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Monthly Archives: June 2020
Santa Cruz Shooting Suspect Preached Libertarian Ideals, Was Pushed Over the Edge By Police Actions Against Protesters, Friends Say – SFist
Posted: June 13, 2020 at 1:10 am
The Air Force staff sergeant suspected of killing a Santa Cruz sheriff's deputy last Saturday and wounding another, as well as fatally shooting a federal security officer in Oakland on May 29, had been ranting on social media and making references to an extremist group that espouses anti-government, anti-law-enforcement views.
32-year-old Steven Carrillo is being arraigned today in Santa Cruz Superior Court, and on Thursday he was formally charged with murder, lying it wait, attempted murder, and multiple other charges and enhancements. He faces life in prison for the killing of 38-year-old Santa Cruz Sheriff's Sergeant Damon Gutzwiller.
According to court documents, per the Mercury News, Carrillo had recently been posting libertarian, anti-law-enforcement rhetoric on social media, and he seemed to have a particular vendetta against law enforcement in general. According to a former friend and fellow Air Force officer, Justin Ehrhardt, Carrillo specifically had aligned himself with the so-called "Boogaloo" movement, a far-right, citizen militia group composed partly of current and former military people who believe that an armed conflict with the government is on the horizon. And Ehrhardt speculated further that watching police use of force against unarmed demonstrators on the news during the week of George Floyd's death may have finally pushed Carrillo over the edge.
Federal prosecutors reportedly believe that Carrillo was also responsible for a shooting in Oakland on the night of May 29, during the height of protest activity there though the targets were two Homeland Security officers stationed outside the federal building in downtown Oakland who had nothing to do with the quelling of protests by police a few blocks away. 53-year-old David Patrick Underwood of Pinole was killed in that shooting.
Underwood, who was black and the sibling of Southern California congressional candidate Angela Underwood-Jacobs, was working as a federal security officer, and the Department of Homeland Security issued a statement calling the shooter an "assassin," and characterizing the act as "domestic terrorism."
Underwood-Jacobs, who is a Republican, complicated the political lines in the current national unrest in testimony earlier this week before the House Judiciary Committee. She spoke out against police brutality and the death of Floyd, but went on to condemn calls for defuning the police. And she said, it is "blatantly wrong to create an excuse out of discrimination and disparity, to loot and burn our communities, to kill our officers of the law."
My brother wore a uniform," she said, "and he wore that uniform proudly. Im wondering, where is the outrage for a fallen officer that also happens to be African American?"
Federal charges against Carrillo in the killing of Underwood and the wounding of another officer are expected to be filed in the coming days, but federal prosecutors have yet to confirm that Carrillo is a suspect in the shooting.
The only information that was publicly released in the case, along with a surveillance image, was that the shooter fired shots out of a white cargo van like the one that Carrillo owned, and like the one he ambushed the Santa Cruz officers with last Saturday.
Carrillo, who was stationed at Travis Air Force Base, was living with his father in Ben Lomond, where officers confronted him. They were responding to a call from a resident who said they had seen explosives and weaponry inside Carrillo's van.
Carrillo was heard by witnesses after the shooting, before he was detained, talking about being "tired of the duality." He scrawled a similar message (using the word "duopoly," possibly in reference to the two-party system) in blood on a vehicle before his arrest. He also wrote the word "boog," and the phrase, "I became unreasonable," which is a meme used by the Boogaloo group, referring to anti-government icon Marvin Heemeyer.
Previously: Air Force Officer Named In Killing of Santa Cruz Sheriff's Deputy May Be Linked to Killing of Federal Officer in Oakland
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Libertarian Think Tank Praises Pelosis Call to Remove Confederate Statues from Capitol: Slavery is The Least Libertarian Thing Imaginable – Mediaite
Posted: at 1:10 am
Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images.
Libertarian think tanks are not commonly in the habit of sending out press releases praising Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-CA), but that is exactly what happened Wednesday when the R Street Institute commended her call to remove Confederate statues from the U.S. Capitol.
Pelosi posted a letter she sent to Congress Joint Committee on the Library, the committee that oversees the management of the National Statuary Hall collection, to request that they direct the Architect of the Capitol to immediately take steps to remove from public display 11 statues representing Confederate soldiers and officials, including the President and Vice President of the Confederacy, Jefferson Davis and Alexander Stephens.
Currently, the National Statuary Hall displays 102 statues, consisting of two statues donated by each of the fifty states, one from the District of Columbia, and one of Rosa Parks,who was added by an act of Congress in 2005, and her statue officially unveiled in 2013, the year she would have turned 100. The statue of Davis was donated by Mississippi and the statue of Stephens comes from Georgia.
The statues in the Capitol should embody our highest ideals as Americans, wrote Pelosi, expressing who we are and who we aspire to be as a nation. Monuments to men who advocated cruelty and barbarism to achieve such a plainly racist end are a grotesque affront to these ideals. Their statues pay homage to hate, not heritage. They must be removed.
R Street responded to Pelosis letter by releasing their own press release, applauding her decision.
In 2017, R Street President Eli Lehrer and Demand Progress Policy Director Daniel Schuman co-authored an op-ed calling for these Confederate statues to be removed from public view, and the legislatures of the states represented by those statues invited to nominate new ones.
Mediaite reached out to Lehrer for comment, and asked him about the uniqueness of his organization publicly praising one of Congress most prominent Democrats.
We thought it was important, explained Lehrer, because properly understood libertarianism and classical liberalism is about building a diverse society.
Freedom is important because it allows for diversity, he continued, and puttingsymbols of a cause that existed solely for the purpose of preserving slavery and white supremacy in the very center of American democracy is not consistent with classical liberal values.
Look, the cause for what the Confederacy stood slavery is the least libertarian thing imaginable.
