Monthly Archives: March 2021

Cancel culture mob teaches that there can be no forgiveness – Journal Inquirer

Posted: March 29, 2021 at 1:33 am

Political correctness and its cancel culture are starting to evoke the second great Red Scare and the tactics of Sen. Joseph McCarthy in the 1950s.

Last week the talented young political journalist Alexi McCammond was pushed out of the editorship of Teen Vogue magazine just as she was starting the job. Anti-Asian and anti-homosexual comments she had made on the internet 10 years ago, when she was 17, galvanized the magazine's staff against her, and two advertisers threatened to withdraw. The magazine's owner, the Conde Nast chain, which had been aware of McCammond's old offense, turned on her.

It didn't matter that McCammond, who is Black may have come to recognize her own bigotry as she grew up. Two years ago she had acknowledged and publicly apologized for the mean comments and alerted her prospective employer about them. Conde Nast first thought that youthful mistakes might well be forgiven when sincerely repented. But the PC cancel culture, which seems especially virulent among journalists, quickly intimidated management out of its quaint attitude.

McCammond's hateful adversaries are teaching not only that there can be no forgiveness for thought and speech crime even when it is repented but also that it merits a virtual death sentence. For how is McCammond to get another job now? What employer will consider hiring her and risking a confrontation with the woke mob?

And if there is to be no forgiveness, why should anyone repent anything?

The prophet of old taught: "Go and sin no more." The prophets of the cancel culture teach: "Go and cut your throat before we do it for you."

* * *

COLLEGE LOAN RACKET: With its first tranche of college loan debt cancellation, the Biden administration has confirmed that much of higher education is a racket and aid to it is not support for education at all but just for educators, who are a big part of the Democratic Party's army.

The cancellation, announced this week by U.S. Education Secretary Miguel Cardona, will erase obligations to repay about a billion dollars in loans taken by students who claim that their colleges deceived or defrauded them in some way. This billion dollars is a small fraction of the estimated $1.7 trillionowed by about 45 million college borrowers. While most of them are quite able to pay, the Biden administration is expected to follow with more loan forgiveness.

The college racket goes far beyond college borrowers who have not found employment that pays well enough to support a decent living as well as loan payments. The racket also encompasses the millions of college graduates and dropouts who hold jobs for which no higher education is required.

Secretary Cardona did not announce prosecutions of any colleges that defrauded or deceived students, nor any reconsideration of the self-serving attitude prevailing in educational circles that everyone should go to college. In his brief tenure as Connecticut's education commissioner, Cardona never addressed the remedial nature of public higher education in the state, where most freshmen at public colleges never mastered high school work and so must take remedial courses.

College loans are not the country's big educational problem. The failure oflowereducation is.

* * *

UNJUSTIFIED GUILT: No matter how much they scramble and publicize, state and municipal government officials can't satisfy themselves over what they call the "equity" of their campaign to get people vaccinated against the virus epidemic. Vaccination in Connecticut so far has covered a much larger share of the white population than the racial minority population.

Officials should stop lashing themselves about this, for it is only to be expected. Racial minorities long have lagged in the metrics of many good things and have led in the metrics of many bad things -- because race correlates heavily with wealth and poverty.

People with more money can afford to take better care of themselves. They tend to be better educated and more engaged with society and to know more about how to deal with the world.

Not so with the poor. Extra efforts always must be made with them, and even then they may be suspicious and standoffish.

Thereisa big "equity" issue here but it has little to do with vaccinations. It is the failure of welfare and education policy -- and it can't be discussed.

Chris Powell is a columnist for the Journal Inquirer.

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Hey Hey It’s Saturday and cancel culture – Afternoons – ABC Local

Posted: at 1:33 am

It was one Australian television's most beloved shows and host Daryl Somers and the rest of his crew were household names. Hey, Hey It's Saturday was loaded with slapstick humour, double entendres and corny jokes: it was family entertainment at its finest. Or was it?

After Daryl Somers pre-empted his comeback as a co-host of Dancing with the Stars by saying he thought Hey Hey wouldn't get made today because of political correctness. Australian singing legend and Hey Hey regular guest Kamahl hit back, saying he was regularly humiliated on the show and the butt of racist jokes. So what does that mean in terms of how we look back on our cultural history and what are the lessons to be learnt looking forward to the future of Australian television?

Dr Jason Sternberg in a Senior Lecturer with the Creative Industries Faculty at Queensland University of Technology and he's chatting with ABC Radio Brisbane Afternoons presenter Kat Feeney.

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Letter to the Editor | Silent majority must speak out – Champaign/Urbana News-Gazette

Posted: at 1:33 am

Silent majority must speak out

In America, when a small group complains loudly enough about perceived injustices, the silent majority, peaceful to a fault, yields to the demonstrative minority. It began in the 1960s with the banning of school prayer.

The elimination of Chief Illiniwek at the University of Illinois because of a small vocal group who claimed to be offended or attempts to force sports teams to change names is part of political correctness. Holiday parties supplant Christmas parties. Merry Christmas is no longer spoken because it might offend someone? Really!?

