and Y (male parent only) chromosomes that determine an organisms biological sex. These combinations can come in a variety of possible alternatives outside of XX and XY including XXY, X, and others. Because the Y chromosome is only inherited from a biological male parent, the sequence of the Y chromosome can be used to trace patrilineal ancestry.

DNA is also found in the mitochondria, an organelle colloquially referred to as the powerhouse of the cell. This mitochondrial DNA or mtDNA is much smaller than the nuclear genome, only composing about 37 genes. mtDNA is only inherited from an organisms biological female parent and can be used to trace matrilineal ancestry. Because both Y-chromosome DNA and mtDNA are smaller and inherited form only one parent, thus less subject to mutations and changes, they are more useful in tracing lineages through deep time. However, they pale in comparison to the entire nuclear genome in terms of size and available base sequences to analyze.

Fast Facts

Recall that DNA is made up of base pair sequences that are chemically bonded to the sides of the double-helix structure forming a sort of twisting ladder. As an organic molecule, the component parts of that twisting ladder are subject to degradation over time. Without the functioning cells of a living organism to fix these issues and make new DNA, DNA can degrade into meaningless components somewhat rapidly. While DNA is abundant and readily extracted in living organisms (you can even do your own at-home experiment to extract DNA! https://learn.genetics.utah.edu/content/labs/extraction/howto/) finding useable DNA in extinct organisms gets harder and harder the further back in time that organism died.

The record for the oldest DNA extracted used to go to an ancient horse, dating to around 500,000-700,000 years old (Miller and Lambert 2013). However, in 2021 this was blown out of the water with the announcement of mammoth DNA extracted from specimens over 1 million years old found in eastern Siberian permafrost, permanently frozen ground (van der Valk et al., 2021). These cases of extreme DNA preservation are rare and share a few important factors in common: the specimens are found in very cold, very dry environments, typically buried in permafrost or frozen in caves. The oldest hominin DNA recovered comes from a Neanderthal around 400,000 years old (Meyer et al. 2016), near the beginnings of the Neanderthal species. Finding older DNA in other hominins is unlikely as for most of our evolutionary history hominins lived in the warm, sometimes wet, tropics and subtropics of Africa and Asia where DNA does not preserve well.

When scientists are lucky enough to find a specimen that may preserve aDNA, they must take the utmost care to extract it in such a way as to preserve it and prevent contamination. Just because aDNA is preserved does not mean it is preserved perfectly; it still decomposes and degrades over time, just at a slower rate in cool, dry environments. Because of this, there is always going to be much less DNA from the old organism than there is in even the loose hair and skin cells from the scientists excavating it. Because of this, there are stringent guidelines in place for managing aDNA extraction in the field that scientists must follow (Gilbert et al., 2005 for example). In hominins, this is even more important since human and Neanderthal DNA are so similar that most sequences will be indistinguishable from each other.

Challenges in Sequencing aDNA

When aDNA does preserve, is often highly fragmented, degraded, and has undergone substantial changes from how the DNA appeared in a living organism. In order to sequence the DNA, or read the base pair coding, these damages and changes have to be taken into account and fixed wherever possible. aDNA comes in tattered, fragmented strands that are difficult to read and analyze. One way scientists deal with this is to amplify the aDNA that is preserved so that it is more readily accessible via a process known as polymerase chain reaction (PCR). PCR essentially forces the DNA to self-replicate exponentially so that there are many more copies of the same sequence to compare. Due to the exponential duplication, it is especially important for there to be no contamination of modern DNA in the sample. The amplified sequences can then be compared and aligned to create longer sequences, up to and including entire genes and genomes.

The component parts of DNA also degrade over time. One example is deamination, when cytosine bases degrade into a thymine molecule and guanine bases degrade into an adenine. This could potentially lead to misidentification of sequences, but scientists have developed chemical methods to reverse these changes. Comparison between closely related genomes, such as humans and Neanderthals, can also identify where deamination may have occurred in sequences that do not vary between the two species. Deamination can actually be useful because it is an excellent indicator that the sample you are looking at is genuine aDNA and not DNA from a contaminated source.

aDNA extraction and sequencing is inherently destructive and requires destroying at least part of the fossil sample you are attempting to extract DNA from. That is something that paleoanthropologists want to avoid whenever possible! To rationalize destroying a fossil to extract aDNA, it is common practice to first test this technique other non-hominin fossils from the same site to first confirm that DNA is accessible and in reasonable quantities/qualities. Testing aDNA form other sources, such as a cave bear at a Neanderthal site, can also identify any potential sources of contamination more easily since cave bears and humans are more distantly related.

Fast Facts:

DNA preserves best in cold, dry environments

aDNA must be destructively sampled, amplified, and analyzed prior to looking at the sequence

Neanderthal skull La Ferrassie 1 from La Ferrassie, France

The first analysis of any Neanderthal DNA was mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA), published in 1997. The sample was taken from the first Neanderthal fossil discovered, found in Feldhofer Cave in the Neander Valley in Germany. A small sample of bone was ground up to extract mtDNA, which was then replicated and analyzed.

Researchers compared the Neanderthal mtDNA to modern human and chimpanzee mtDNA sequences and found that the Neanderthal mtDNA sequences were substantially different from both (Krings et al. 1997, 1999). Most human sequences differ from each other by an average of 8.0 substitutions, while the human and chimpanzee sequences differ by about 55.0 substitutions. The Neanderthal and modern human sequences differed by approximately 27.2 substitutions. Using this mtDNA information, the last common ancestor of Neanderthals and modern humans dates to approximately 550,000 to 690,000 years ago, which is about four times older than the modern human mtDNA pool. Since this study was completed, many more samples of Neanderthal mtDNA have been replicated and studied.

Sequencing the Complete Neanderthal Mitochondrial Genome

After successfully sequencing large amounts of mtDNA, a team led by Svante Pbo from the Max Planck Institute reported the first complete mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) sequence for a Neanderthal (Green et al. 2008). The sample was taken from a 38,000 year old Neanderthal from Vindija Cave, Croatia. The complete mtDNA sequence allowed researchers to compare this Neanderthal mtDNA to modern human mtDNA to see if any modern humans carried the mtDNA from a related group to the Neanderthal group.

Later, Svante Pbos lab sequenced the entire mitochondrial genome of five more Neanderthals (Briggs et al. 2009). Sequences came from two individuals from the Neander Valley in Germany and one each from Mezmaiskaya Cave in Russia, El Sidrn Cave in Spain, and Vindija Cave in Croatia. Though the Neanderthal samples came from a wide geographic area, the Neanderthal mtDNA sequences were not particularly genetically diverse. The most divergent Neanderthal sequence came from the Mezmaiskaya Cave Neanderthal from Russia, which the oldest and eastern-most specimen. Further analysis and sampling or more individuals has led researchers to believe that this diversity was more closely related to age than it was to population-wide variance (Briggs et al. 2009).On average, Neanderthal mtDNA genomes differ from each other by 20.4 bases and are only 1/3 as diverse as modern humans (Briggs et al. 2009). The low diversity might signal a small population size.

There is evidence that some other hominin contributed to the Neanderthal mtDNA gene pool around 270,000 years ago (Posth et al., 2017). A femur discovered in Germany had its mtDNA genotyped and it was found that there was introgression from a non-Neanderthal African hominin, either Homo sapiens or closely related to us, around 270,000 years ago. This mitochondrial genome is also highly divergent from the Neanderthal average discussed previously, indicating that Neanderthals may have been much more genetically diverse in their more distant past.

As for Neanderthal introgression into the modern human mtDNA genome, it is possible that the evidence of such admixture is obscured for a variety of reasons (Wang et al 2013). Primary among these reasons is sample size: There are to date only a dozen or so Neanderthal mtDNA sequences that have been sampled. Because the current sample of Neanderthal mtDNA is so small, it is possible that researchers simply have not yet found the mtDNA in Neanderthals that corresponds to that of modern humans.

Map of Neanderthal extent througout Eurasia.

There have been many efforts to sequence Neanderthal nuclear genes, with an eventual goal to sequence as much of the Neanderthal genome as possible. In 2014, the complete genome of a Neanderthal from the Altai Mountains in Siberia was published (Prufer et al., 2014). This female individuals genome showed that her parents were likely half siblings and that her genetic line showed evidence of high rates of incestuous pairings. It is unclear whether this is due to her living in a small and isolated population or if other factors may have influenced the lineages inbreeding. Their analysis also showed that this individual was closely related to both modern humans and the Denisovans, another ancient human population. By their analysis, there was only a very small margin by which Neanderthal and Denisovan DNA differed exclusively from modern humans.

Fast Facts:

Neanderthals are genetically distinct from modern humans, but are more closely related to us than chimpanzees are

The Neanderthal and modern human lineages diverged about 550,000 years ago

So far, we have no evidence of Neanderthal mtDNA lineages in modern humans

Neanderthals were not as genetically diverse as modern humans were at the same period, indicating that Neanderthals had a smaller population size

Neanderthal nuclear DNA shows further evidence of small population sizes, including genetic evidence of incest

As technology improves, researchers are able to detect and analyze older and more fragmentary samples of DNA

Scientists have also found DNA from another extinct hominin population: the Denisovans. The first remains of the species found were a single fragment of a phalanx (finger bone) and two teeth, all of which date back to about 40,000 years ago (Reich et al., 2010). Since then, a Denisovan mandible, or lower jaw, has been found in Tibet (Chen et al., 2019) and a Denisovan molar has been found in Laos (Demeter et al., 2022). Other fossil hominins, such as the Homo longi remains from northern China (Ji et al., 2021) and the Dali cranium from northwestern China may belong to the Denisovans, but without comparable fossils and genetics it is difficult to know for sure.