Lehrer noted that the law requires a special act of Congress to actually remove the statues completely from the Capitol property and return them to their states (similar to the congressional act that brought in Rosa Parks as a new statue), but there is no such procedure needed to simply remove them from public display, commenting that this was the solution he and Schuman had proposed in their 2017 op-ed.
Theresnothing that says where they have to be, and they can be hidden, he said. The states can then find more fitting symbols for them, that represent peoplewho are actually good and actually did good things anybody who is there primarily for their service to the Confederacy is not someone who is admirable.
For his own home state, Virginia, Lehrer suggested their Confederate statue should be replaced with Grace Hopper, a computer scientist, a pioneer in computer programming, and a Rear Admiral in the U.S. Navy who passed away in 1992.
Theres only one female scientist or engineer in the collection right now, said Lehrer, calling Hopper perfect for Virginia because the two biggest industries are military and high tech, and observing that there was not currently anything of note in the state named for her.
As for my own home state of Florida, one of our Capitol statues depicts Dr. John B. Gorrie, the physician and inventor who is viewed as the father of air conditioning undoubtedly a most beloved representative for the Sunshine State. The other is Edmund Kirby Smith, a general in the Confederate Army who was born in St. Augustine but had little ties to Florida after his early childhood.
In 2018, the Florida Legislature passed a bill to replace Smith with an actual Floridian, Mary McLeod Bethune, the founder of what is now Bethune-Cookman College, a historically black university in Daytona Beach.
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How Not To Build a Transpartisan Coalition for Police Reform – Reason
Posted: at 1:10 am
Democrats seem surprised that Rep. Tom McClintock (RCalif.), a libertarian-leaning conservative, favors the abolition of qualified immunity, a legal doctrine that often shields police officers from liability for violating people's constitutional rights. The Democrat opposing McClintock in this year's election, Brynne Kennedy, claims his position on qualified immunity, which she calls "a welcome surprise," implies that he should support the rest of her agenda, including such completely unrelated issues as Medicare, Social Security, and price controls for prescription drugs. If McClintock really wants to prove his bipartisanship, she says, he should agree with her about those issues too.
Given McClintock's history and ideology, Democrats should not have been surprised by his position on qualified immunity, and Kennedy's argument implies that true bipartisanship requires Republicans to agree with Democrats about everything. Her reaction to his stance, whether sincere or not, reflects a broader obstacle to building a trans-ideological coalition for police reform in the wake of George Floyd's death and the ensuing protests. Many left-leaning supporters of that cause either do not understand or willfully ignore the perspective of people like McClintock, and that incomprehension or misrepresentation risks alienating potential allies who disagree with them about a lot of other things.
As the RaleighNews & Observer noted, McClintock is not a newcomer to police reform, which he supported as a state legislator. Back in 2007, McClintock was outraged by the California Supreme Court's decision in Copley Press v. Superior Court,which shielded police disciplinary records from public view. "The Copley decision basically said that disciplinary proceedings against police officers are none of the public's business, even if conducted by a civil service commission under all due process considerations and even if the charges are proven," he said. "In short, once a citizen complains about the misuse of police power, even though the complaint is found to be entirely true, the public has no right to know. That is nuts."
Nor is McClintock a milquetoast when it comes to police invasions of people's homes. Here is what he had to say about no-knock raids this week: "No-knock warrants have proven to be lethal to citizens and police officers, for an obvious reason. The invasion of a person's home is one of the most terrifying powers government possesses. Every person in a free society has the right to take arms against an intruder in their homes, and the authority of the police to make such an intrusion has to be announcedbefore it takes place. To do otherwise places every one of us in mortal peril."
Regarding qualified immunity specifically, the News & Observer notes, "libertarians have long been clamoring for change on the issue." The paper mentions the Institute for Justice, which for years has been backing cases aimed at restricting or eliminating qualified immunity. Conservatives such as Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas and 5th Circuit Judge Don Willett, a Trump appointee, also have criticized the doctrine.
McClintock's opposition to qualified immunity makes sense if you understand where he is coming from. During his 2008 House campaign, my formerReason colleague Dave Weigel observed, McClintock "saw the real political split in this country (and everywhere else) as between 'authoritarians and libertarians,' with authoritarians in the saddle now but libertarians coming on strong." McClintock also told Weigel, "I am concerned with civil liberties in this country, and with warrantless surveillance of Americans."
McClintock has been an outspoken critic of the PATRIOT Act and the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, and he supported amnesty for National Security Agency whistleblower Edward Snowden. "I think it would be best if the American government granted him amnesty to get him back to America where he can answer questions without the threat of prosecution," McClintock told a Sacramento TV station in 2013. "We have some very good laws against sharing secrets, and he broke those laws. On the other hand, he broke them for a very good reason:because those laws were being used in direct contravention of our Fourth Amendment rights as Americans."
McClintock also has broken with most of his Republican colleagues in backing marijuana reform. He was an early supporter of legislation aimed at stopping federal raids on medical marijuana dispensaries and repealing the national ban on cannabis as it relates to conduct that is allowed by state law. McClintock opposed federal marijuana prohibition years before many prominent Democrats decided it was safe or politically expedient to do so. That position reflects not just a libertarian sensibility but a principled defense of federalism, a cause that many conservatives abandon when it proves inconvenient.
The fact that progressives can find common ground with McClintock on some issues, of course, hardly means he is about to embrace the rest of their agenda. Likewise with other conservatives, libertarians, and moderates, whether they have long supported police reform or are newly sympathetic because of the problems highlighted by George Floyd's death and other recent travesties.
It may seem obvious that you cannot build a coalition on an issue like police reform if you insist that your allies agree with you about everything or if you mistakenly treat them as Johnny-come-latelies. But progressives are making both of those mistakes.