People come here seeking liberty, the pursuit of happiness and equal opportunity, not equality. Immigrants dont sail in leaky boats, swim rivers or cram into stifling trucks because we are politically correct. The rush to enter the United States, legally or illegally, isnt because we stopped saying Merry Christmas, removed the Ten Commandments or banished Bibles.

Many of these changes originated on college campuses. The elitist few have indoctrinated our youth and shoved their beliefs down the throats of the rest of the country. We have adopted the campus philosophy.

In spite of the spiritual foundation of this nation, those in authority are saying we are not a spiritual nation and that there must be stricter boundaries on our spiritual expressions.

Correct speech is the beginning of totalitarianism. Read the true history of how tyrannies grew in Europe and China, for example. In the face of adversity and resistance, the silent majority must speak out. Be courageous.

DAVID BOYD

Champaign

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Freedom was the overarching idea of America, not slavery (Commentary) – syracuse.com

Posted: at 1:33 am

Richard D. Wilkins lives in DeWitt.

How dark the picture that SUNY Geneseo Distinguished Professor Michael Leroy Oberg paints of American history, while nastily attacking those who would celebrate it (The Republican War on American history, Feb. 12, 2021). Slavery and Jim Crow unquestionably deeply stained Americas story, but were hardly central to it. The New York Times 1619 Project he promotes has been heavily criticized by leading historians. such as Peter Wood, Ph.D., president of the National Association of Scholars. America didnt begin in 1619, with a handful of indentured servants landing in what is now Virginia, but in the 1620 Mayflower Compact, among a group of religious freedom seekers.

Freedom was the overarching idea inspiring colonists to declare independence, and forge an enduring Constitution. Slavery was then deeply embedded in the agrarian Southern economy. Unanimous passage required reluctant compromise, but abolitionists succeeded in ending slave importation by 1808, and inserted the much misunderstood 3/5th rule, limiting Southern political power.

The continuing struggle forced balanced free and slave state admissions into the Union, characterized by the Compromises of 1820 and 1850. A bloody Civil War brought forth Lincolns Emancipation Proclamation, and Amendments 13, 14, and 15, which promised, though soon thwarted, equal rights for all citizens. That awaited Brown v. Board of Education, 1960s Civil Rights acts, and subsequent reparative measures.

That large, but limited, blemished beginning cant begin to account for how a cluster of competing colonies, thinly spread along the Atlantic littoral, soon traversed the continent, becoming the greatest and most prosperous nation in world history. It ignores the multitudes who, throughout, advocated, fought and died for the achievement of equality for all, It ignores the millions who flocked to these shores, fleeing oppression and persecution, in search of freedom, and who have contributed so much to its development.

Southern wealth from enslavement was soon gone with the wind. Contra Obergs reductive analysis, the nations great wealth was generated in the North, with its massive industrialization, employing free native and immigrant labor, and powered by inventiveness and ingenuity. Even the cotton gin, savior of the Southern economy, was developed there.

The Academy has opened a Pandoras Box of societal ills: political correctness, multiculturalism, Critical Race Theory, antiracism and phantom cancel culture. Not so slowly, but surely, though not yet by Congress, First Amendment freedoms of speech, press, worship and peaceable assembly are being seriously eroded. Having ever said, or done, anything now objectionable, regardless of intent or age, can bar one permanently from the public square. One can publish anything they want , as long as Big Tech approves. Religious conscience must now bend before government edict. In the name of public health, more persons have been allowed at a time into casinos than into congregations. Contributing to a disfavored cause, or supporting a disliked public figure, can get one doxxed, physically confronted or fired.

History as civic education is for K-12, history as a discipline for higher education. Schoolchildren are being ideologically indoctrinated, not americanized. They are being prepared not for the work, but the woke world, groomed for political activism, not for the rights and responsibilities of citizenship. Instead of encouraging individual talent and initiative, all must be tethered to the least common denominator. Equality of opportunity for all, inevitably resulting in disparate outcomes, is being replaced by equity, an impossible demand for equal collective outcomes, among warring racial, sexual, and ethnic clans.

America remains an exceptional nation. Yet, it seems rapidly devolving into the Disunited States. Such social unraveling desperately needs to be arrested. In strikingly similar times, Lincoln wisely warned that a house divided against itself cannot stand.

That was true then; it remains true today.

Related: The Republican war on American history (Commentary)

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House ’20: Steven Pinker and who decides how campus culture should be repaired – The Brown Daily Herald

Posted: at 1:33 am

I am not the target audience for this. I found this thought echoing around my head as I read Andrew Reeds March 12 column Steven Pinker Wants to Repair Campus Culture. The piece has a pretty veneer and frames itself as hopeful, but concerned. I am not convinced its true purpose is quite so positive.

The essay is a discussion with Steven Pinker, focusing primarily on the recent wave of illiberalism, particularly on college campuses. A full and nuanced rebuttal of the article would be the length of a novel, which Im sure is by design. It is riddled with over-simplifications, misrepresentations and conservative buzzwords that mean very little but have loaded connotations. Anyone familiar with these rhetorical strategies, or indeed with the content Reed discusses, will immediately recognize how the focus of the argument skews reality. This is why I was quickly convinced that the article wasnt written with my fellow Brown students and me in mind. Instead, it seems aimed at those who already believe that there is an epidemic of political correctness and cancel culture ruining our institutions of higher learning. It says to these people: You are right, this is an issue you should be focused on, and I can give you more evidence to confirm it.