This species is the first fossil hominin identified as a new species based on its DNA alone. Denisovans are close relatives of both modern humans and Neanderthals, and likely diverged from these lineages around 300,000 to 400,000 years ago; they are more closely related to Neanderthals than to modern humans. You might be wondering: If we have the DNA of Denisovans, why cant we compare them to modern humans like we do Neanderthals? Why isnt this article about them too? The answer is simply that we dont have enough DNA and fossils to make a comparison. The single-digit specimen pool of Denisovans found to date is statistically far too small a data set to derive any meaningful comparisons. Until we find more Denisovan material, we cannot begin to understand their full genome in the way that we can study Neanderthals. The lack of more (and more morphologically diagnostic) Denisovan fossils is the reason why scientists have not yet given them a species name.

Fast Facts:

Homo sapiens and Homo neanderthalensis are different species, yet you are reading this webpage about them potentially interbreeding with each other. So, what does that mean, exactly? Modern humans and Neanderthals lived in separate regions evolving along separate evolutionary lineages for hundreds of thousands of years. Even so, Neanderthals are still our closest currently known relative. Because of that evolutionary proximity, despite being recognized as different species, it is still possible that members of our two species exchanged genetic information. This exchange of DNA is called introgression, or interbreeding.

When looking for evidence of interbreeding, scientists do not search billions and billions of base pairs. Instead, there are specific regions of the genomes that are known to be highly variable in modern humans along with several million single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs), where the given base at a single location can vary among people. The difference between the total genome and these specific regions/sites can lead to some confusion. In terms of the total genome, humans and chimpanzees are 98-99% similar. Yet, it is possible for individuals to have up to 4% Neanderthal DNA. That difference is accounted for in that 4% of the highly variable genome is inherited from a Neanderthal source, not 4% of the entire genome. If one was to look at the modern human genome as a whole, at least 98-99% is the same, inherited from our common ancestor with Neanderthals.

Neanderthals are known to contribute up to 1-4% of the genomes of non-African modern humans, depending on what region of the word your ancestors come from, and modern humans who lived about 40,000 years ago have been found to have up to 6-9% Neanderthal DNA (Fu et al., 2015). Because Neanderthals likely evolve outside of Africa (no Neanderthal fossils have been found in Africa to date) it was thought that there would be no trace of Neanderthal DNA in African modern humans. However, a study in 2020 demonstrated that there is Neanderthal DNA in all African Homo sapiens (Chen at el., 2020). This is a good indicator of how human migration out of Africa worked: that Homo sapiens did not leave Africa in one or more major dispersals, but that there was gene flow back and forth over time that brough Neanderthal DNA into Africa.

The evidence we have of Neanderthal-modern human interbreeding sheds light on the expansion of modern humans out of Africa. These new discoveries refute many previous hypotheses in which anatomically modern humans replaced archaic hominins, like Neanderthals, without any interbreeding. However, even with some interbreeding between modern humans and now-extinct hominins, most of our genome still derives from Africa.

For many years, the only evidence of human-Neanderthal hybridization existed within modern human genes. However, in 2016 researchers published a new set of Neanderthal DNA sequences from Altai Cave in Siberia, as well as from Spain and Croatia, that show evidence of human-Neanderthal interbreeding as far back as 100,000 years ago -- farther back than many previous estimates of humans migration out of Africa (Kuhlwilm et al., 2016). Their findings are the first to show human gene flow into the Neanderthal genome as opposed to Neanderthal DNA into the human genome. These data tells us that not only were human-Neanderthal interbreeding events more frequent than previously thought, but also that an early migration of humans did in fact leave Africa before the population that survived and gave rise to all contemporary non-African modern humans.

We previously mentioned the lack of genetic contributions by Neanderthals into the modern human mtDNA gene pool. As we have shown that Neanderthal-human interbreeding did occur, why wouldnt we find their DNA in our mtDNA as well as our nuclear DNA? There are several potential explanations for this. It is possible that there were at one point modern humans who possessed the Neanderthal mtDNA, but that their lineages died out. It is also highly possible that Neanderthals did not contribute to the mtDNA genome by virtue of the nature of human-Neanderthal admixture. While we know that humans and Neanderthals bred, we have no way of knowing what the possible social or cultural contexts for such breeding would have been.

Because mtDNA is passed down exclusively from mother to offspring, if Neanderthal males were the only ones contributing to the human genome, their contributions would not be present in the mtDNA line. It is also possible that while interbreeding between Neanderthal males and human females could have produced fertile offspring, interbreeding between Neanderthal females and modern human males might not have produced fertile offspring, which would mean that the Neanderthal mtDNA could not be passed down. Finally, it is possible that modern humans do carry at least one mtDNA lineage that Neanderthals contributed to our genome, but that we have not yet sequenced that lineage in either modern humans or in Neanderthals. Any of these explanations could underlie the lack of Neanderthal mtDNA in modern human populations.

Given that scientists have DNA evidence of another hominin species, the Denisovans, is there any evidence for interbreeding among all three species? Yes! Comparison of the Denisovan genome to various modern human populations shows up to 4-6% contribution from Denisovans in non-African modern human populations. This concentration is highest in people from Papua New Guinea and Oceania. It makes sense that interbreeding would appear in these Southeast Asian and Pacific Island communities, as their ancestors migrated from mainland Asia where Denisovan fossils have been found. There is also substantial evidence for Denisovan-Neanderthal interbreeding, including one juvenile female that appears to be a fist generation hybrid of a Neanderthal female parent and Denisovan male parent (Slon et al., 2018). Finding more Denisovan fossils will hopefully mean developing a more complete picture of Denisovan genetics so that scientists can explore these interactions in more detail.

Fast Facts:

Homo neanderthalensis, adult male. Reconstruction based on Shanidar 1 (artist, John Gurche)

While much of the genetic diversity discussed above came from inactive, noncoding, or otherwise evolutionarily neutral segments of the genome, there are many sites that show clear evidence of selective pressure on the variations between modern humans and Neanderthals. Researchers found 78 loci at which Neanderthals had an ancestral state and modern humans had a newer, derived state (Green et al 2010). Five of these genes had more than one sequence change that affected the protein structure. These proteins include SPAG17, which is involved in the movement of sperm, PCD16, which may be involved in wound healing, TTF1, which is involved in ribosomal gene transcription, and RPTN, which is found in the skin, hair and sweat glands. Other changes may not alter the sequence of the gene itself, but alter the factors that control that genes replication in the cell, changing its expression secondarily.

This tells us that these traits were selected for in the evolution of modern humans and were possibly selected against in Neanderthals. Though some of the genomic areas that may have been positively selected for in modern humans may have coded for structural or regulatory regions, others may have been associated with energy metabolism, cognitive development, and the morphology of the head and upper body. These are just a few of the areas where we have non-genetic evidence of differentiation between modern humans and Neanderthals.

While the study of DNA reveals aspects of relatedness and lineage, its primary function is, of course, to control the production of proteins that regulate an organisms biology. Each gene may have a variety of genotypes, which are the variances that can occur within the site of a particular gene. Each genotype codes for a respective phenotype, which is the physical expression of that gene. When we study Neanderthal DNA, we can examine the genotypes at loci of known function and can infer what phenotype the Neanderthals mutations may have expressed in life. Below, explore several examples of Neanderthal genes and the possible phenotypes that they would have displayed.

Ancient DNA has been used to reconstruct aspects of Neanderthal appearance. A fragment of the gene for the melanocortin 1 receptor (MRC1) was sequenced using DNA from two Neanderthal specimens from Spain and Italy: El Sidrn 1252 and Monte Lessini (Lalueza-Fox et al. 2007). MC1Ris a receptor gene that controls the production of melanin, the protein responsible for pigmentation of the hair and skin. Neanderthals had a mutation in this receptor gene which changed an amino acid, making the resulting protein less efficient and likely creating a phenotype of red hair and pale skin. (Thereconstruction below of a male Neanderthal by John Gurche features pale skin, but not red hair) .How do we know what this phenotype would have looked like? Modern humans display similar mutations of MC1R, and people who have two copies of this mutation have red hair and pale skin. However, no modern human has the exact mutation that Neanderthals had, which means that both Neanderthals and humans evolved this phenotype independent of each other.

If modern humans and Neanderthals living in Europe at the same time period both evolved this reduction of pigmentation, it is likely that there was an advantage to this trait. One hypothesis to explain this adaptations advantage involves the production of vitamin D. Our bodies primarily synthesize our supply of vitamin D, rather than relying on vitamin D from food sources. Vitamin D is synthesized when the suns UV rays penetrate our skin. Darker skin makes it harder for sunlight to penetrate the outermost layers and stimulate the production of vitamin D, and while people living in areas of high sun exposure will still get plenty of vitamin D, people who live far from the equator are not exposed to as much sunlight and need to optimize their exposure to the sun. Therefore, it would be beneficial for populations in colder climates to have paler skin so that they can create enough vitamin D even with less sun exposure.

The FOXP2 gene is involved in speech and language (Lai et al. 2001). Mutations in the FOXP2 gene sequence in modern humans led to problems with speech, and oral and facial muscle control. The human FOXP2 gene is on a haplotype that was subject to a strong selective sweep. A haplotype is a set of alleles that are inherited together on the same chromosome, and a selective sweep is a reduction or elimination of variation among the nucleotides near a particular DNA mutation. Modern humans and Neanderthals share two changes in FOXP2 compared with the sequence in chimpanzees (Krause et al. 2007). How did this FOXP2 variant come to be found in both Neanderthals and modern humans? One scenario is that it could have been transferred between species via gene flow. Another possibility is that the derived FOXP2 was present in the ancestor of both modern humans and Neanderthals, and that the gene was so heavily favored that it proliferated in both populations. A third scenario, which the authors think is most likely, is that the changes and selective sweep occurred before the divergence between the populations. While it can be tempting to infer that the presence of the same haplotype in Neanderthals and humans means that Neanderthals had similar complex language capabilities, there is not yet enough evidence for such a conclusion. Neanderthals may also have their own unique derived characteristics in the FOXP2 gene that were not tested for in this study. Genes are just one factor of many in the development of language.