Instead of supporting the four-page, stand-alone qualified immunity bill that Rep. Justin Amash (LMich.) introduced, House Democrats produced a 134-page billthat addresses qualified immunity but also includes several provisions Republicans are likely to oppose, including increased Justice Department scrutiny of local law enforcement polices and practices, government-backed racial profiling lawsuits, "training on racial bias" for federal law enforcement agents, and financial penalties for states that fail to ban chokeholds or are deficient in reporting data on traffic and pedestrian stops, body searches, and the use of force.
There is a huge gap between the Democrats' grab bag of proposalsmany of which are worthy ideasand the reforms that Republicans seem inclined to support. "The fact that it has no Republican sponsors, the fact that there was no effort to contact any of us to have us weigh in on the legislation, suggests it's designed to be a message piece, as opposed to a real piece of legislation," says Sen. Mitt Romney (RUtah), who plans to introduce a bipartisan police reform bill. "We should vote on each proposal separately," Amash argues. "Massive bills with dozens of topics aren't serious efforts to change law. They're messaging bills with no expectation of getting signed. They cram in so much that they're never written well or reviewed carefully."
The "defund police" slogan adopted by many activists (but wisely eschewed by most Democrats in Congress) poses similar problems. Some people who use it mean it literally, while others have in mind a restructuring of police departments and/or the transfer of money from them to social programs. Whatever the intent, the slogan is bound to alienate people who would otherwise be inclined to support reforms aimed at preventing police from abusing their powers and holding them accountable when they do. The fact that Donald Trump has latched onto the meme as a way of discrediting Democratic reformers is not a good sign. While "defund police" may appeal to some progressives and libertarians, it is not a message that will help attract broad public support for reforms.
It is also a strategic mistake for progressive reformers to act as if they own this issue when many people who don't agree with them on other subjects have been fighting this battle for a long time. As a libertarian who has been covering police abuse, the drug war, criminal justice reform, and civil liberties for more than three decades, I find that attitude irritating, and I'm sure other nonprogressives do as well. But this is not about personal pique; it's about how people with different ideological perspectives can come together on this issue now and avoid squandering an opportunity, perhaps the best we've had in many years, to do some good.
David Menschel, a criminal defense attorney, activist, and documentarian who runs the Vital Projects Fund, describes himself as a "left-winger," but he recognizes that progressives and libertarians are natural allies on this issue. He poses some provocative questions to libertarians about whether they are prepared to support social programs aimed at performing functions currently handled by the police. While that is a good conversation to have, it is not directly relevant to seizing this moment, which requires not only getting along with people who have different political views but also compromising with grudging supporters of reform who may be willing to back specific, concrete proposals to address police abuse that fall far short of the fundamental restructuring Menschel has in mind.
Much of the action on police reform is happening on the local and state levels, as you would expect given our federalist system of government. But to the extent that Congress can address the issue, we should be thinking about changes that might gain the support of not only Tom McClintock and Mitt Romney but also Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (RKy.), who has not heretofore distinguished himself as a criminal justice reformer but lately has been making noises about racial disparities in law enforcement. I'm not sure how much change someone like McConnell can stomach, but reform-minded legislators should find out before it's too late.
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How Not To Build a Transpartisan Coalition for Police Reform - Reason
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Primary Election ballots are in the mail | YourHub – The Know
Posted: at 1:10 am
And a ballot drop box is located near you.
Democratic, Libertarian, Republican and unaffiliated voters be on the watch for your Primary Election ballot in your mailbox. Ballots are being mailed the week of June 8, 2020. And remember,DouglasVotes.comis always your best source for up-to-date election information.
What ballot(s) should I expect to receive?Registered Democratic, Libertarian or Republican voters will receive one mail ballot for that partys Primary Election. Unaffiliated voters will receive TWO mail ballots (one Democratic and one Republican) but may return ONLY ONE. VisitDouglasVotes.comand read the2020 Primary Election Frequently Asked Questionsfor more information.
If you have not received your expected ballot(s) at the address associated with your voter registration by June 17, contact the Douglas County Elections office at 303.660.7444.
Whats on the ballot?Visit the Douglas Countyballot information pageto review a sample composite ballot for all items on Douglas County ballots.
Vote Early. Near You.Ballot drop boxes are open now through 7 p.m. on Election Day, June 30, 2020. Deliver your ballot for free using one of theconvenient ballot drop box locations countywide.
Will you turn 18 by the Nov. 3, 2020, General Election?Seventeen-year-olds who meet this criteria are able to vote in the Primary Election. Those who are pre-registered as Democratic, Libertarian, Republican or unaffiliated voters will receive their ballot(s) by mail. Visit the2020 Primary Election Frequently Asked Questionsfor more information.
Not registered to vote but want to be?Colorado election law allows voter registration up to and on Election Day. If you live in Douglas County, plan to vote in the Primary Election and are not registered to vote, do so atDouglasVotes.comby June 22 to receive a ballot by mail after that time you must visit a VSPC.
Voter Service and Polling Centers (VSPC).Three Douglas County VSPCs open Monday, June 22 in Castle Rock, Highlands Ranch and Lone Tree. At a VSPC you may register to vote, update your voter registration, replace a ballot, vote in person or use an ADA-accessible voting machine. Due to the ongoing COVID-19 public health emergency, in-person services may be limited or unavailable at certain locations please checkDouglasVotes.comor call 303.660.7444 before visiting a VSPC to confirm availability.
When is the last possible day to vote?Know your ballot deadline. No matter how you deliver it, your ballot must be received by 7 p.m. on Election Day, June 30.
Have questions or need assistance?Please visitDouglasVotes.comor contact Douglas County Elections by phone at 303.660.7444.