Reed opens with an introduction of Pinker, a Harvard professor turned celebrity intellectual. Pinkers work argues that society is improving on the whole, but he has recently become concerned about cancel culture and censorship. Reed, a staff columnist at an Ivy League newspaper, does not note the irony of his discussion of this topic with a tenured professor who has published 16 books. Clearly, both are able to broadcast their views on prestigious platforms despite Pinker receiving criticism from members of the Linguistics Society of America, the New York Times, the Washington Post and the general public; as well as becoming embroiled in controversy over connections with Jeffrey Epstein.

Pinker claims that illiberalism on college campuses is not new, but that it originated in the 70s and has gotten steadily worse since. Reed cites several recent examples of cancellation: He writes that In 2017, Evergreen College in Washington State descended into chaos when a white professor refused to leave campus after a group of activists organized a day without white students and faculty. Interested to learn more about this clearly outrageous occurrence, I looked at the source he provided. As it turns out, the issue is not quite as Reed has presented it; Evergreens Day of Absence is an event that has been held for decades, and usually involves students and faculty of color leaving campus while white community members stay behind. In light of Trumps election and incidents of harassment at Evergreen (including a police officer shooting two Black students in 2015), organizers proposed a reversal of tradition. Of course, controversy followed and one professor publicly opposed white students and faculty being encouraged to leave campus. A video of student protestors later engaging with the professor and calling for him to be fired went viral, and he went on Tucker Carlsons show on Fox News to talk about being silenced. The school, student activists and a Black professor were then targeted by the alt-right and were doxxed and threatened. Not only was the event canceled the next year, but so were classes after an anonymous caller claimed he had a weapon and was going to execute as many people on that campus as I can get a hold of. Even this description is a simplification, but Reed summarizing the incident as chaos conveniently ignores that the people who suffered most were students and activists who already felt unheard and unrecognized.

The other examples Reed employs are similarly not quite as supportive of his argument as they appear: the Middlebury College incident was also complex and student protesters who did not participate in the violence were disproportionately punished. Rather than quashing debate, the incident sparked fierce discussion on the campus; rather than de-platforming Charles Murray, he became the topic of national conversation and was actually invited back to the school for the third time last year. Finally, the Lisa Littman case is far from an example of illiberalism in academia, but rather an incident of rigorous academic critique and revision to create better scholarship. Littman retained her position at the University and her work is still published.

These tactics continue throughout the rest of the piece, where Pinker goes on to claim that college administrators are now part of the problem. He invokes postmodernism and Marxist critical theory, academic terms which have been co-opted and muddied to the point of uselessness by conservative talking heads, and manages to define the ideologies behind them in a way that is painfully dishonest. These are umbrella terms for complicated and diverse schools of thought, which often contradict each other and cannot be distilled down to statements like history is a struggle.

In one particularly amusing quote, Pinker says that nowadays, the radical student protesters bring in the campus bureaucracy to multiply their own power, something they wouldnt have been caught dead doing when he was an undergraduate. Pinker studied for his Bachelor of Arts at McGill from 1973 to 1976 and he may be partially correct the relationship between student activists and university administrations was certainly strained in the late 60s and early 70s. There could be shocking, disproportionate consequences for disruptive advocacy. McGill fired a professor in 1969 for leading protests, and in 1970, four student activists were killed by the Ohio National Guard in what is now referred to as the Kent State Massacre. I hardly think that students and university administrators are allied now (the Middlebury case that Reed references illustrates this), but surely improvements from the antagonistic relationship of 50 years ago make students and faculty safer and therefore benefit open debate.

Though I find Reeds piece to be a disingenuous representation of the culture in higher education, I share his and Pinkers concerns about narrow viewpoints, and I agree that there is a lot at stake. Who controls the conversation in academia? What are the best ways to make sure that there are diverse viewpoints? In answering these questions, Pinkers emphasis on cancel culture overblows the issue and distracts from the more pressing problem of accessibility in academia especially at elite universities like Brown and Harvard a problem that far more directly restricts campus discourse and narrows the range of acceptable viewpoints. Around 29 percent of Brown students come from private schools suspiciously higher than the two percent of American students at large who are in the private school system. Almost 20 percent of Brown students are from the top one percent of incomes in the United States, with a whopping 70 percent of students coming from the top 20 percent. When Pinker started his Bachelor of Arts at McGill, Brown had only been fully co-educational for two years. Progress was made during the 70s because of lawsuits and student activism that forced the school to be more accessible to and supportive of its underrepresented faculty and students.

My time at Brown exposed me to a huge range of ideas and perspectives. These changed how I see the world and taught me how to communicate productively with people who hold different views from mine. Its clear, however, that there is more work to be done. Though I never felt silenced by my peers, I often felt out of place and insignificant beside the vast wealth and power of the administration. The University was built to serve the needs of white men from private schools. When I see discussions about who deserves a platform, I think about how hard my fellow students with marginalized identities have had and continue to have to fight for their voices to be heard. In order to convince their audience to fear the perils of censoring other viewpoints, Pinker and Reed inaccurately describe and fail to contextualize the people and views they critique. The essay is emblematic of how lamentations of cancel culture often work, more effectively than any protest, to silence others.