The gene that produces the ABO blood system is polymorphic in humans, meaning that there are more than two possible expressions of this gene. The genes for both A and B blood types are dominant, and O type is recessive, meaning that people who are type A or B can have genotypes of either AA or AO (or BB and BO) and still be A (or B) blood type, but to have type O blood one must have a genotype of OO. Various selection factors may favor different alleles, leading to the maintenance of distinct blood groups in modern human populations. Though chimpanzees also have different blood groups, they are not the same as human blood types. While the mutation that causes the human B blood group arose around 3.5 Ma, the O group mutation dates to around 1.15 Ma. When scientists tested whether Neanderthals had the O blood group they found that two Neanderthal specimens from Spain probably had the O blood type, though there is the possibility that they were OA or OB (Lalueza-Fox et al. 2008). Though the O allele was likely to have already appeared before the split between humans and Neanderthals, it could also have arisen in the Neanderthal genome via gene flow from modern humans.

The ability to taste bitter substances is controlled by a gene, TAS2R38. Some individuals are able to taste bitter substances, while others have a different version of the gene that does not allow them to taste bitter foods. Possession of two copies of the positive tasting allele gives the individual greater perception of bitter tastes than the heterozygous state in which individuals have one tasting allele and one non-tasting allele. Two copies of a non-tasting allele leads to inability to taste bitter substances.

When scientists sequenced the DNA of a Neanderthal from El Sidrn, Spain for the TAS23R38 gene, they found that this individual was heterozygous and thus was able to perceive bitter taste - although not as strongly as a homozygous individual with two copies of the tasting allele would be able to (Lalueza-Fox et al. 2009). Both of these haplotypes are still present in modern people, and since the Neanderthal sequenced was heterozygous, the two alleles (tasting and non-tasting) were probably both present in the common ancestor of Neanderthals and modern humans. Though chimpanzees also vary in their ability to taste bitterness, their abilities are controlled by different alleles than those found in humans, indicating that non-tasting alleles evolved separately in the hominin lineage.

The microcephalin gene relates to brain size during development. A mutation in the microcephalin gene, MCPH1, is a common cause of microcephaly. Mutations in microcephalin cause the brain to be 3 to 4 times smaller in size. A variant of MCPH1, haplogroup D, may have been positively selected for in modern humans and may also have come from an interbreeding event with an archaic population (Evans et al. 2006). All of the haplogroup D variants come from a single copy that appeared in modern humans around 37,000 years ago. However, haplogroup D itself came from a lineage that had diverged from the lineage that led to modern humans around 1.1 million years ago. Although there was speculation that the Neanderthals were the source of the microcephalin haplogroup D (Evans et al. 2006), Neanderthal DNA sequenced does not contain the microcephalin haplogroup D (Green et al. 2010).

While changes to the genome can directly affect the phenotypes displayed in an organism, altering the timing mechanism of protein production can cause very similar effects. MicroRNA (miRNA) is one such mechanism: a cell uses miRNA to suppress the expression of a gene until that gene becomes necessary. One miRNA can target multiple genes by binding its seed region to messenger RNA that would otherwise have carried that information to the ribosome to be transcribed into proteins, preventing transcription from taking place. In hominins, one particular miRNA called miR-1304 is exhibited in both an ancestral and derived condition. The derived condition has a mutation at the seed region which allows it to target more mRNA segments but less effectively. This means that in the derived state, some genes will be more strongly expressed due to a lack of suppression. One such trait is the production of enamelin and amelotin proteins, both used in dental formation during development. The suppression of production in Neanderthals, and subsequent lack of suppression in modern humans, could be a contributing factor to some of the morphological differences between Neanderthal and modern human dentition.

Research shows that Neanderthal DNA has contributed to our immune systems today. A study of the human genome found a surprising incursion of Neanderthal DNA into the modern human genome, specifically within the region that codes for our immune response to pathogens (Dannemann et al 2016). These particular Neanderthal genes would have been useful for the modern humans arriving in Europe whose immune systems had never encountered the pathogens within Europe and would be vulnerable to them, unlike the Neanderthals who had built up generations of resistance against these diseases. When humans and Neanderthals interbred, they passed this genetic resistance to diseases on to their offspring, allowing them a better chance at survival than those without this additional resistance to disease. The evidence of this genetic resistance shows that there have been at least three incursions of nonhuman DNA into the genes for immune response, two coming from Neanderthals and one from our poorly understood evolutionary cousins, the Denisovans.

While many of the genes that we retain for generations are either beneficial or neutral, there are some that have become deleterious in our new, modern lives. There are several genes that our Neanderthal relatives have contributed to our genome that were once beneficial in the past but can now cause health-related problems (Simonti et al 2016). One of these genes allows our blood to coagulate (or clot) quickly, a useful adaptation in creatures who were often injured while hunting. However, in modern people who live longer lives, this same trait of quick-clotting blood can cause harmful blood clots to form in the body later in life. Researchers found another gene that can cause depression and other neurological disorders and is triggered by disturbances in circadian rhythms. Since it is unlikely that Neanderthals experienced such disturbances to their natural sleep cycles, they may never have expressed this gene, but in modern humans who can control our climate and for whom our lifestyle often disrupts our circadian rhythms, this gene is expressed more frequently.

Briggs, A.W., Good, J.M., Green, R.E., Krause, J. Maricic, T., Stenzel, U., Lalueza-Fox, C., Rudan, P., Brajkovi, D., Kuan, ., Gui, I., Schmitz, R., Doronichev, V.B., Golovanova, L. V., de la Rasilla, M., Fortea, J., Rosas, A., Pbo, S., 2009. Targeted retrieval and analysis of five Neandertal mtDNA genomes. Science 325: 318-321.

Brown, T.A., 2010. Stranger from Siberia. Nature 464: 838-839.

Callaway, Ewen. 2009. First draft of Neanderthal genome is unveiled. New Scientist. 12 Feb 2009.

Caramelli, D., Milani, L., Vai, S., Modi, A., Peccholi, E., Girardi, M., Pilli, E., Lari, M., Lippi, B., Ronchitelli, A., Mallegni, F., Casoli, A., Bertorelle, G., Barbujani, G., 2008. A 28,000 years old Cro-Magnon mtDNA sequence differs from all potentially contaminating modern sequences. PLoS One 3(7): e2700.

Chen, F., Welker, F., Shen, C.C., Bailey, S.E., Bergmann, I., Davis, S., Xia, H., Wang, H., Fischer, R., Freidline, S.E., Yu, T.L. 2019. A late middle Pleistocene Denisovan mandible from the Tibetan Plateau.Nature569(7756): 409-412.

Chen, L., Wolf, A. B., Fu, W., Li, L., Akey, J. M., 2020. Identifying and interpreting apparent Neanderthal ancestry in African individuals.Cell180(4): 677-687.

Coop, G., Bullaughey, K. Luca, F., Przeworski, M., 2008. The timing of selection at the human FOXP2 Gene. Molecular Biology and Evolution 25(7): 1257-1259.

Currat, M., Excoffier, L., 2004. Modern humans did not admix with Neanderthals during their range expansion into Europe. PLoS Biology 2: e421.

Dalton, R., 2006. Neanderthal DNA yields to genome foray. Nature 441: 260-261.

Dalton, R., 2006. Neanderthal genome sees first light. Nature 444: 254.

Dannerman, M., Andres, A.M., Kelso, J. Introgression of Neandertal- and Denisovan-like Haplotypes Contributes to Adaptive Variation in Human Toll-like Receptors. 2016. The American Journal of Human Genetics: 98(1) 22-33.

Demeter, F., Zanolli, C., Westaway, K.E., Joannes-Boyau, R., Duringer, P., Morley, M.W., Welker, F., Rther, P.L., Skinner, M.M., McColl, H., Gaunitz, C. 2022. A Middle Pleistocene Denisovan molar from the Annamite Chain of northern Laos.Nature Communications13(1): 1-17.

Evans, P.D., Mekel-Bobrov, N., Vallender, E.J., Hudson, R.R., Lahn, B.T., 2006. Evidence that the adaptive allele of the brain size gene microcephalin introgressed into Homo sapiens from an archaic Homo lineage. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 103(48): 18178-18183.

Fu, Q., Hajdinjak, M., Moldovan, O.T., Constantin, S., Mallick, S., Skoglund, P., Patterson, N., Rohland, N., Lazaridis, I., Nickel, B., Viola, B., Profer, K., Meyer, M., Kelso, J., Reich, D., Pbo, S., 2015. An early modern human from Romania with a recent Neanderthal ancestor. Nature. 524(7564):216-9.

Gilbert, M. T. P., Bandelt, H. J., Hofreiter, M., Barnes, I., 2005. Assessing ancient DNA studies.Trends in Ecology & Evolution20(10): 541-544.

Green, R. E., J. Krause, Briggs, A.W., Marcic, T., Stensel, U., Kircher, M., Patterson, N.Fritz, M., Hansen, N., Durand, E.Y., Malaspinas, A-S, Jensen, J.D., Marques-Bonet, T., Alkan, C., Prfer, K., Meyer, M., Burbano, H.A., Good, J.M., Schultz, R., Aximu-Petri, A., Butthof, A., Hber, B., Hffner, B., Siegemund, M., Weihmann, A., Nusbaum, C., Lander, E.S., Russ, C., Novod, N., Affourtit, J., Egholm, M., Verna, C., Rudan, P., Brajkovic, D., Kucan, ., Guic, I., Doronichev, V.B., Golovanova, L.V., Lalueza-Fox, C., de la Rasilla, M., Fortea, J., Rosas, A., Schmitz, R.W., Eichler, E.E., Falush, D., Birney, E., Mullikan, J.C. Slatkin, M., Neilsen, R., Kelso, J., Lachmann, M., Reich, D., Pbo, S., 2010. A draft sequence of the Neandertal genome.Science 328: 710-722.