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Scared for their jobs, Iowa Republicans are gaming the democratic process – The Gazette
Posted: at 1:10 am
Why are Republicans in the Iowa Statehouse so afraid of democracy?
Perhaps they are not all afraid, but State Sen. Roby Smith, R-Davenport, certainly is, and based on this weeks vote in the Iowa Senate, it would sure seem that the rest of the GOP crew sitting in the Legislature are scared as well.
That can be the only possible explanation for their recent efforts to push through a last-minute amendment on a benign bill regarding county seals on ballots that passed the Iowa House 97-0. Sen. Smith and his fellow republicans pushed through the amendment under the guise of supposedly supporting safe, secure and reliable elections.
Partisan stonewalling and coronavirus conspire against Iowa candidates
Iowa Senate bars secretary of state from mailing absentee ballot requests
Make no mistake, the only things these scaredy cats are trying to keep safe and secure are their political careers by attempting to suppress a large segment of Iowa voters and striving to prevent them from having multiple choices on the ballot.
The amendment, that was passed the Iowa Senate along party lines this week, would require a written request from voters before the secretary of state would be able to mail out absentee ballots to Iowa voters. Im sure this has nothing to do with the record turnout Iowa saw during the primary elections on June 2. Turnout was high, largely due to the number of absentee ballots that were received in an election praised by Secretary of State Paul Pate (a Republican, mind you) as a huge success and an example of how counties, state agencies and the federal government working together to ensure Iowans could vote safely.
Let me say that quote again, just in case Sen. Smith and company missed it: This election was a terrific example of counties, state agencies and the federal government working together to ensure Iowans could vote safely.
ARTICLE CONTINUES BELOW ADVERTISEMENT
So we had a massively successful, safe and reliable election, and Republicans want us to believe that they are doing this for the betterment of Iowa voters.
But, wait! Theres more!
In an obvious move to keep third-party and independent candidates off the ballots, Smith tacked on a massive increase in the number of signatures that are required to obtain ballot access in Iowa. The amendment would increase the number of signatures required to gain ballot access for president, governor and U.S. Senate by 266 percent. The impact is even more devastating for prospective candidates who want to run for U.S. House, whose signature requirements would be raised from 375 to 2,000, an increase of more than 500 percent!
This is clearly an effort to alienate the 33 percent of Iowa voters who are so sick and tired of the partisan games played that they choose to register as either independent or third party when they fill out their voter registration cards. For a party that likes to espouse the virtues of freedom, Republicans sure love working to silence Iowans, huh?
I dont often take to calling out other parties. As somebody that was a Republican for nearly 20 years before becoming a Libertarian, and whose family is made up almost entirely of Republicans, I dont make these claims lightly. It is, however, glaringly obvious that this is not the same GOP that my great grandmother, who greatly influenced my political path, proudly represented her entire life. This is a party that can clearly see the writing on the wall, and are choosing to play political games to save their party and careers that are on life support.
They are waging a battle against freedom and democracy, plain and simple, and they deserve to be called out for doing so.
Mike Conner is Libertarian Party of Iowa chairman.
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Scared for their jobs, Iowa Republicans are gaming the democratic process - The Gazette
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61 Quick Facts and Observations on Socialism, Jesus, and Wealth | Jon Miltimore – Foundation for Economic Education
Posted: at 1:10 am
As a Christian libertarian, few things worry me more than the rise of socialism in America.
A March 2020 Gallup poll found that four out of ten Americans have a positive view of socialism. Among Democrats, 65 percent surveyed said they hold a favorable view of the doctrine.
Whats particularly alarming is that this embrace of socialism is making its way into Americas churches. In recent years, among my Christian friends, family members, and fellow church members, Ive seen sympathy for socialism expressed in various ways. Sometimes its outright support for socialistic policies like the Green New Deal. Other times its support for thinly veiled Marxist concepts or anti-capitalist rhetoric.
Ive had long discussions with people whove tried to convince me that Jesus of Nazareth, whom I recognize as God in flesh, was a socialist. Almost universally, I find these individuals dont misunderstand Jesus. They misunderstand socialism.
Reciting the evils of socialismwhich are legionis easy enough, but Ive found relating these lessons to the Gospel is somewhat more difficult.
Did Jesus not say money is the root of all evil? Did Jesus not say it would be exceedingly difficult for the rich to enter the Kingdom of Heaven? Didnt Jesus tell a rich man to sell all his possessions and then give it to the poor? Did Jesus not tell a parable about a landowner paying workers the same wage to all workers, even though some worked less than others?
Pointing out that socialism has killed tens of millions of people doesnt address these questions. But there are simple and persuasive answers to each of them, which I know now after reading Lawrence Reeds new book Was Jesus a Socialist?
As a full disclosure, Reed is FEEs president emeritus and a man I can consider a personal friend and mentor. My personal feelings aside, in his new bookwhich was officially released on Mondayhes provided a timely and meticulously well-researched work that deserves attention, especially from those who see Americas churches as the way forward for a loving and peaceful society.
Like it or not, Christian Socialism is on the rise. How we confront it will be one of the greatest challenges Christians face during turbulent times. To be clear, I dont believe Jesus was a capitalist. Or a libertarian. Or a Democrat or Republican.
As Daniel Hannan observed in a wonderful foreword to Reeds book, Jesus transcended such descriptions and showed little interest in the political or social structures of His own time, let alone of todays.
My kingdom is not of this world, Jesus told Pontius Pilate, according to John 18:36. If it were, my servants would fight to prevent my arrest by the Jewish leaders. But now my kingdom is from another place."
Unfortunately, this simple truth will not dissuade people from claiming Jesus was a socialist. For Christians seeking intellectual ammunition to rebut such claims, youll not find a better place to start than Reeds new book.
Heres a brief list of observations, facts, and musings about socialism, wealth, and Jesus from the book.