Anna House 20 can be reached at anna_house@alumni.brown.edu. Please send responses to this opinion to letters@browndailyherald.com and op-eds to opinions@browndailyherald.com.

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Seth Meyers: A Closer Look at Fox News and GOP on gun control – Last Night On

Posted: at 1:32 am

Late Night with Seth Meyerscalled out Fox News and Republicans in A Closer Look, arguing that their opposition to stricter gun control is without merit. Seth Meyers made his case for why Republicans, Fox News personalities, and the gun lobby are a small minority obstructing actually progress

In less than a week, there were two mass shootings that resulted in 18 deaths. The massacres in Atlanta, Georgia and Boulder, Colorado reinvigorated calls for federal assault weapon bans and immediate gun legislation reform.

As usual, these calls to action were met with resistance from some conservatives who claimed it would be politicizing the tragedies.The Late Show with Stephen Colbertpushed back against this stance earlier this week.

Wednesday night was Seth Meyers chance to do the same. In A Closer Look, theLate Nighthost referenced specific individuals he claims are acting as roadblocks when it comes to gun control reform by spreading lies.

Since President Donald Trump left office, Seth Meyers has noticed a pattern among Fox News personalities and Republicans. According to Meyers, their priorities have changed to a culture war that fixates on cancel culture and political correctness. The late night comedian cant quite understand why these issues are so important during an ongoing pandemic and now two mass shootings in a week.

Meyers calls out Sean Hannity for failing to cover the shooting in Boulder and then goes after Senator Ted Cruz for criticizing Democrats calling for change. A Closer Look cites an epidemic of gun violence and public support for stricter gun control for reasons why change should happen immediately.

Resistance to gun legislation is often framed as a politician defending the Second Amendment. Its what Sean Hannity suggested Sen. Cruz was doing and its what many pro-gun Republicans say while campaigning.

Seth Meyers takes issue with this idea, calling it a ridiculous lie to think that opposition to any gun safety legislation means standing up for the Second Amendment. Meyers points out that modern gun ownership doesnt reflect the well-regulated militia referenced in the Constitution. But the point has been lost thanks to what A Closer Look refers to as one of the greatest cons in the history of politics.

Meyers concludes that conservatives like Hannity and Cruz have no logical argument for opposing even the smallest changes to gun ownership laws. Despite a majority of Americans supporting these reforms, A Closer Look makes it clear nothing will happen as long as the Republican Party remains in the way of change.

What did you think of this installment of A Closer Look? Share your thoughts in the comment section below.

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Explainer: Nietzsche, nihilism and reasons to be cheerful

Posted: at 1:29 am

German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche (1844-1900) is sometimes dismissed as a malevolent figure, obsessed with the problem of nihilism and the death of God.

Understandably, these ideas are unsettling: few of us have the courage to confront the possibility our idols may be hollow and life has no inherent meaning.

But Nietzsche sees not only the dangers these ideas pose, but also the positive opportunities they present.

The beauty and severity of Nietzsches texts draw from his vision that we could move through nihilism to develop newly meaningful ways to be human.

For centuries, the Bible gave people a way to value themselves and something to work towards.

We all, declares St. Paul, with unveiled face, beholding the glory of the Lord, are being transformed into the same image from one degree of glory to another (2 Corinthians 3:18).

The divine and the human meet in this description. Believers felt uplifted because they held Gods attention. God loved us (1 John 4:19) and saw us, down to our sinful foundations (Hebrews 4:13), yet his love persisted. This love enabled us to endure the pain of life. And because he saw us and our faults, we were encouraged to improve ourselves little by little and live up to his image.

For Nietzsche, the son of a Lutheran pastor, the growth of scientific understanding after the Age of Enlightenment had gradually made it impossible to maintain faith in God.

God is dead, Nietzche proclaimed.

Nietzsche saw the danger in this atheist worldview. If we werent suffering to get closer to God, what was the point of life? From whom now would we draw the strength to endure lifes difficulty? God was the origin of truth, justice, beauty, love transcendental ideals we thought of ourselves as heroically defending, leading lives and dying deaths that had meaning and purpose. How could we play the hero to ourselves now?

The consequences of the death of God are horrific, but also freeing. In The Gay Science (first published in German in 1882), Nietzsche has the news of Gods death relayed by a man driven mad through fear at what a godless life might be like. Eventually, he breaks into churches to sing Gods requiem mass.

Without God, we are alone, exposed to a natural universe devoid of the comforting idea of a God-given purpose to things. According to Nietzsche, this state of nihilism the idea that life has no meaning or value cannot be avoided; we must go through it, as frightening and lonely as that will be.

For Nietzsche, nihilism can be a bridge to a new way of being. We are undetermined animals: malleable enough to be refashioned.

Our task now is to transform from the old Christian way of being human, towards what Nietzsche calls the bermensch or Overhuman.