Green, R. E., Krause, J., Ptak, S.E., Briggs, A.W., Ronan, M.T., Simons, J.F., Du, L., Egholm, M., Rothberg J.M., Paunovic, M., Pbo, S.,. 2006. Analysis of one million base pairs of Neanderthal DNA. Nature 444: 330-336.

Green, R. E., Malaspinas, A.-S. Krause, J., Briggs, A., Johnson, P., Uhler, C., Meyer, M., Good, J., Maricic, T., Stenzel, U., 2008. A complete Neandertal mitochondrial genome sequence determined by high-throughput sequencing. Cell 134: 416-426.

Griffiths, D. A., 2018. Shifting syndromes: Sex chromosome variations and intersex classifications.Social Studies of Science48(1): 125-148.

Hofreiter, M., Serre, D., Poinar, H.N., Kuch, M., Pbo, S., 2001. Ancient DNA. Nature Reviews2: 353-359.

Holden, C., 2006. It's Neanderthal Time. Science 313: 279.

Jagannathan, M., Cummings, R., Yamashita, Y. M., 2018. A conserved function for pericentromeric satellite DNA.Elife7: e34122.

Ji, Q., Wu, W., Ji, Y., Li, Q., Ni, X. 2021. Late Middle Pleistocene Harbin cranium represents a new Homo species. The Innovation 2(3).

Krause, J., Lalueza-Fox, C., Orlando, L., Enard, W., Green, R.E., Burbano, H.A., Hublin, J.-J., Hnni, C., Fortea, J., de la Rasilla, M., Bertranpetit, J., Rosas, A., Pbo, S., 2007. The derived FOXP2 variant of modern humans was shared with Neandertals. Current Biology 17: 1908-1912.

Krings, M., Stone, A., Schmitz, R.W., Krainitzki, H., Stoneking, M., Pbo, S., 1997. Neandertal DNA Sequences and the origin of modern humans. Cell 90: 19-30.

Krings, M., Geisert, H., Schmitz, R.W., Krainitzki, H., Pbo, S., 1999. DNA Sequence of the mitochondrial hypervariable region II from the Neanderthal type specimen. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences USA 96: 5581-5585.

Kuhlwilm M, Gronau I, Hubisz MJ, de Filippo C, Prado-Martinez J, Kircher M, Fu Q, Burbano HA, Lalueza-Fox C, de La Rasilla M, Rosas A. 2016. Ancient gene flow from early modern humans into Eastern Neanderthals. Nature. 530(7591):429-33.

Lalueza-Fox, C., Gigli, E., de la Rasilla, M., Fortea, J., Rosas, A., Bertranpetit, J., Krause, J., 2008. Genetic characterization of the ABO blood group in Neandertals. BMC Evolutionary Biology 8: 342.

Lalueza-Fox, C., E. Gigli, E., de la Rasilla, M., Fortea, J., Rosas, A., 2009. Bitter taste perception in Neanderthals through the analysis of the TAS2R38 gene. Biology Letters 5: 809-811.

Lalueza-Fox, C., Rmpler, H., Caramelli, D., Stubert, C., Catalano, G., Hughes, D., Rohland, N., Pilli, E., Longo, L., Condemi, S., de la Rasilla, M., Fortea, J., Rosas, A., Stoneking, M., Schneberg, T., Bertranpetit, J., Hofreiter, M., 2007. A melanocortin 1 receptor allele suggests varying pigmentation among Neanderthals. Science 318: 1453-1455.

Lopez-Valenzuela M., Ramrez O., Rosas A., Garca-Vargas S., de la Rasilla M., Lalueza-Fox C., Espinosa-Parrilla Y., 2012. An ancestral miR-1304 allele present in Neanderthals regulates genes involved in enamel formation and could explain dental differences with modern humans. Molecular biology and evolution. mss023.

Mackelprang, R., Rubin, E.M., 2008. New tricks with old bones. Science 321: 221-212.

Meyer M., Arsuaga J.L., De Filippo C., Nagel S., Aximu-Petri A., Nickel B., Martnez I., Gracia A., de Castro J.M.B., Carbonell E., Viola B., Kelso J., Prfer K., Pbo S. 2016. Nuclear DNA sequences from the Middle Pleistocene Sima de los Huesos hominins. Nature 531, 504507.

Millar CD., Lambert DM., 2013. Ancient DNA: Towards a million-year-old genome. Nature 499, 3435.

Noonan, J.P., Coop, G., Kudaravalli, S., Smith, D., Krause, J., Alessi, J. Chen, F., Platt, D., Pbo, S., Pritchard, J.K., Rubin, E.M., 2006. Sequencing and analysis of Neanderthal genomic DNA. Science 314: 1113-1118.

Pennisi, E., 2009. Sequencing Neandertal mitochondrial genomes by the half-dozen. Science325: 252.

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Biological Influences on Human Behavior: Genetics & Environment

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Twin Studies

Because identical twins have the same DNA, they are often used to help scientists understand which behaviors may be determined by genetics and which may be influenced by our environment. As exact copies of each other, sets of identical twins can be compared with other sets of identical twins to see how the environment affects their individual behaviors.

For example, scientists may compare identical twins that were separated at birth to identical twins that grew up in the same household. This allows them to examine how different environments influence the same genetic makeup. Other studies may compare identical twins that were raised together to fraternal twins, who, like normal siblings, only share about half of their DNA.

While there are no definitive answers, what these studies do generally show is that neither genetics nor the environment is more important than the other when it comes to some of the more complex behaviors. For example, genetic makeup accounts for about half of the variation we see in human personalities and intelligence. But this means that the other half of the variation we see in people comes from their environmental surroundings. So for some behaviors, both our genes and the environment play an equally important role.

It may be tempting to think that genetically influenced behaviors come from specific genes. However, just because a behavior has a genetic basis doesn't mean that there is a gene that 'controls' that trait. Genes don't actually control behaviors, they just facilitate certain reactions to our environment.

For example, many animals in nature are monogamous, which is a genetically influenced behavior. But there is no specific gene that causes monogamous behavior in these animals. Instead, certain genes produce proteins with receptors that respond positively to the scent of their mate. And it's this positive response that began with genetics and then is triggered by the environment that keeps the couple close to each other.

Humans have similar responses to other people; we like being around others for a reason! Human brains are genetically programmed to respond to social recognition and bonding with others. We are a very social species and we form complex relationships with friends and family. However, what we don't know much about is how our brains do this. Hormones and hormone receptors are major players, but the jury is still out on just how those mechanisms are involved in forming relationships and bonding with others.

One thing that separates us from other animals is how much longer it takes us to develop after we're born. We spend a very long time learning how to talk, walk, and interact with the world around us. During this time we are involved with many different people: our parents, siblings, and schoolmates, just to name a few. This allows us to be involved in a variety of complex social networks, which scientists think may have led to our unique success in the Animal Kingdom. As you can see, even from very early in life, both our environments and our genetics are important factors in determining how we behave.

Human behaviors are complex. Our social networks, personal interactions, and relationships are determined by both our genes and the world around us. Some behaviors may have a genetic basis, but genes do not actually control behavior. Rather, our genetic makeup influences how we interact with and respond to our surroundings.

While we do not fully understand the mechanisms behind human behaviors, we do have some insight into whether certain behaviors are influenced more by our genes or our environment. Twin studies are helpful for this because identical twins have the same DNA. Comparing sets of identical twins in different environments allows scientists to more closely examine how genetics and the environment shape us as individuals.

After completing this lesson, you should be able to:

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Online Maryland Sports Betting Expected Next Week, SWARC Approves 10 Sportsbooks – Sports Betting Dime

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NFL Betting Trends: Team Records Against the Spread and Totals on DraftKings Sportsbook for Week 11 – DraftKings Nation

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NFL Betting Trends: Team Records Against the Spread and Totals on DraftKings Sportsbook for Week 11  DraftKings Nation

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Best Online Gambling Sites 2022 – Online Gambling USA – Business 2 Community

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Eliminating the Black-White Wealth Gap Is a Generational Challenge

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Introduction and summary

The importance of household wealth has become abundantly clear during the COVID-19 pandemic. Wealth is the difference between what families ownfor instance, their savings and checking accounts, retirement savings, houses, and carsand what they owe on credit cards, student loans, and mortgages, among other debt.

Yet wealth is vastly unequally distributed across the United States. Black households have a fraction of the wealth of white households, leaving them in a much more precarious financial situation when a crisis strikes and with fewer economic opportunities. Wealth allows households to weather a financial emergency such as a layoff or a family members illness. The pandemic brought multiple such emergencies to American families across all demographics. However, the lack of financial security combined with disproportionate exposure to the deadly coronavirus has had especially disastrous results for the Black community.

Wealth also provides families the means to invest in their childrens education, to start a business, relocate for new and better opportunities, buy a house, and have greater participation in the democratic process. Many households in Black communities cannot afford to pay for reliable internet or electronic devices to facilitate remote learning.1 White workers have been more likely to work remotely during the pandemic and have resources to devote to their childrens remote learning environment, while Black workers are more likely to still be going to work in person. The pandemic has created the perfect storm of factors that will drive wealth for African Americans and white households even further apart.

Wealth is not only a question of financial savings; it provides access to the political process and, therefore, exerts political influence. Households with wealth have a measure of economic security and can donate time and money, thereby influencing the political process and the policies that are important to their communities. Yet, Congress has not devoted enough attention to both the physical and economic harm the coronavirus crisis has wrought on African American communities.

The persistent Black-white wealth gap is not an accident but rather the result of centuries of federal and state policies that have systematically facilitated the deprivation of Black Americans. From the brutal exploitation of Africans during slavery, to systematic oppression in the Jim Crow South, to todays institutionalized racismapparent in disparate access to and outcomes in education, health care, jobs, housing, and criminal justicegovernment policy has created or maintained hurdles for African Americans who attempt to build, maintain, and pass on wealth.