This is just a small taste of what youll learn from reading Lawrence Reeds new book Was Jesus a Socialist?
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Nelson lead up to 23 votes over Tarkanian – The Record-Courier
Posted: at 1:10 am
While the distance in votes between District 1 Commissioner Dave Nelson widened a smidge, there are still only 23 votes between he and challenger Danny Tarkanian.
As of Thursday afternoon, Nelson was ahead 5,803-5,780 with 62 new ballots added to the mix, according to the Douglas County Clerk-Treasurers Office.
Nelson received 12 more votes than Tarkanian on Thursday.
Ballots are expected to continue to trickle in by mail through 5 p.m. Tuesday. Thats also the deadline for the voters whose ballots were rejected due to signature issues to come to the Clerks Office and sign their ballots or show identification.
District 5 Commission candidate Walt Nowosad had 552 votes over opponent Nate Tolbert on Thursday. Nowosads lead has increased by 11 votes since Tuesday.
While the vote isnt final, Mark Gardners 2,336-vote lead over District 3 Commissioner Larry Walsh assures his victory in the primary.
He will go on to face Ruhenstroth Libertarian Charles Holt in the November general election. No Libertarian has ever won a seat on the county commission. The last non-Republican to hold a seat on the board of commissioners was independent Cecil Stodieck, who ran unopposed in 1946 and only served two years.
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Nelson lead up to 23 votes over Tarkanian - The Record-Courier
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Debt settlement: An effective way of reducing debt – AZ Big Media
Posted: at 1:09 am
Monetary debt can be difficult as it can cripple your fiscal freedom and bring you financial hardships. Furthermore, having debt can make it hard to buy a car or get a mortgage for your home. It can also harm your emotional and mental well-being because of stress.
There are numerous methods on how to reduce or get rid of debt; one of those options is through debt settlements. If you currently have considerable debt and looking for ways on how to improve your financial condition, you are in the perfect place. Read on to know about debt settlement.
Debt settlement, known as debt adjustment or debt relief, is a process of resolving debt for a lesser amount than what is owed initially. A substantial lump-sum payment that ranges from 10% to 50% of what is owed is used to resolve the previous debt.
A report from the American Fair Credit Council (AFCC) states that more than 90% of debt settlements result in debt reduction that is greater than the previous fees. Also, most of the participants reach agreements on their accounts within six months of starting the program.
Debt settlement has numerous benefits, which include some of the following.
One of the main advantages ofdebt settlementprograms is that the original amount you owe can be lowered to a more affordable amount. If you previously owe $10,000, it can be diminished to as much as $5,000.
Reducing your debt by up to 50% can be of great help, especially if you are currently experiencing extreme financial hardships.
When you declare bankruptcy, assets that you have may be claimed by the lender. These may include properties, land ownership, and cars, to name a few. Your financial troubles will also be a matter of public record, which could affect your employment options in the future. This is because most employers and companies evaluate their applicants credit histories.
Declaring bankruptcy may not be a good option for some individuals. Fortunately, debt settlement programs offer a practical alternative.
Talking to and dealing with creditors and collectors can be quite a hassle. It can also be humiliating because some people might find out that you are in debt and cant pay up.
These things can affect your self-confidence and self-esteem, which can hurt your emotional and mental wellness. Through debt settlement programs, you will be able to get debt collectors and creditors off your back.
Negotiating your debt with creditors can be tempting; the problem is you might mess things up and make the situation even worse. It would be best that you consult a debt settlement company to negotiate your financial issues on your behalf.
Debt settlement companies have the competence and experience to negotiate your settlement for you, helping you get a better deal in the process.
However, not all settlement companies in the market today are legitimate, which means you should be wary of companies that you consult and do transactions with. You can never go wrong in consulting settlement companies that are reliable and trusted.
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Debt settlement: An effective way of reducing debt - AZ Big Media
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Strengthening our armed forces – The Highland County Press
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By U.S. Sen. Mike RoundsR-South Dakota
The United States military is the best in the world. Our all-volunteer force is made up of men and women from different backgrounds and different states, but what they all have in common is a love of country and a desire to serve.
We are eternally grateful to them and their families for the incredible sacrifices they make to protect our freedoms. One way we can show our thanks is by making sure they have the tools and resources necessary to do their job. In Congress, we do this by passing a National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) each year.
The Senate Armed Services Committee, which Ive worked on since coming to the Senate in 2015, recently voted to approve the NDAA for fiscal year 2021. It will be debated by the full Senate before we vote on final passage. Our committee put in a lot of work this year on the NDAA and Im pleased that we were once again able to pass it with strong bipartisan support. In fact, this will be the 60th consecutive year that we will have passed a widely-supported NDAA.
As our near-peer competitors, like China and Russia, continue to grow their own militaries, its critically important that the U.S. makes sure our troops have better weapons systems, better tools and more resources than our adversaries.
We never want to send our men and women into a fair fight we always want them to have the advantage. The NDAA authorizes Department of Defense (DoD) programs and provides defense policy to make sure the United States maintains irreversible momentum when it comes to implementing the National Defense Strategy.
The National Defense Strategy provides clear direction for restoring our militarys competitive edge in an era of re-emerging, long-term great power competition. The B-21 Raider bombers coming to Ellsworth Air Force Base in the near future are a part of this long-term National Defense Strategy. As I said earlier, we have the best armed forces in the world, but we need to make sure we remain the best well into the future.
One of the ways we can do this is by improving the way the DoD hires personnel. The NDAA includes language to improve recruitment and retention efforts to maintain the force, while also offering more flexibility to hire civilian talent. In particular, the DoD needs highly-skilled, brilliant cybersecurity professionals to help improve the cybersecurity efforts of our armed forces.