Christianitys problem, in Nietzsches view, is that it slowly but surely destroys itself: ironically, prizing truthfulness as a virtue eventually leads to an intellectual honesty that rejects faith.

Our quest for honesty has given birth to a passion of knowledge. Now the search for answers to lifes hardest questions, and not the worship of God, is our greatest passion. We hunt for the most accurate reasons for our existence and likely find the answers in science rather than religion.

Nietzsche writes for those who are invigorated by questioning. Indeed, knowing and accepting that we are human and fallible no longer charged with trying to reach a divine standard leaves us lighter. As he writes in Daybreak, Gods death removes the threat of divine punishment, leaving us free again both to experiment with different ways to live and to make mistakes along the way. He wants us to seize this opportunity with both hands.

We can be the heroes of our own stories again, once we reclaim from God our creative wills. Nietzsche encourages us to treat our lives like the creation of works of art, learning from artists how to tolerate and even celebrate ourselves by cultivating the art of looking at ourselves from a distance as heroes.

Nietzsche continues to have an immense influence on philosophy and how we see our everyday struggles.

Many today will relate to his belief that we are living through a state of crisis, asking questions about the point of life in an age marked by affluence, image, and the damage wrought by religious fundamentalism.

By contrast, Nietzsche offers us a way toward meaning and purpose without the gruesome consequences of those who impose their religion on others, regardless of the cost.

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Malcolm X: The prophetic radicality of activism, redemption, and love – Honi Soit

Posted: at 1:29 am

February 21, 1965. 21 gunshots brought about the death of a man whose name would receive every reaction conceivable. It was the end of the story of a fierce advocate of agency, power and civil rights, nothing short of mythical: Malcolm X.

Malcolm X, whose Muslim name is el-Hajj Malik el-Shabazz, was a martyr. He had become a shaheed one of the highest honours a Muslim can ever possess. While his rise with the authoritarian Nation of Islam became his ironic downfall, he knew very well the death that awaited him, which added an almost prophetic quality to his epic, heroic tale.

His experiences mirrored his communitys movement from rural peasantry, to industrial proletariat, to post-industrial redundancy. Allied to this is his spiritual redemption and movement away from nihilism. Factor in his yearning for knowledge, how can one not be inspired by the Malcolm who educated himself in the midst of a jail sentence?

He moved away from the dogmatic, exclusionary Nation of Islam to the pluralistic, inclusive Sunni Islam which transcended racial and cultural creed. Much like the literary and Abrahamic prophets of old, there was a struggle, a calling to faith and the building of a world built on the tenants of radical liberation. We have much to learn from an almost messianic tale that embodied activism, redemption, and love.

Indeed, prophetic and messianic are immense forms of praise. Followers and admirers of Malcolm X understand this. So did his enemies. In a memo to the offices of the FBI, J. Edgar Hoover, former Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, stressed the need to nullify Malcolm Xs influence to prevent the rise of a Messiah who could unify, and electrify, the militant black nationalist movement. Hoover also enunciated a final goal of preventing the growth of militant organisations and rhetoric amongst young people.

But these were forlorn plans. The prophetic model of Malcolm, so beautifully detailed in Malcolms and Alex Haleys The Autobiography of Malcolm X, inspired thousands of young adults: Afro nationalists, Communists, Marxists, Muslims. Decades later, his work has become part of the canon of many university courses.

Both Muslim and non-Muslim youth, with a sharp criticality and sophistication, became readers of Malcolms philosophies. I am the former, a young Muslim, struggling with his identity and the capacity to find Muslim heroes who changed the world as I knew it a Western world plagued by racism, the ravaging devastation of colonialism and a painful shortage of agency.

As a Levantine Arab, I cannot entirely, and without some degree of friction, claim the Malcolm who reinvigorated the resistance of African American communities as my own. I can only respect, admire, learn, and express my utmost solidarity and support for such a struggle. However, I can genuinely claim Malcolm the Muslim, el-Hajj Malik el-Shabazz, who I believe can be of much guidance to those to those with a deep commitment to societal and personal transformation.

After his trips to the Islamic worlds of Africa and the Middle East, el-Hajj Malik el-Shabazz linked African American liberation to global liberation of those who suffered the brunt of US imperialism. This was a Malcolm who began to vehemently oppose the global machinations of American power and propaganda that had subjugated not only Africans but Arabs. Malcolm had begun to dedicate himself to the umma, the collective body of all believers united in faith and inseparable by any material means.

As a Muslim of Palestinian heritage, to me Malcolm X had not only become a hero I could only admire and respect from afar, but a hero I could call my own as he criticised Israeli injustices against my own people. Malcolm had stressed the necessity of claiming justice for all; that justice for some would not be a cause worth pursuing. As poverty, racism, sexism, colonialism and war continue to plague the world we find ourselves in, we would do well to follow Malcolms model: recognise the universality of a struggle, tied in with all causes against that which is inhibitive, repulsive and shameful.