In 2019, the Center for American Progress invited a number of leading national experts on racism and wealth to join the National Advisory Council on Eliminating the Black-White Wealth Gap2 to make eradicating this racial disparity a pressing policy goal for the next presidential administration and to identify steps necessary to accomplish it. This group engaged in a yearlong discussion guided by the following principles:

The importance of addressing the Black-white wealth gap

In 2019, the median wealth (without defined-benefit pensions) of Black households in the United States was $24,100, compared with $189,100 for white households. Therefore, the typical Black household had 12.7 percent of the wealth of the typical white household, and they owned $165,000 less in wealth. The average gap is somewhat smaller in relative terms but much larger in dollar terms. The average Black household had $142,330 in 2019 compared with $980,549 for the average white household. This means that, on average, Black households had 14.5 percent of the wealth of white households, with an absolute dollar gap of $838,220.

The massive Black-white wealth disparity is nothing new in this country. It has persisted for centuries and has been apparent in consistent, nationally representative data for at least three decades. The gap between Black and white households appears to have widened again in the latter part of 2020 as the pandemic and deep recession took hold, especially hurting Black Americans. Black households needed to rely more on their savings to cover both health care emergencies and the economic fallout from layoffs than white households. Just a few months into the pandemic, average wealth for Black households was growing more slowly than that of white householdsa reversal of the pre-pandemic trend.

Low wealth among many Black Americans left them especially vulnerable to the myriad risks of the coronavirus crisis. Black workers were more likely to lose their jobs even as they faced greater health care risks. They worked in jobs with greater exposure to the coronavirus and lived in communities with weaker health care infrastructures. As risks and costs soared, they quickly experienced more material hardship. Hunger, the threat of eviction or foreclosure, and an inability to pay bills were more prevalent among Black households than among white ones. More than two-thirds68.1 percentof Black families with incomes from $35,000 to $100,000 who had lost work during the pandemic indicated that they could not afford all of the food they needed, faced eviction or foreclosure, or had difficulty paying all of their bills from August 2020 to December 2020.3 These situations applied to 49.3 percent of white households in this income category. All types of families have suffered during the recession, but Black families have struggled more because they have fewer savings to fall back on.

Black households face systematic obstacles in building wealth

The persistent Black-white wealth gap is the result of a discriminatory economic system that keeps Black households from achieving the American dream.4 This system has always made it difficult for Black households to acquire and keep capital, and this lack of capital has created a persistently large racial wealth disparity, as African Americans have had less wealth to pass on to the next generation than white households. There are several other obstacles to building wealth:

The unjust obstacles to building wealth for Black households have existed for centuries, and the iterative nature of wealth begetting more wealth means that without public interventions, it will be virtually impossible for Black Americans to catch up to their white counterparts. White families are better situated to pass on wealth from one generation to the next. White households first benefited from the dehumanizing system of slaverydirectly, in this case, as a white slaveholding plantation classbut also from the discriminatory institutions that emerged and persisted after the Civil War. White households have been able to build wealth for themselves and their descendants, while whatever wealth Black families could amass was regularly stripped away. Private businesses and governments institutionalized racism and discrimination. They also encouraged and sanctioned violence targeting Black lives and property. The destruction of Black Wall Street in the Greenwood neighborhood of Tulsa, Oklahoma, in 1921 serves as one of many horrid and systematic examples.6

Following centuries of oppression of Black households, white households are much more likely to receive an inheritance from their parents and grandparents, and their inheritances are much larger than those of Black households.7 Moreover, white households have access to larger and wealthier social networks that they can tap into for job and career opportunities for them and their children. Addressing the persistent Black-white wealth gap means countering the centuries-old institutions that have kept Black households from building and growing wealth at the same rate as is the case for white households.

Novel policy proposals that can help shrink the Black-white wealth gap

The National Advisory Council on Eliminating the Black-White Wealth Gap developed a range of novel policy proposals throughout 2020 that followed the aforementioned principles. These policies are especially targeted toward Black Americans, building and expanding on several existing proposals that could reduce the wealth disparity between Black and white households by helping Black Americans gain more wealth.

Derived from a CAP issue brief published in November 2020, this proposal recommends that the executive branch explicitly prioritize eliminating the Black-white wealth gap, as it is the result of the collective and compounding impact of centuries of oppression. Now there must be a full-scale, intentional, and strategic plan that reaches across the entire federal government and puts in place actual infrastructure to tackle racial inequality. The issue brief provides the Biden administration with a menu of options, many of which have been adopted already.9 They include creating a White House Racial Equity Office; appointing a senior adviser to the president on racial equity; directing the Office of Management and Budget to conduct racial equity assessments on policy measures; adding more principal function to the National Economic Council focused on eliminating the racial wealth disparity; establishing an interagency task force that would provide steps each agency could take toward increasing wealth for Black communities and communities of color; and encouraging agencies to prioritize addressing racial wealth inequality. This menu of options is intended to provide mechanisms by which the federal governmentincluding the White House and federal agencieswould hold itself accountable to the goal of centering race and equity in policymaking.

Black workers and their families have a rare source of opportunity and security in public sector jobs. Government jobs alone cannot solve structural racism, but public sector jobs offer Black workers a greater measure of economic security than they can often find in private sector employment. Secure employment with predictable wages and benefits, a stable working environment, and stronger protections for workers in the public sector has been a significant source of security for Black workers. That also means that slowing growth in government employmentespecially in the wake of the Great Recession of 2007 to 2009represents a disproportionate shrinking of economic opportunities for African American workers.

Amid the fallout from the pandemic, state and local governments have made deep cuts to public sector jobs. Black workers have seen economic gains thanks to their hard work in the public sector. These income and wealth gains are now at risk again. In September 2020, 211,000 fewer Black workers had a job in the public sector than was the case in September 2019.11

In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, the federal government can ensure that state and local governments are receiving the funding they needfor instance, with the passage of the American Rescue Plan. Now, these additional funds need to lead states and local governments to bring back jobs in an equitable manner; otherwise, they would risk endangering the financial security of millions of middle-class Black households, threatening to make the wealth gap even harder to solve and undermining one of the only means of substantially reducing racism and racial wealth disparities.

Many households lack access to mainstream banking institutions, which contributes to households being either unbanked or underbanked. This is especially acute for communities of color. Policymakers will need to make long-term structural changes to achieve more equitable outcomes for Black households as the country considers the necessary next steps to rebuild its economy and society after the pandemic and the ensuing economic crisis. Postal banking should be a core part of the U.S. Postal Services mission to deliver services to almost every community in the country. The federal government could provide vital access to financial services by broadening the mandate of the Postal Service to offer postal bankingsuch as a stable bank account for those who are underbanked or unbanked, small loans, and check-cashing serviceswhich could reduce the wealth-stripping effect that exclusionary and predatory financial institutions can cause. Such a system could also serve as a public distribution method for federal and state benefits such as the economic impact payments in the CARES Act or the quarterly or monthly distribution of the earned income tax credit and the child tax credit. Postal banking would overcome a structural barrier for African Americans in the U.S. financial system and would reduce the damage done to many Black households and communities that regularly face predatory lenders and lose large shares of their wealth.

African Americans own fewer than 2 percent of small businesses with any employees, but they make up 13 percent of the U.S. population. In comparison, white households own 82 percent of small employer firms, even though they account for only 60 percent of the U.S. population.

Wide and persistent inequities in wealth and access to capital cause these disparities in small business ownership. The federal government can play an important role in creating a more equitable business environment, even though in the past, it has often perpetuated rather than mitigated these inequities. The Biden administration could help cut small business disparities if it decided to overhaul a long-neglected agency that is part of the U.S. Department of Commercethe Minority Business Development Agency (MBDA). A reenvisioned MBDA could then take the following steps:

Black researchers, inventors, and entrepreneurs face large hurdles in receiving federal research and development (R&D) funds in the current design and application of such funds. The Biden administration and Congress can lower racial gaps in R&D funding and offer a pathway for R&D dollars that both dedicate funding to Black-led research and establish an innovation dividend.

The proposal, developed in a previous CAP report, envisions additional financial support for R&D by Black inventors and entrepreneurs:

The proposal further envisions the creation of an innovation dividend. The federal government would have to spend $125 billion annually in new R&D, which is higher than the current low of about $100 billion per year. Underlying this calculation is the assumption that the federal governments annual R&D spending will grow with gross domestic product, based on the Congressional Budget Offices (CBO) long-term economic projections. Each new and successful investment is assumed to last for 20 years. This is equal to the usual patent protection length. The calculation further assumes that all investments create an average noninflation-adjusted rate of return of about 3 percent. This is close to the long-term, risk-free rate of return assumed by the CBO but well below historical averages. The federal government can receive the extra value of these investments. Private companies profits then only come from private sector investments. The federal government can pay out these funds as innovation dividendstypically in the form of targeted cash paymentsto Black Americans, who have been left out of innovation funding for decades.

Even with innovative policy solutions, the Black-white wealth gap will persist

The data for the past three decades show large and persistent disparities in wealth, assets, and debt between Black and white households. Wealth is the difference between what households owntheir assetsand what they owetheir debt. For most households, assets are larger than debt, meaning they own at least some wealth. Assets include peoples houses, their retirement accounts, their checking and savings accounts, and their cars, for example. The expected future income from an employers pension is a somewhat unique asset. On the one hand, it provides households with a secure stream of income in the future; on the other hand, it is not an asset that households can borrow against or pass on to their heirs. The table below shows wealth inequality between Black and white households both with and without defined-benefit pension wealth.

The data highlight several key points. First, Black households have a fraction of the wealth of white households. For instance, the median wealth of Black households with defined-benefit pensions was $40,400 in 201915.5 percent of the $258,900 in median wealth for white families. (see the downloadable table)15 The smallest relative gap that can be found between Black household wealth and white household wealth exists for average wealth that includes defined-benefit pensions as part of household wealth. Using this measure, Black households wealth amounts to 22.5 percent of white households wealth. (see Figure 1) In comparison, the largest gap that can be found between Black and white household wealth is median wealth without defined-benefit pensions included. Using this measure, Black households own 12.7 percent of the wealth of the median white household. No matter which wealth measure is used, Black households have far less wealth than white ones.