In some cases, the most qualified cyber personnel could be private sector cybersecurity personnel serving in the National Guard or Reserve. Dakota State University (DSU) in Madison has been at the forefront of cyber-related research for years. As a National Security Agency and Department of Homeland Security Center of Academic Excellence, DSU is preparing its students for government careers in cybersecurity.
Just like the FY 2020 NDAA, this one includes a pay raise for our troops. Military families are recognized in the NDAA as wellweve included language to increase access to high-quality child care for military families and to improve military housing. When a husband or wife is deployed, the last thing we want is for spouses to have to worry about home repair issues or finding a good daycare for their kids when theyre at work.
The men and women who wear the uniform of the United States put their lives on the line to protect and preserve our freedom. Were forever grateful to them for their service and sacrifice. Passing the NDAA each year is one way for us to make sure they and their families are taken care of and have all the resources they need as they serve our nation.
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Defunding the Police Is Not Nearly Enough – New York Magazine
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They deserve more than police budgets have to offer. Photo: Spencer Platt/Getty Images
In the wake of George Floyds murder by torture, tens of thousands have taken to the streets of Americas cities to demand a radical remaking of law enforcement in their country.
The leaders of this movement have rejected mere reforms to police training or disciplinary procedures as inadequate to the scale of injustice. Rather, they contend that our nations approach to crime deterrence must be reimagined, and its budgets rebalanced. In many cities, police departments command more municipal resources than health care, housing, youth programs, and workforce development combined even as those police departments post abysmal homicide clearance rates, usher teenagers into the carceral system for minor offenses, and routinely violate nonwhite residents civil rights.
Protesters deem this state of affairs unacceptable. They want their government to foster public safety in disadvantaged communities. But they do not want it to subject nonwhite people to routine harassment and violence by armed agents of the state, nor to funnel them into a cruel and unusual prison system. Therefore, racial-justice advocates have called for transferring resources from the police to alternative forms of community-based violence prevention and conflict mediation, as well as to social programs that address the root causes of crime. They have summarized this vision with the slogan defund the police.
This movements accomplishments are already considerable. And its aims are just and reasonable. Americas mode of law enforcement is more punitive, violent, and democratically unaccountable than that of any other advanced democracy, while our social spending is aberrantly stingy. Bringing justice and peace to disadvantaged communities throughout our country will undoubtedly require much more than police reform.
But doing so will also require more than cutting police budgets.
The activists and community organizers whove rallied behind defund the police are engaged in discrete struggles over fiscal priorities across a wide range of cities. As such, their focus on contesting police departments outsize share of municipal budgets is appropriate. But the fight must not end there. We cannot provide disadvantaged communities with the social resources they deserve nor, in all likelihood, the social resources necessary for guaranteeing their safety in the absence of conventional policing merely by reallocating existing public funds. Rather, doing so will require massively increasing overall public spending on these communities. If the end result of the present agitation is to reduce funding for police services, without increasing overall social investment, then we will have made little progress towards becoming a nation whose policies affirm the value of black lives.
And in the present context of widespread fiscal crisis, this outcome is more than possible. For these reasons, massive federal relief for cities today, and durable investments in social welfare and public employment tomorrow, must be understood as racial-justice issues. To defund the police, we must refund the social state.
Every year, the United States spends roughly $220 billion on punishing its people. Police forces account for around $115 billion of that sum; the rest goes to maintaining the planets most populous prison system. No state in world history has ever directed so much wealth toward arresting and caging its residents.
And yet, if the U.S. shuttered all of its police departments and penitentiaries tomorrow, the resulting savings wouldnt be nearly enough to provide all Americans with the kind of social welfare state that their counterparts in Western Europe enjoy nor the one that the leadership of the civil-rights movement thought necessary for securing the safety and social equality of black communities.
The movement to defund the police has yet to produce a comprehensive, national blueprint for using social investments to liberate nonwhite communities from their present reliance on law enforcement. But in 1967, Martin Luther King Jr., A. Philip Randolph, and Bayard Rustin drew up an agenda for realizing similar aspirations. In A Freedom Budget for All Americans, the civil-rights leaders laid out a vision for fortifying black Americans (nominal) legal equality by undergirding it with a set of universal economic rights. The budget called for guaranteeing jobs and decent and adequate wages to all who are willing and able to work; a decent living standard to those who cannot or should not work; decent medical care and adequate educational opportunities for all Americans; decent homes for all Americans; and environmentally sound development for the nation as a whole, among other things. (Scholars and activists affiliated with Black Lives Matter have voiced similar demands.)
In the Freedom Budgets executive summary, Randolph and Rustin explicitly framed their economic agenda as a nonpunitive means of crime deterrence, writing, The breeding grounds of crime and discontent will be diminished in the same way that draining a swamp cuts down the breeding of mosquitoes.
At the time, the budgets authors estimated that realizing these aims would cost about $1.5 trillion over a decade in todays money. But for a variety of reasons such as explosive inflation in the costs of health care, housing, and higher education over the past half-century this appears to be a profound underestimate.
In 2018, the Center for American Progress (CAP) released a proposal for a narrowly targeted version of the federal jobs guarantee that King sought. The plans modest aim was to bring the percentage of prime-aged, non-college-educated Americans with jobs back up to the 79 percent level it hit in the year 2000. Before the onset of the coronavirus recession, this would have required providing about 4.4 million unemployed Americans with federal jobs; if each job paid the decent wage of $15 an hour, the total cost of the program would be about $158 billion a year (in the present context of mass unemployment, meeting CAPs standard would require creating public jobs for a much larger number of Americans at a much greater fiscal cost).