Redemption should be at the core of such a struggle, which is the very thing that Malcolm exemplified. His conversion from crime, hatred and nihilism to that of the Islamic faith, and his reconsideration of his own racial illusions regarding whiteness is mythical. Malcolm was willing to question his once held convictions. After his iconic pilgrimage to Hajj, he wrote:

There are Muslims of all colours and ranks here in Mecca from all parts of this earth. During the past seven days of this holy pilgrimage, while undergoing the rituals of the hajj [pilgrimage], I have eaten from the same plate, drank from the same glass, slept on the same bed or rug, while praying to the same Godnot only with some of this earths most powerful kings, cabinet members, potentates and other forms of political and religious rulers but also with fellowMuslims whose skin was the whitest of white, whose eyes were the bluest of blue, and whose hair was the blondest of blondyet it was the first time in my life that I didnt see them as white men. I could look into their faces and see that these didnt regard themselves as white.

This redemptive open-mindedness was further shown in Malcolms discussion of Islam with Tariq Ali at Oxford University. As Ali rebuked faith with a scorn, Malcolm listened respectfully and attentively and replied, its good to hear you talk like thatIm beginning to ask myself many of the same questions.

There was a humility to Malcolm that accompanied his conviction in faith and political activism. This humility and redemption should be cause for hope: people are capable of change. Hatred would not be a weapon against injustice. Malcolm recognised that and began to engage with something more radical: love.

Cornel West affirmed that justice and love were inseparable. Malcolms faith; my faith; was one that affirmed that one cannot truly believe until we love others as we love ourselves. Malcolm took up that mantle of Islam and revolutionary love. One only has to consider and appreciate this prayer he once opined to understand:

I pray that God will bless you in everything that you do. I pray that you will grow intellectually, so that you can understand the problems of the world and where you fit into, in that world picture. And I pray that all of the fear that has ever been in your heart will be taken out.

Grow intellectually. Remove fear. Thats what Malcolm prayed for. Find a way to claim some part of his almost prophetic, Messianic tale as I have claimed him; while Malcolm died on February 21, 1965, his cause and ideals did not. Find a way to express and harness the radicality of activism, redemption, and love. The world needs that triune of progress that my Malcom, the Muslim Malcolm, came to embody so well.

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China Makes It A Crime To Question Military Casualties On The Internet | NPR – KCRW

Posted: at 1:29 am

Emily Feng Mar. 22, 2021

BEIJING When China acknowledged this year that four of its soldiers had died fighting Indian forces on the two countries' disputed mountain border eight months prior, the irreverent blogger Little Spicy Pen Ball had questions.

"If the four [Chinese] soldiers died trying to rescue their fellow soldiers, then there must have been those who were not successfully rescued," he wrote on Feb. 19 to his 2.5 million followers on Weibo, a Chinese social media site. "This means the fatalities could not have just been four."

The day after, Qiu Ziming, the 38-year-old former newspaper journalist behind the blog, was detained and criminally charged. If convicted, he faces a sentence of up to three years.

"Little Spicy Pen Ball maliciously slandered and degraded the heroes defending our country and the border," according to the annual work report published by the country's chief prosecutor office this month.

A contrite Qiu, sitting behind bars, called his actions "an obliteration of conscience" in a taped statement aired on the state broadcaster's prime-time news show on March 1.

Qiu's is the first case to be tried under a sweeping new criminal law that took effect March 1. The new law penalizes "infringing on the reputation and honor of revolutionary heroes." At least six other people have been detained or charged with defaming "martyrs." The government uses the terms "revolutionary heroes" and "martyrs" for anyone it memorializes for their sacrifice for the Communist Party.

The detentions typify the stricter controls over online speech under Chinese leader Xi Jinping, which have deterred nearly all open dissent in the country. The new law even seeks to criminalize speech made outside China.

Such is the case of Wang Jingyu, 19, who lives in the United States and is now a wanted man in his hometown of Chongqing, China. The authorities accuse him of slandering dead Chinese soldiers after Weibo reported him for a comment questioning the number of border fight casualties.

"This is killing a monkey to scare the chickens," Wang says. "The Chinese state wants to show others that if anyone wants to be like me or relay the truth, then you will be pursued."

A 2018 law allows police to investigate speech defaming martyrs. Several people have been detained as a result, according to an online spreadsheet kept by a free speech activist, but such behavior did not carry a jail sentence until now.

"Cyberspace is not outside the law," the Chongqing public security bureau said in an online notice after it declared Wang would be "pursued online" for his comments. "Public security organs will crack down on acts that openly insult the deeds and spirit of heroes and martyrs in accordance with the law."

It's unclear how authorities plan to apprehend Wang. A police officer who contacted Wang, asking him to turn himself in, did not answer calls and texts from NPR.

China's ruling Communist Party is hyper-sensitive to challenges of its rule. One of the newer threats it has identified is "historical nihilism" that is, rejecting the party's official version of history and its pantheon of revolutionary heroes and martyrs.

The four Chinese soldiers who died during the border clash last June are the newest members of this canon. They were killed high up in the Himalayas, where hundreds of Chinese and Indian soldiers armed with nothing but stones and batons beat each other bloody, with each side accusing the other of alleged encroachments over an unmarked border line. Days after the incident, India said 20 of its troops died in the brawl.