Figure 1

Second, defined-benefit pensions have a slightly equalizing effect. The Black-white wealth gap shrinks somewhat when the imputed value of defined-benefit pensions is counted as an asset. This equalizing effect is larger for average wealth than for median wealth. For example, average Black household wealth increases from 14.5 percent of average white household wealth without defined-benefit pensions to 22.5 percent with defined-benefit pensions; the Black-white wealth gap shrinks by 8 percentage points. At the median, the effect is only a 1.8 percentage-point decrease. That is, the effect of a little more wealth equality thanks to defined-benefit pensions matters mainly for higher-income earners with stable jobs. Since such opportunities are often rare for Black workers in the private sector, the effect is much smaller at the median.

A key point, which is not shown in Figure 3 but is apparent in the same data, is that Black workers have more access to stable jobs with good benefitsincluding defined-benefit pensionsin the public sector than in the private sector. As a result, wealth inequality among public sector workers is much smaller than among private sector workers.16 This effect becomes even larger when comparing public sector workers in unionized jobs with their private sector counterparts who are not covered by a collective bargaining agreement.17 Access to stable, well-paying jobs with decent benefits is rarer for Black workers than for white ones. Such accesswhich is more common in the public sector than in the private sectorcan help shrink but not eliminate the Black-white wealth gap in large part because of the value of a defined-benefit pension.

Third, there is no long-term trend toward a smaller Black-white wealth gap. In fact, the relative difference between Black households wealth and that of white households was generally smaller from 1992 to 2007 than in the years after the Great Recession. For instance, the median wealth with defined-benefit pensions of Black households amounted to 20.1 percent of white households in 1998 and 19.8 percent in 2004. Since the Great Recession, this ratio of Black households median wealth to white households median wealth reached its highest point of 15.5 percent in 2019. Black households wealth has always been far below that of white households in the past three decades.

Fourth, the wealth gap persists even when the data account for income differences. Black households have much lower wealth-to-income ratios than white households do. For example, the median wealth-to-income ratio that includes the imputed wealth of defined-benefit pensions has rarely exceeded 100 percent for Black households. (see the downloadable table)18 However, it has never fallen below 300 percent for white households, and it stood at 395.5 percent in 2019. That is, the large Black-white wealth gap does not follow from lower incomes among Black households.

In the same vein, the data show large Black-white wealth gaps among separate subpopulations. (see Table 1) The table breaks the data down by education, family status, age, and income in addition to race. In all groups, white households have vastly more wealth than Black households. The overall Black-white wealth gap is then not a result of differences in these characteristics. For example, white households with high school degrees have $151,651 more in wealth on average than Black households with a college degree. In fact, white households without a high school degree have similar wealth levels as Black households with college degrees$230,165 compared with $270,288. Other research at the more regionally granular level has regularly found that white households without a high school degree have, on average, more wealth than Black households with a college degree.19 Put differently, Black Americans gaining more education does not close the Black-white wealth gap. The data indicate similar conclusions about income levels and marital status.20 Black Americans clearly encounter massive and systematic obstacles that make it impossible to catch up to their white counterparts.

Table 1

The data in Table 1 on wealth by age in fact suggest that these obstacles are cumulative. The Black-white wealth gap tends to be larger for older groups of households than for younger ones. Data for married couples broken down by cohorts show that the Black-white wealth gap widens as people get older.21 Black Americans encounter systematic obstacles and systemic racism when trying to save for their future, while white households receive additional help from their familiesfor example, in the form of more frequent and larger inheritancescausing the Black-white wealth gap to grow over peoples lifetime.22

Fifth, Black households wealth declined more after the Great Recession than was the case for white households. And white households wealth grew faster in the immediate aftermath of that financial and economic crisis than was the case for Black households wealth. Regardless of the measure of wealthmedian or mean, with or without defined-benefit pensionsthe gap between Black households and white households wealth was larger in 2019 than in 2004 and 2007, before the Great Recession started.

Additional Federal Reserve data suggest that the recession of 2020 could show a similar pattern of a widening Black-white wealth gap during a recession. Figure 2 shows the average wealth with defined-benefit pensions for Black and white households.23 The Black-white wealth gap widened over the course of the recession through September 2020. The average wealth of Black households was $241,951, which was 0.7 percent below the $243,764 recorded at the end of 2019, before the recession started. In contrast, average white household wealth was 3.3 percent higher with $1.17 million in September 2020 compared with $1.13 million at the end of 2019. Black households wealth recovered more slowly than that of white households, widening the wealth disparity continuously throughout the recession.

Figure 2

Several reasons account for this widening disparity between Black and white wealth during recessions. First, on average, Black workers always have worse labor market experiences than white workers. (see Figure 3) They suffer from higher unemployment, longer spells of unemployment, earlier layoffs in a recession, later rehiring in a recovery, more job instability, and lower wages.24 Less access to good, stable jobs means that African Americans have fewer opportunities to save money as well as more need to rely on their savings because they face more labor market risks.

Figure 3

Second, Black households are less likely to own stocks than white households, often because they face more economic risks such as higher chances of layoffs and medical emergencies than white households.25 They also have less access to retirement benefits through their employers, which is one key pathway for more saving and stock market investments for American families.26 African Americans then see fewer wealth gains from a booming stock market, as typically happens starting from the later stages of a recession.

Even worse, the combination of higher unemployment during the recession and fewer stock market investments to begin with means that Black households have fewer opportunities to take advantage of low stock prices in the middle of a recession than white households.27 Black households have less money to invest at a time when the opportunities to invest in the stock market are best because of low stock prices. White households, on the other hand, are more likely to still have a job with higher incomes and more access to stock market investments through employer-sponsored retirement accounts. They can take advantage of low stock prices in the depths of a recession and thus see higher rates of return on their wealth.

Third, Black households are less likely to own their own houses than white households.28 Housing prices have largely stayed strong and even increased in this recession. Black households see fewer gains from such price increases than white households. Worse, even when Black households own their homes, they see smaller price gains than white homeowners do. Their home values increase at a lesser rate because of housing and mortgage market discrimination, fewer public services, and less access to good jobs in predominantly African American communities.29 In essence, wealth leads to more wealth, and this pattern becomes readily apparent in a recession.

As discussed above, the differences in Black-white wealth overall and in rates of return stem from massive gaps in assetsnot from more debt among African Americans. On the contrary, Black households typically have less debt than white households do, often because they are shut out of formal credit channels due to financial market discrimination.30 Black households instead owe a lot of so-called consumer credit such as car and student loans as well as credit cards. Yet they are less likely to have a mortgage due to greater loan denial rates and less access to down payment help from family. The heavy reliance on consumer debt means that the amount of consumer loans to consumer durablesa measure of how much families need to use debt for ongoing expensesis higher for African Americans than for any other racial or ethnic group. Black households essentially use consumer debt to cover part of their expenses, while white households go deeper into mortgage debt to invest in an asset that appreciates.31 African Americans then owe more costly and risky debt such as car loans and credit card debt and thus often pay more for their debt than white households do, but the amount of debt that Black households owe is smaller in absolute terms and relative to income than is the case for white households.32 High-cost and high-risk debt is a key aspect of wealth stripping in the African American community, but it is not the overarching contributor to the Black-white wealth gap. A systematic lack of access to opportunities for owning and maintaining assets is the primary cause.

Conclusion

The work of the National Advisory Council on Eliminating the Black-White Wealth Gap shows two important things. First, it is possible to develop and enact in short order a number of policies that could have a meaningful long-term effect on reducing the Black-white wealth gap. Second, a smallerbut still substantialBlack-white wealth gap would persist, even if policymakers enacted all policies mentioned in this report in addition to several large-scale proposals proposed by CAP and others. Eliminating the disparities between Black and white wealth is a generational undertaking, but it is one that this country can and must tackle.

The proposals summarized in this report show that it is possible to enact novel policies to shrink the Black-white wealth gap. These proposals expand the portfolio of possible new measures to address this massive inequality. Other policies that can also shrink this wealth disparity include so-called baby bondsannual payments to children under the age of 18 that are tied to parents income or wealth.33 They also include debt-free college education, universal retirement accounts,34 full enforcement of civil rights legislation in housing markets, and strict regulation and enforcement of financial market regulation in all credit and asset markets.35

A key difference between the novel proposals laid out in this report and already-proposed policies is that the new approaches focus solely or primarily on lifting up wealth for African Americans, while other proposals largely favor Black households but also provide help to white families in building wealth. That is, these new proposals could have a substantial effect on shrinking the Black-white wealth gap.

But a substantial Black-white wealth gap will remainat least between average wealth for Black families and average wealth for white familieseven if all of these proposals were immediately enacted. Broad measures that benefit both Black and white households have a diffuse effect on the Black-white wealth gap at the average, although they can substantially shrink this wealth disparity at the median.36 At the same time, targeted proposals laid out in this report will take time to have a meaningful effect. Moreover, the sum of these proposals does not fully erase the massive intergenerational advantage that white households have in building wealth.