Bernie Sanderss proposal for guaranteeing everyone in the U.S. affordable health care through a single-payer system has a projected annual price tag of $3.2 trillion. Optimistic estimates suggest that the U.S. government could eradicate homelessness for $20 billion a year (providing high-quality social housing for all who want it, meanwhile, might require $250 billion per annum). Joe Bidens proposal for making higher education affordable for all Americans is pegged at $75 billion per year.
One can debate whether these exact plans are the best modern analogues of the Freedom Budgets demands. But it is clear that liquidating every police department in the United States would not yield enough public funds to execute Kings vision for preventing crime through social investment. Putting Medicare for All to one side and ignoring the exorbitant cost of shielding poor communities from the ravages of environmental degradation in an age of climate change merely ending homelessness, providing a (limited, means-tested) job guarantee, and implementing a (limited, means-tested) plan for college affordability adds up to $253 billion, more than twice what America spends on cops.
To be sure, the notion that all public spending must be offset by new revenue or onerous debt is a superstition at the federal level. But at the municipal level it is not. New York City cannot print its own currency. To dramatically increase social spending at the city level, where police budgets are set, would require either drastically increasing taxation or federal aid. Regardless, simply reallocating law enforcement spending wont get us where King, Randolph, and Rustin wanted us to go.
Americas exceptionally punitive penal system and its exceptionally low levels of social provision are not unrelated phenomena. As the University of Chicago historian John Clegg and Harvard sociologist Adaner Usmani wrote in Catalyst Journal last year, mass incarceration in the U.S. was born out of mass economic exclusion and fiscal austerity.
Many prominent accounts of mass incarceration describe it as a system of race-based social control; which is to say, as a means of upholding white supremacy in an era when direct racial exclusion had become constitutionally verboten. And there is no doubt that anti-black animus saturates law and order politics in the U.S., nor that the criminal-justice system serves as a mechanism of black disenfranchisement in many parts of this country.
But as Clegg and Usmani persuasively argue, the origins of intensive policing and mass incarceration in the U.S. are more complex, and economics-based, than some popular narratives suggest. If Americas bloated carceral state were primarily a tool for maintaining a racial caste system, then one would expect its growth to correspond with growing racial disparities in rates of incarceration. But this is not the case. Although African-Americans are far more likely to be incarcerated than whites, the disparity between the two populations rates of imprisonment did not increase dramatically following Richard Nixons election in 1968, and has been in decline since 1990.
By contrast, class-based disparities in institutionalization exploded over the last half-century.
Aggressive policing and mass incarceration exacerbate racial inequity and devastate black communities. But the primary function of Americas extraordinarily punitive penal system isnt to uphold white supremacy. Rather, as the high salience of educational attainment in likelihood of imprisonment indicates, mass incarcerations core function is to address the criminological symptoms that derive from material deprivation and social exclusion.
And in the 1960s, black urban communities were condemned to such deprivation and exclusion en masse. As Clegg and Usmani write:
In 1910, almost half of working-age black men in America were employed in the agricultural sector. In 1960, less than 8 percent were. Despite some decades of robust job growth, urban labor markets never replaced these lost jobs. The problem only worsened as the flow of [rural black] migrants increased, and urban economies began to change. Thus, while the first wave of migrants (during WWI and the 1920s) had largely been absorbed into industrial jobs, the second wave was invariably less likely to find work. Moreover, due to the segregated nature of urban labor markets, employment opportunities for the children of first-wave migrants were undermined by competition from the second wave.
Underlying the declining fortunes of rural migrants was a transformation in urban labor markets that was particularly consequential for unskilled men. In key areas like Detroit, deindustrialization began as early as the 1950s, as industry relocated first to the suburbs and then to the Sunbelt. The loss of key manufacturing jobs was exacerbated by automation and rising foreign competition As the urban economy changed, the social prospects for those who remained in the cities plummeted further When [white] homeowners left the city, they took their tax dollars with them. The loss of revenue starved city-level social services, including education, public housing, and policing The result was a vicious spiral: as cities hemorrhaged tax revenues, overcrowded schools lost funding, the housing stock deteriorated, and crime rose, the pressure to leave mounted. But the poor (disproportionately black) could not leave. They had no collateral and poor credit, and their access to the suburbs was further limited by zoning restrictions, minimum lot-sizes, and a deliberate lack of public transport. They remained trapped in central cities that were being abandoned by both capital and the state, locked out of the consumption boom enjoyed by the rest of the country.
The inner cities economic dispossession coincided with a surge in the share of young men in the U.S. population, as the baby boom generation entered early adulthood. Since young men are the primary perpetrators of crime, demographic change alone was likely to bring an uptick in violence to the U.S. beginning in the 1960s. Clegg and Usmani contend that when the incendiary material deprivation of black urban communities combined with this demographic tinder, an inevitable fire turned into a historic conflagration. Locked out of legitimate forms of income generation, young black men were pushed into illicit trades regulated by violence. The gutting of local budgets reduced the prevalence of police while the racist brutality of law enforcement dampened cooperation with homicide investigators thereby reducing the downside risks of criminal enterprise. Meanwhile, the collapse of employment and public investment undermined communal cohesion, and thus, informal social controls on aggression. As a result, Americas homicide rate doubled between 1960 and 1980. (To be sure, there is no firm sociological consensus about the origins of the crime boom. And its likely that factors beyond those that Clegg and Usmani cite contributed to the phenomenon; it seems doubtful that demographics alone can explain why crime began falling so rapidly in the mid-1990s. Nevertheless, the causal relationships they posit between various forms of economic disadvantage and the prevalence of crime all have significant empirical support.)
As concentrated poverty curdled into criminal violence, an organic, cross-racial demand for more policing and incarceration arose. As the Freedom Budget suggests, black communities also wanted nonpunitive solutions to the epidemic of violent crime that afflicted them. For a little while, through Lyndon Johnsons Great Society program, they received such solutions in partial form.