China refused to confirm fatalities on its side until this February, when it released the names of four soldiers killed and a fifth who was critically injured in the disputed Galwan Valley area. State media ran extensive footage of their service and the last hours of their lives.

The sudden media blitz infuriated Wang, he says. He had closely followed China and India's border tensions and questioned the initial lack of fatalities reported by China. He wondered about the families of the soldiers who he suspected had died, left to grieve silently in the absence of official recognition.

In late February, as he sat in the backseat of a friend's car in Europe, Wang went back and forth for half an hour over whether to write anything online. He currently lives in California but his parents remain in the Chinese municipality of Chongqing, where they worked for two state-owned firms.

"I knew if I mocked these soldiers, it would bring a negative impact on my parents," Wang says. "But I was just too angry." He pressed publish on three comments under a news item lauding the four Chinese troops.

The People's Liberation Army soldiers "deserved to die," he wrote, and the Indian forces were within their rights to confront their "offenders." Wang now acknowledges the comments were offensive, but he says he deliberately crafted them to push the bounds of speech in China.

His comments went viral and were aired on China's most-watched evening news program. Shortly after, Wang says his parents were questioned for hours by police officers.

Chongqing's police department did not respond to a request for comment.

In the days following his social media posts, Wang says his mother and father were kept under effective house arrest in their Chongqing home, where they were able to call Wang twice, briefly, under police watch. He has been unable to reach them since.

"They told me they support me, and they are proud of me," Wang said.

Amy Cheng contributed research from Beijing.

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China Makes It A Crime To Question Military Casualties On The Internet | NPR - KCRW

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QAnon HBO docuseries asks who is Q? And may have the answer – Los Angeles Times

Posted: at 1:29 am

Warning: This story contains spoilers from future installments of HBOs Q: Into the Storm, whose first two episodes aired Sunday.

The new HBO docuseries, Q: Into the Storm, attempts to answer one of the most urgent questions of our time: Who controls QAnon, the elaborate but baseless conspiracy theory whose followers believe the world is run by an elite cabal of Satan-worshipping pedophiles.

Over the course of three years, as QAnon migrated from the fringes of the internet into mainstream American politics, filmmaker Cullen Hoback attempted to determine the identity of Q, the anonymous poster who claimed to be a high-ranking government official and managed to lure thousands if not millions of people into an alternate reality where JFK Jr. is still alive.

A documentarian with an interest in digital privacy a subject explored in his 2013 film, Terms and Conditions May Apply Hoback became curious about QAnon in 2018 when Reddit, the hugely popular message board, banned QAnon forums. What was an idea that was so pernicious that they felt it warranted banning? Hoback asks. And might banning it actually make people more interested in it?

That may be the case. Though QAnon originated in one of the most toxic corners of the internet the unregulated image board 8chan, later known as 8kun, a notorious bastion for hate speech and breeding ground for mass shooters it quickly spread to everyday platforms including YouTube and Facebook.

Jim and Ron Watkins in a scene from Q: Into the Storm on HBO.

(HBO)

The six-part series focuses less on the many Americans sucked into the QAnon vortex, or even the theorys destabilizing impact on democracy, than the digital cesspool from which it emerged. Hoback gained unique access to Fred Brennan, the founder of 8chan, as well as Jim and Ron Watkins, the shadowy father-son team who took over the platform and fought to keep it online amid growing public backlash.

I wanted to unmask whoever was behind this, because I thought that that might bring the whole thing to a conclusion, says Hoback, who spent a collective four months filming with his main subjects.

The investigation took him around the globe from Italy to the Philippines and finally to Washington, D.C., on Jan. 6 as an angry mob of Trump supporters many outfitted in Q gear stormed the Capitol. After pursuing several false leads, Hoback ultimately determines that Q is not a high-ranking member of the military nor even a shadowy political operative but Ron Watkins, a porn-loving bro with a flat affect, a nervous blinking habit and a disturbing lack of empathy.

Hoback unpacked his investigation and its conclusions for The Times; this conversation has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

Did you worry that by making this series you might be giving more attention to QAnon and granting a platform to people like Ron and Jim Watkins?

Over the last few years weve seen people try censorship, theyve tried ignoring it, theyve tried attacking it. And the only thing that hadnt really been tried yet is just showing it for what it is and the personalities behind it. Now almost 20% of Americans believe in QAnon. Fifty-two percent of Americans, according to an NPR poll, think that its possible that our country is run by a group of pedophilic elites. [Editors note: 54% of Americans in the poll say either its true that a Satanic pedophile ring controls politics and the media or that they dont know.] So whatever weve been doing so far hasnt worked. I thought I would try a different approach, which was the antiseptic of sunlight. I think most QAnons, most people who deeply believe in Q, have no idea the kind of place that Q posts [8chan] and have no idea regarding the personalities behind it.

Its not like were just handing Ron and Jim a microphone and saying Go! This is a carefully curated and thought-out piece of work designed to reveal Q for what it is. So its just a different way of thinking about it.

You have been following the issue of digital privacy for years. What is your take on it now?