These intergenerational wealth transfers come in the form of gifts and inheritances as well as access to social networks. For the years 2010 to 2019, white households in which the heads of household were between the ages of 55 and 64 years old had received gifts and inheritances equal to $101,354 (in 2019 dollars). In comparison, Black households had received $12,623 at that time. Furthermore, older white households expected to get an additional $75,214 as gifts and inheritances, while Black households expected $2,941. This represents a total gap of $161,004 in received and expected gifts and inheritances and does not count additional intergenerational wealth transfers such as nepotism and access to social networks.37

In this regard, it is important to note that experts, researchers, and policymakers are considering the rationale, design, and effects of reparations to Black households to address the lasting economic impacts of slavery. One legislative vehicle currently pending in Congress to study and put forward a plan for implementation of reparations is H.R. 40.38 Originally introduced by the late Rep. John Conyers (D-MI) every year between 1989 and 2017, and subsequently introduced by Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee (D-TX), H.R. 40 would create a commission to study and submit to Congress a report on reparations for the government-sanctioned institution of slavery and ensuing discrimination against freed slaves and their descendants. Notably, this bill only proposes a study and recommendations; passage of the bill would not necessarily lead to reparations. Unless legislation to study reparations passes, the executive branch should engage with cultural and historical resourcessuch as the National Archives and Records Administration, the Smithsonian Institution, and the National Park Serviceto promote historical education for the public to increase awareness of the myriad underlying causes that have contributed to the massive and persistent Black-white wealth gap.

Moreover, public and private policies need to be regularly revisited and revamped to eliminate racial biases that systematically disadvantage Black households. Without large, long-term investments in addressing the Black-white wealth gap, massive differences in economic security and opportunity will not only continue to persist but may widen for generations.

About the authors

Christian E. Weller, Ph.D., is a senior fellow at the Center and a professor of public policy at the McCormack Graduate School of Policy and Global Studies at the University of Massachusetts Boston.

Lily Roberts is the managing director for Economic Policy at the Center for American Progress.

Acknowledgments

The Center for American Progress would like to thank the members of the National Advisory Council on Eliminating the Black-White Wealth Gap for all of their time, hard work, inspiration, and thought leadership. We are especially grateful to co-chairs Darrick Hamilton and Kilolo Kijakazi for sharing their critical insights, deep expertise, and long-standing commitment to racial justice. This project would not have been possible without the vision and untiring commitment to racial equity from Danyelle Solomon, former vice president for Race and Ethnicity at the Center for American Progress. To learn more about the council, read: CAP Announces Formation of the National Advisory Council on Eliminating the Black-White Wealth Gap.

Appendix

Kilolo Kijakazi, institute fellow, Urban Institute; co-chair

Darrick Hamilton, executive director, Kirwan Institute for the Study of Race and Ethnicity, The Ohio State University; co-chair

Mehrsa Baradaran, professor of law, University of California, Irvine

Lisa D. Cook, associate professor of economics and international relations, Michigan State University

Henry Louis Skip Gates, Alphonse Fletcher Jr. University professor and director, Hutchins Center for African and African American Research, Harvard University

Ibram X. Kendi, professor of history and international relations and founding director, Antiracist Research and Policy Center, American University

Trevon Logan, professor of economics andassociate dean, College of Arts and Sciences, The Ohio State University

Anne Price, president, Insight Center

Richard Rothstein, distinguished fellow, Economic Policy Institute; senior fellow, emeritus, Thurgood Marshall Institute of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund and of the Haas Institute at the University of California, Berkeley

Rhonda Sharpe, founder and president, Womens Institute for Science, Equity, and Race (WISER)

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Off the Grid Communities Opportunities to live on beautiful …

Posted: at 11:11 pm

Guillermo Aristizabal P.Eng

CEO & Co-Founder

Guillermo studied and worked in the field of Mechanical Engineering for many years and is an experienced real estate investor. Since childhood, he has had a lifelong passion enjoying wilderness adventures, mountain biking, hiking, canoe tripping, backpacking and dreaming of living in a remote, off-grid cabin. In early 2020 Guillermo invested in a acre off-grid wilderness lot within a large intentional community, where lots quickly sold out. Impressed with the advantages of using this co-ownership legal structure of land ownership, Guillermo formed a partnership with Cathia Badiere to co-found and start Off the Grid Communities. Their mission is to provide affordable off-grid wilderness land co-ownership opportunities to people including friends and family.

Cathia Badiere MSc.

CFO & Co-Founder

Cathia studied Economics, Industrial Relations and Business Analytics and has worked as a labour market consultant, government policy advisor and director at a national union. During her years working in various offices, she always dreamed of more time outdoors and more time camping in the woods. Co-founding Off the Grid Communities with Guillermo Aristizabal was the perfect way to incorporate some of her favourite outdoor activities into her work life. Drawing from past experience in project management, analysis and report writing, Cathia manages operations from property selection, investor relations, marketing and customer service. She never had a job before that allowed for wild food foraging during site visits and thoroughly enjoys this role for its balance between project management work at a computer and site visits to beautiful, wilderness locations!

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NATO says Russia ‘ultimately responsible’ for deaths in Poland that may …

Posted: at 11:08 pm

NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg on Wednesday said a preliminary investigation suggested that the missile that fell in Poland and killed two on Tuesday was likely from Ukraines air defense system, but said Russia was "ultimately responsible" for the deaths.

"This is not Ukraine's fault," he told reporters. "Russia bears reasonability for what happened yesterday because this is a direct result for the ongoing war."

"Ukraine has the right to shoot down those missiles that target Ukrainian cities," he added.

NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg speaks at the NATO headquarters, Wednesday, Nov. 16, 2022 in Brussels. Ambassadors from the 30 NATO nations gathered in Brussels Wednesday for emergency talks after Poland said that a Russian-made missile fell on its territory, killing two people. (AP Photo/Olivier Matthys)

POLISH PRESIDENT SAYS 'NO PROOF' MISSILE THAT LANDED IN NATO TERRITORY WAS FIRED BY RUSSIA

Concerns mounted Tuesday after one anonymous U.S. official told the Associated Press that a Russian missile landed in NATO territory and prompted leaders from the military alliance to scramble to discover what happened.

President Biden and Western leaders have repeatedly warned Russia against expanding its war effort in Europe have vowed to defend "every inch" of NATO territory sparking concern the missile strike could prompt a massive escalation.

Stoltenberg attempted to ease concerns regarding any attempt by Russia to purposely hit NATO nations and said the alliance has constant land, air and sea-based defense systems on alert.

But reporters questioned why the rocket that killed two yesterday was not blocked by one of these defenses.

A policeman talks to a driver on the street near the site where a missile strike killed two men in the eastern Poland village of Przewodow, near the border with war-ravaged Ukraine on Nov. 16, 2022. (WOJTEK RADWANSKI/AFP via Getty Images)

BIDEN SAYS MISSILE KILLING 2 PEOPLE IN POLAND WAS 'UNLIKELY' FIRED FROM RUSSIA IN 'MINDS OF THE TRAJECTORY'

"Attacks, ballistic missiles, cruise missiles have special characteristics which we follow and monitor and then we make a judgment whether its an attack or whether its something else," Stoltenberg told reporters. "That missile [didnt] have the characteristics of an attack."

Stoltenberg said that NATO allies offered their "deepest condolences on the tragic loss of life" during a Wednesday meeting, but held firm on their position in backing Kyiv.

"They expressed their strong solidarity with our valued ally Poland and made clear that we will continue to support Ukraine in its right to self-defense," he added. "Russia must stop this senseless war."

Members of the Police searching the fields near the village of Przewodow in the Lublin Voivodeship, seen on Nov. 16, 2022, in Przewodow, Poland. (Artur Widak/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)

CLICK HERE TO GET THE FOX NEWS APP

The NATO chief said defense leaders would address bolstering Ukrainian air defense systems in a meeting with the Ukraine Defense Contact Group Wednesday in an attempt to prevent further accidents of this nature, but also as Russia ramps up its air raids while its troops flag on the ground.

"The best way of preventing anything like this from happening again, is for Russia to stop this war," Stoltenberg concluded.

Caitlin McFall is a Reporter at Fox News Digital covering Politics, U.S. and World news.

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Geography of Russia – Wikipedia

Posted: at 11:08 pm

Geographers traditionally divide the vast territory of Russia into five natural zones: the tundra zone; the Taiga, or forest, zone; the steppe, or plains, zone; the arid zone; and the mountain zone. Most of Russia consists of two plains (the East European Plain and the West Siberian Plain), three lowlands (the North Siberian, the Central Yakutian and the East Siberian), two plateaus (the Central Siberian Plateau and the Lena Plateau), and two systems of mountainous areas (the East Siberian Mountains in far northeastern Siberia and the South Siberian Mountains along the southern border).

The East European Plain encompasses most of European Russia. The West Siberian Plain, which is the world's largest, extends east from the Urals to the Yenisei River. Because the terrain and vegetation are relatively uniform in each of the natural zones, Russia presents an illusion of uniformity. Nevertheless, Russian territory contains all the major vegetation zones of the world except a tropical rain forest.

The Russian Arctic stretches for close to 7,000 kilometres (4,300mi) west to east, from Karelia and the Kola Peninsula to Nenetsia, the Gulf of Ob, the Taymyr Peninsula and the Chukchi Peninsula (Kolyma, Anadyr River, Cape Dezhnev). Russian islands and archipelagos in the Arctic Sea include Novaya Zemlya, Severnaya Zemlya, and the New Siberian Islands.

About 10 percent of Russia is tundra[17]a treeless, marshy plain. The tundra is Russia's northernmost zone, stretching from the Finnish border in the west to the Bering Strait in the east, then running south along the Pacific coast to the northern Kamchatka Peninsula. The zone is known for its herds of wild reindeer, for so-called white nights (dusk at midnight, dawn shortly thereafter) in summer, and for days of total darkness in winter. The long, harsh winters and lack of sunshine allow only mosses, lichens, and dwarf willows and shrubs to sprout low above the barren permafrost. Although several powerful Siberian rivers traverse this zone as they flow northward to the Arctic Ocean, partial and intermittent thawing hamper drainage of the numerous lakes, ponds, and swamps of the tundra. Frost weathering is the most important physical process here, gradually shaping a landscape that was severely modified by glaciation in the last ice age. Less than one percent of Russia's population lives in this zone. The fishing and port industries of the northwestern Kola Peninsula and the huge oil and gas fields of northwestern Siberia are the largest employers in the tundra. With a population of 180,000, the industrial frontier city of Norilsk is second in population to Murmansk among Russia's settlements above the Arctic Circle. From here you can also see the auroras (northern lights).