But putting police officers on street corners and violent criminals in prison is a lot cheaper than guaranteeing quality employment and decent living standards to all. And progressive forces in the United States ultimately failed to make the Freedom Budget a reality. The causes of this failure were myriad, but the fact that white supremacy led many white workers to reject cross-racial alliances and oppose universal social provision was surely a leading one.
Americas fledgling social democracy exited stage right. Over-policing and mass incarceration entered to fill the void.
This history highlights the fact that Americas exceptionally punitive criminal-justice system is a (loathsome) remedy for a genuine social problem. Intensive policing in black communities does not exist to reproduce white supremacy; it exists because white supremacy condemned wide swathes of the black public to economic dispossession, and then blocked the path to more humane means of combating the violence that dispossession fostered. The fact that African-Americans are disproportionately likely to live in neighborhoods with high homicide rates is itself an index of racial oppression. Thus, if our aim is to affirm the value of black lives, then we must be as concerned with redressing the injustice of concentrated criminal violence as we are with combating the obscenity of racist police killings.
And there is reason to fear that in the absence of much higher investments in community-based gun violence prevention, conflict mediation, mental health, public employment, job training, health care, education, and other vital social services, cutting police budgets could result in more African-Americans losing their lives to homicide.
It is true that American police departments are exceptionally bad at solving crimes. About 40 percent of murders in the U.S. go unpunished. And in the most disadvantaged neighborhoods of major cities, that percentage is far higher. But this does not mean that the police are completely ineffective in reducing the prevalence of violent crime in nonwhite communities. Although our cops are poor at investigating murders, they are often competent at sitting in parked cars or standing on street corners. And criminological research suggests that the mere passive presence of police in a given jurisdiction deters violent crime. For this reason, higher police staffing levels tend to correlate with lower rates of criminal victimization. (Notably, there is no evidence that the extraordinary punitiveness of Americas criminal-justice system has any deterrent effect. People do not consult sentencing guidelines before deciding whether to commit a crime, but they do tend to look around for cops.)
This empirical literature is buttressed by recent developments in the cities of Chicago, Baltimore, and Camden. On Sunday, May 31, Chicago suffered its most violent day in six decades: As police busied themselves with protesters, 18 people were murdered. Local reverend Michael Pfleger suggested that the explosion of violence was a direct consequence of the reduction in police presence, telling the Chicago Sun-Times, On Saturday and particularly Sunday, I heard people saying all over, Hey, theres no police anywhere, police aint doing nothing.
Baltimores police department ostensibly orchestrated a work slowdown in2015, following the indictment of some of its members in the Freddie Gray case. A surge in homicides ensued, with the citys per capita murder rate hitting its highest level on record in 2017.
Camden, meanwhile, disbanded its police department seven years ago, and proceeded to see a 42 percent reduction in violent crimes. But this is not the proof of concept for cheap-and-easy police abolition that some have made out to be. For Camden, dissolving the police department was a means of busting its union, and creating a less cost-intensive, but larger, police force. In per capita terms, Camden is now one of the most heavily policed cities in the U.S.
This correlation between more cops and fewer violent crimes is not lost on many of those most exposed to the dual oppressions of police brutality and high homicide rates. In a 2018 Vox/Civis poll, African-Americans supported a proposal for increasing police budgets and hiring more police officers in high crime areas by a margin of 60 to 18 percent.
Graphic: Civis Poll for Vox
None of this means that there arent more effective means of deterring crime than the police. And it certainly does not mean that the odious side effects of American policing are remotely acceptable. Black communities should not have to choose between having their young people harassed, beaten, arrested for trivial offenses, bilked for fines, and occasionally murdered by police officers, or having their children killed in greater numbers by their peers.
But the fact that homicide rates tend to go up when police presence declines does mean that there is little reason to believe defunding law enforcement will preserve black lives, if such a measure is not accompanied by substantial increases in other forms of crime prevention and social investment.
When Randolph and Rustin asserted that passing the Freedom Budget would diminish crime in the same way that draining a swamp cuts down the breeding of mosquitoes, they were describing an intuition, not the conclusion of a study.
But today, the peer-reviewed journals have caught up with our civil-rights visionaries. In a 2017 review of criminological literature, researchers from the University of California-Berkeley and the University of Pennsylvania found that increases in policing manpower reduced crime but increases in wages and job opportunities did, too. A 2016 report from the White House Council of Economic Advisers similarly concluded that a 10 percent increase in wages for non-college educated men results in approximately a 10 to 20 percent reduction in crime rates.
If we provide disadvantaged areas with the employment opportunities, economic development, housing, and social welfare services that they deserve, while developing community-based institutions of crime deterrence, we can plausibly render policing as weve known it obsolete.
By contrast, if we make modest cuts to police budgets and use the freed-up funds to make recession-induced cuts to municipal social services only slightly smaller than they otherwise would have been we may well condemn more black Americans to violent deaths. As of this writing, we are heading toward the latter outcome. This week in New York City, Mayor Bill de Blasio announced that he would cut some funding for the NYPD, and redirect it to social services which will, nevertheless, see a potentially multibillion-dollar overall budget cut.
If we stipulate that there is no alternative to implementing draconian, economically irrational austerity in the middle of recession, then the diversion of a sliver of NYPD funds to youth services and conflict mediation is a win. But there is no reason to make that stipulation; not when the protestors in our streets have Republicans shaking in their jackboots. Few objectives are more integral to advancing racial justice, or laying the groundwork for a world beyond policing, than defeating fiscal austerity. To win that fight, we must make our calls for new spending on social nourishment as loud as our demands for defunding collective punishment.
The one story you shouldn't miss today, selected byNew York's editors.
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Defunding the Police Is Not Nearly Enough - New York Magazine
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