The situation on the internet has gotten far worse since I made [Terms and Conditions May Apply] back in 2013. Privacy is all but dead on the internet, and privacy needs to be dead for Silicon Valleys business model to thrive. One of the things Ive learned through this production is a lot of people right now are pointing at the speech and saying, This speech is dangerous, this speech needs to be silenced. And, to me, the speech is almost a symptom of something much deeper. Not just fractures in society but deeper problems with how the internet is currently functioning. We can trace it back to digital privacy. If all these companies hadnt been collecting thousands of data points on each of us, then they wouldnt have been able to target us with manipulation campaigns and drive us into echo chambers. By virtue of having these psychometric profiles on each of us, we now have this ecosystem of hyper-polarization and that manifests in the form of extreme speech.

Its also worth noting that the algorithms drive us toward increasingly sensational content. QAnon wouldnt have been successful without those algorithms.

One of the things you see in the series is were always going three hops away from some QAnon-related content. You could be looking at Tom Hanks in Toy Story on YouTube and be three clicks away from Tom Hanks is a pedophile. Thats completely factually ridiculous, but it didnt matter. Thats how so many people gravitated toward QAnon, especially in the early days; YouTube didnt really start restricting QAnon-related content until October of 2020. And [YouTube and others] didnt describe the problem as the algorithms having driven people to this content. They just described the content as the problem.

Director Cullen Hoback in Q: Into the Storm

(HBO)

Over the course of making this series, did you get a sense of why this theory which seems so ludicrous on its face has gained such a foothold with the public?

Theres a real anti-establishment thread that runs through most of the people who believe in QAnon and a high capacity for religious conspiratorial thinking. A lot of the people who follow QAnon feel like a lot of things in society have failed them. Theyve stopped trusting expertise. Theyve turned away from institutions. And theyre looking to other sources, but then they find sources that are much worse and far less reputable.

I think a big part of it is that people feel like theres something wrong in the world. But the banality of evil isnt sexy. Its hard to understand. And what QAnon does is it takes heaven and hell and says actually its right here on Earth. It puts things in very black and white, super concrete completely false, but concrete terms that make it easier for people to understand, as opposed to looking at the nuanced complexities that lead to something like the banking crisis or the war in Iraq. Its easy to use these old tropes saying theres an evil group out there thats out to get you as opposed to looking at the complex systems that allow this.

Do you think the identity of Q even matters to followers? Will they care if Q is, in fact, just a troll with a powerful platform?

Absolutely. Something I heard a lot along the way from anons was that it doesnt matter who Q was. But when I pressed all of them deep down, they all really wanted to know. So much of Qs power is derived from anonymity. Q doesnt come with any of the baggage that a normal person would come with. If you take off the mask, it reveals all of the ugliness and its all connected to a person. And Q understands that. I think a lot of people who follow QAnon are feeling pretty misled right now. Theyre unsure if there was ever any plan at all. And theyre looking for answers, post-insurrection.

Something Ive learned through the process of making this is just how powerful belief really is. Pretend to be something long enough and you become that thing. In the beginning I think a lot of people werent sure if they believed QAnon; they were kind of playing along, but over time they came to believe it. And over time those who were behind QAnon tried to make it become real, tried to meme Q into existence. And to some extent, thats what happened on the 6th [of January], that was their attempt to make Q manifest.

Trump supporters gesture to U.S. Capitol Police in the hallway outside of the Senate chamber at the Capitol in Washington on Jan. 6.

(Associated Press)

Tell me about being at the Capitol on Jan. 6. You were clearly expecting something like that to happen.

I was extremely anxious going into the 6th. I personally thought it was going to be much worse than it was, I was expecting things to break out into a much more severe conflict. I didnt get much sleep the two nights before it. I was there to document Jim and to see how he felt about his websites involvement in what was happening that day. It was one of the more nerve-racking experiences. You can never tell if Jim is being sincere or joking. He uses humor to mask something more sinister. But when hes there, screaming [to encourage people whod penetrated the Capitol], Out the window! I think you see what his desires were.

Did you get any sense of what makes Jim and Ron tick what motivates them? Theyre pretty inscrutable characters.

When it finally clicked for me is that segment in Episode 4, where Ron is talking about Diogenes. He sees this pseudo-Socrates-gone-mad character as a role model: cynicism as an ideology. And he respects and enjoys the idea of taking a s in the middle of the town square just to troll people, with this mentality of Well, the dog can do it, why cant I? And I feel like thats his entire mentality in life. They are the embodiment of the websites that they host. Theyre constantly trolling and trying to provoke a response, whether that response is something thats humorous or something thats scary. They also see the world as a game. Theres a nihilism to it.

In the end, how certain are you that Ron Watkins is Q?

I think we made a very strong case in the series for Ron being the linchpin in QAnon, and having been that linchpin since late 2017 or early 2018. Thats not to say that there arent people working with Ron. We paint a picture of the bigger network. But Q only works with Ron. And when you see all of the things that he was covering up, the ways he changes his story and covers up his own fascination with all of the theories and ideas that he had; all of that, he had everything. He has the motive, he has the technical skills. So yes, I do think Ron is Q.

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QAnon HBO docuseries asks who is Q? And may have the answer - Los Angeles Times

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