Taiga, the most extensive natural area of Russia, stretches from the western borders of Russia to the Pacific. It occupies the territory of the Eastern Europe and West Siberian plains to the north of N and most of the territory east of Yenisei River taiga forests reach the southern borders of Russia in Siberia taiga only accounts for over 60% of Russia. In the northsouth direction the eastern taiga is divided (east of the Yenisei River), with a continental climate, and west, with a milder climate, in general, the climate zone is moist, moderately warm (cool in the north) in the summer and harsh winter, there is a steady snow cover in the winter. In the latitudinal direction, the taiga is divided into three subzones - northern, middle and southern taiga. In the western taiga dense spruce and fir forests on wetlands alternate with pine forests, shrubs, and meadows on the lighter soils. Such vegetation is typical of the eastern taiga, but it plays an important role not fir and larch. Coniferous forest, however, does not form a continuous array and sparse areas of birch, alder, willow (mainly in river valleys), the wetlands - marshes. Within the taiga are widespread fur-bearing animals - sable, marten, ermine, moose, brown bear, Wolverine, wolf, and muskrat.[18]

In the taiga is dominated by podzolic and cryogenic taiga soils, characterized by clearly defined horizontal structure (only in the southern taiga there is sod-podzolic soil). Formed in a leaching regime and in poor humus. Groundwater is normally found in the forest close to the surface, washing calcium from the upper layers, resulting in the top layer of soil of the taiga being discolored and oxidized. Few areas of the taiga, suitable for farming, are located mainly in the European part of Russia. Large areas are occupied by sphagnum marshes (here is dominated by podzolic-boggy soil). To enrich the soil for agricultural purposes lime and other fertilizers should be used.

Russian Taiga has the world's largest reserves of coniferous wood, but from year to year - as a result of intensive logging - they decrease. Development of hunting, farming (mainly in river valleys).

The mixed and deciduous forest belt is triangular, widest along the western border and narrower towards the Ural Mountains. The main trees are Oak and Spruce, but many other growths of vegetation such as ash, aspen, birch, hornbeam, maple, and pine reside there. Separating the taiga from the wooded steppe is a narrow belt of birch and aspen woodland located east of the Urals as far as the Altay Mountains. Much of the forested zone has been cleared for agriculture, especially in European Russia. Wildlife is more scarce as a result of this, but the roe deer, wolf, fox, and squirrel are very common.

The steppe has long been depicted as the typical Russian landscape. It is a broad band of treeless, grassy plains, interrupted by mountain ranges, extending from Hungary across Ukraine, southern Russia, and Kazakhstan before ending in Manchuria. In a country of extremes, the steppe zone provides the most favorable conditions for human settlement and agriculture because of its moderate temperatures and normally adequate levels of sunshine and moisture. Even here, however, agricultural yields are sometimes adversely affected by unpredictable levels of precipitation and occasional catastrophic droughts. The soil is very dry.

Russia's mountain ranges are located principally along its continental dip (the Ural Mountains), along the southwestern border (the Caucasus), along the border with Mongolia (the eastern and western Sayan Mountains and the western extremity of the Altay Mountains), and in eastern Siberia (a complex system of ranges in the northeastern corner of the country and forming the spine of the Kamchatka Peninsula, and lesser mountains extending along the Sea of Okhotsk and the Sea of Japan). Russia has nine major mountain ranges. In general, the eastern half of the country is much more mountainous than the western half, the interior of which is dominated by low plains. The traditional dividing line between the east and the west is the Yenisei River valley. In delineating the western edge of the Central Siberian Plateau from the West Siberian Plain, the Yenisey runs from near the Mongolian border northward into the Arctic Ocean west of the Taymyr Peninsula.

The Ural Mountains form the natural boundary between Europe and Asia; the range extends about 2,100 kilometres (1,300mi) from the Arctic Ocean to the northern border of Kazakhstan. Several low passes provide major transportation routes through the Urals eastward from Europe. The highest peak, Mount Narodnaya, is 1,894 metres (6,214ft). The Urals also contain valuable deposits of minerals.

To the east of the Urals is the West Siberian Plain, stretching about 1,900 kilometers from west to east and about 2,400 kilometers from north to south. With more than half its territory below 200 meters in elevation, the plain contains some of the world's largest swamps and floodplains. The plain is largely flat and featureless. The only slightly elevated areas are the Siberian Uvaly across the central part and the Ob Plateau in the south.[19] There are steppe areas in the southern part reaching into Kazakhstan, such as the Ishim Steppe with the Kamyshlov Log trench. Most of the plain's population lives in the drier section south of 77 north latitude.

The region directly east of the West Siberian Plain is the Central Siberian Plateau, which extends eastward from the Yenisei River valley to the Lena River valley. The region is divided into several plateaus, with elevations ranging between 320 and 740 meters; the highest elevation is about 1,800 meters, in the northern Putoran Mountains. The plain is bounded on the south by the Primorsky Range and the Baikal Mountains, and on the north by the North Siberian Lowland, an extension of the West Siberian Plain extending into the Taymyr Peninsula on the Arctic Ocean.

In the mountain system west of Lake Baikal in south-central Siberia, the highest elevations are 3,300 meters in the Western Sayan, 3,200 meters in the Eastern Sayan, and 4,500 meters at Belukha Mountain in the Altay Mountains. The Eastern Sayan reach nearly to the southern shore of Lake Baikal; at the lake, there is an elevation difference of more than 4,500 meters between the nearest mountain, 2,840 meters high, and the deepest part of the lake, which is 1,700 meters below sea level. The mountain systems east of Lake Baikal are lower, forming a complex of minor ranges and valleys that reaches from the lake to the Pacific coast. The maximum height of the Stanovoy Range, which runs west to east from northern Lake Baikal to the Sea of Okhotsk, is 2,550 meters. To the south of that range is southeastern Siberia, whose mountains reach 800 meters. Across the Strait of Tartary from that region is Sakhalin Island, Russia's largest island, where the highest elevation is about 1,700 meters. The small Moneron Island, the site of the shootdown of Korean Air Lines Flight 007, is found to its west.

Truly alpine terrain appears in the southern mountain ranges. Between the Black and Caspian seas, the Caucasus Mountains rise to impressive heights, forming a boundary between Europe and Asia. One of the peaks, Mount Elbrus, is the highest point in Europe, at 5,642 meters. The geological structure of the Caucasus extends to the northwest as the Crimean and Carpathian Mountains and southeastward into Central Asia as the Tian Shan and Pamirs. The Caucasus Mountains create an imposing natural barrier between Russia and its neighbors to the southwest, Georgia and Azerbaijan.

Northeastern Siberia, north of the Stanovoy Range, is an extremely mountainous region. The long Kamchatka Peninsula, which juts southward into the Sea of Okhotsk, includes many volcanic peaks, some of which are still active. The highest is the 4,750-meter Klyuchevskaya Sopka, the highest point in the Russian Far East. The volcanic chain continues from the southern tip of Kamchatka southward through the Kuril Islands chain and into Japan. Kamchatka also is one of Russia's two centers of seismic activity (the other is the Caucasus). In 1995, a major earthquake largely destroyed the oil-processing town of Neftegorsk. Also located in this region is the very large Beyenchime-Salaatin crater.

Russia, home to over 100,000 rivers,[1] is divided into twenty watershed districts. It has one of the world's largest surface water resources, with its lakes containing approximately one-quarter of the world's liquid fresh water.[20] Russia is second only to Brazil by total renewable water resources.[21]

Forty of Russia's rivers longer than 1,000 kilometers are east of the Ural Mountains, including the three major rivers that drain Siberia as they flow northward to the Arctic Ocean: the Irtysh-Ob system (totaling 5,380 kilometers), the Yenisey (5,075 kilometers), and the Lena (4,294 kilometers), they are among the world's longest rivers.[22] The basins of those river systems cover about eight million square kilometers, discharging nearly 50,000 cubic meters of water per second into the Arctic Ocean. The northward flow of these rivers means that source areas thaw before the areas downstream, creating vast swamps such as the 48,000-square-kilometer Vasyugan Swamp in the center of the West Siberian Plain. The same is true of other river systems, including the Pechora and the Northern Dvina in western Russia, and the Kolyma and the Indigirka in Siberia. Approximately 10 percent of Russian territory is classified as swampland.

Russia's inland bodies of water are chiefly a legacy of extensive glaciation. Ladoga and Onega in northwestern Russia are two of the largest lakes in Europe.[1] However, Lake Baikal is the largest and most prominent among Russia's fresh water bodies, is the world's deepest, purest, oldest and most capacious fresh water lake, containing over one-fifth of the world's fresh surface water.[23] Numerous smaller lakes dot northern Russia and Siberian plains. The largest of these are lakes Belozero, Topozero, Vygozero, and Ilmen in the country's northwest and Lake Chany in southwestern Siberia.

A number of other rivers drain Siberia from eastern mountain ranges into the Pacific Ocean. The Amur River and its main tributary, the Ussuri, form a long stretch of the winding boundary between Russia and China. The Amur system drains most of southeastern Siberia. Three basins drain European Russia. The Dnieper, which flows mainly through Belarus and Ukraine, has its headwaters in the hills west of Moscow. The 1,860-kilometer Don, which is the fifth-longest river in Europe, originates in the Central Russian Upland south of Moscow and then flows into the Sea of Azov at Rostov-on-Don. The Volga, widely seen as Russia's national river due to its historical and cultural importance, is the longest river in Europe,[22] it rises in the Valdai Hills west of Moscow and meandering southeastward for 3,510 kilometers before emptying into the Caspian Sea. Altogether, the Volga system drains about 1.4 million square kilometers. Linked by several canals, western Russia's rivers long have been a vital transportation system; the Volga remains the country's most commercial river, and carries about two-thirds of Russia's inland water traffic.

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