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Monthly Archives: June 2020
Nearly $1 million in federal funds will be used to support pandemic related mental health efforts in Maine – WABI
Posted: June 13, 2020 at 2:50 pm
AUGUSTA, Maine (WABI) - The Maine Department of Health and Human Services DHHS has been awarded $989,045 in federal funds from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration.
The funding will allow the state to contract with behavioral health providers and organizations to offer crisis counseling to individuals diagnosed with COVID-19 as well as those who are close contacts of such individuals.
State officials say this work supplements the work that is already being done by the Maine CDC Behavioral Health Response Team.
The money will also allow for the launch of a public awareness campaign regarding mental health to help Mainers find positive ways to cope with the changes to their lives that have been brought on by the pandemic.
Some of the money will support the Maine Frontline Warmline that was created to help first responders and health care workers.
Full statement from Maine DHHS:
"The Maine Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS) will use nearly $1 million in federal funding awarded this week for a program to help Maine people cope with the psychological effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, through both direct support for individuals exposed to the virus and proactive outreach aimed at reducing the long-term behavioral health impacts of the pandemic.
Individuals are increasingly reaching out for behavioral health support in the face of the pandemic. Maines Intentional Warm Line, which offers non-crisis peer support to adults, has received more than 6,000 calls since March 30, 2020, an increase of 40 percent. Call duration increased 60 percent over the same period to an average of nearly 22 minutes.
The COVID-19 pandemic has taken a toll on not only peoples physical health, but also their mental health and emotional wellbeing, said DHHS Commissioner Jeanne Lambrew. This funding will support additional boots on the ground to help those in Maine facing behavioral health challenges now and to prevent post-COVID challenges in the long-term.
There are immediate behavioral health impacts from this pandemic as well as potential long-term effects as people grapple with disruption, isolation, traumatic experiences, grief, and economic instability, said Dr. Jessica Pollard, Director of the DHHS Office of Behavioral Health. These funds will support our work to proactively help Maine people cope with this distress and support their health during the pandemic as well as when it is over.
DHHS will use $989,045 from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration to:
Contract with behavioral health providers and organizations to offer crisis counseling to individuals diagnosed with COVID-19, close contacts of such individuals, and people living or working in an outbreak setting. Community health workers will be trained to provide psychological and emotional support, assessment and case management, and facilitate connections to Maine CDC contact tracers. Behavioral health providers will stand ready to offer additional support to individuals with more significant psychiatric needs. This work supplements the ongoing work of Maine CDCs Behavioral Health Response Team, whose trained volunteers have been responding to outbreak settings to help minimize the impacts and support those affected.
Launch a public awareness campaign offering information on expected emotional reactions to public health emergencies, building resilience and coping skills, knowing what warning signs to watch for, and when and how to seek help. While the campaign will serve the general public, it will target those with pre-existing behavioral health conditions, first responders and health care workers, and those experiencing significant economic impacts from the pandemic. Support the Maine Frontline Warmline for first responders and health care workers, NAMI Maines Teen Text Support Line, bolster the Intentional Warm Line, and add Psychological First Aid as a service accessible through Maines 211 system.
Maine DHHS also will assess the behavioral health needs of various communities, including people of color such as new Mainers, Tribes, first responders, and health care workers, to determine how best to direct future resources. DHHS plans to apply for a second round of federal funding to extend this project over a longer term, recognizing that public health emergencies have both immediate and long-term psychological impacts.
The Maine Emergency Management Agency is the direct recipient of this award and will transfer the funds to DHHS.
Visit the Maine DHHS Office of Behavioral Health for mental health and substance use disorder information and resources available during the pandemic at: http://www.maine.gov/dhhs/samhs/coronavirus.shtml.
Helplines:24/7 Statewide Crisis Line 888-568-111224/7 Intentional Warm Line 866-771-927624/7 Suicide Hotline 800-273-TALK (800-273-8255)24/7 Disaster Distress Helpline: 1-800-985-5990 or text "TalkWithUs" to 66746 Maine FrontLine WarmLine for health care workers and first responders: 221-8196, free, confidential support 8am-8pm, 7 days a week NAMI Maine Teen Text Support Line 515-8398 (TEXT)211 and 211maine.org"
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Inequality, the SDGs, and the human rights movement in the US and around the world – Brookings Institution
Posted: at 2:50 pm
About a decade ago, an academic cottage industry arose around the concept of the end times of human rights. Some found arguments about the demise of human rights overblown, but certain elements rang true: The movement had come to be seenand not just by dictatorsas elitist, driven by outsiders, or just plain irrelevant to many citizens around the world. Naming and shaming, standard approaches in human rights advocacy, were increasingly having limited effect. The business model of Global North donor supporting Global South activists exacerbated these problems.
Fast forward. In the wake of the myriad abuses occurring in the United States, another debate is emerging: Can the United States support democracy and human rights around the world as we have for four decades, even as racial inequalities, disparities, and inequities at home are more evident than any time in recent history? How do the societal and economic cracks and crevices in our system, laid bare now as canyons, affect our national security policies going forward?
I want to add another dimension to these debates. Despite the cratering of U.S. global leadership and multiple crises, if we embrace a 21st century conception of sustainable development here and abroad, we can recover with a new, better approach to advancing social justice and dignity, one that puts addressing structural racism front and center. Done comprehensively, it would improve communities all over the country but also positively impact American diplomacy and development work overseas.
Racism in the United States has always been an impediment to realizing the promise of democracy, but also to embracing, and being seen to embrace, human rights. It deterred Eleanor Roosevelt and the U.S. delegation to the U.N. in 1948 from turning the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the touchstone of the movement, into a legally binding document. The Truman administration, in an amicus brief to the Supreme Court in Brown v. the Board of Education, cited the unequal system of public education defined by race as a national security issue that the Soviets were exploiting.
Cold War dynamics and lingering effects have led to a systematic downplaying of social and economic rights. Instead, a focus on rights of the person (e.g., highlighting torture, indefinite detention) has tended to dominate many U.S. human rights nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). The 1975 Helsinki Accords between the United States and the Soviet Union indirectly gave rise to one of the worlds most preeminent NGOs, Human Rights Watch (HRW). However, HRW did not make tackling racial injustice at home the priority. Initially called Helsinki Watch, it signaled its role as a solidarity group monitoring the compliance of the Soviet Union with international human rights obligations.
When the United States visibly departs from the rule of law, dictators are enabled. For many of us who work internationally, the derogation regarding indefinite detention highly motivated us to try to close Guantanamo among other efforts to change deleterious counterterrorism policies. Within the same groupan overwhelmingly white, privileged communityfew of us have to date made reducing inequality at home an equally critical or even existential issue.
This situation is no longer tenable. Advancing rights at home and overseas needs to finally be clearly understood as interconnected and should lead to changes in domestic and foreign policies. Intentional approaches to breaking down silos need to be established. Measurable progress reducing inequality and inequities must feature prominently, but challenges exist requiring paradigm shifts.
How countries reconcile with their violent past and how it influences the present is not a well-understood or consistently recognized factor in either diplomacy or development. This present pastour continued legacy of structural racismhas burst into view on prime-time television and social media. Our deep deviations from the rule of law have, however, freighted our efforts to advance human rights abroad for some time nowso much so they led me to search for approaches that at least acknowledged the tensions. Even minor efforts met with resistance and institutional obstacles.
In 2009, I helped organize a U.S.-Russia civil society summit in Moscow attended by President Obama who joined his former colleagues. This conversation, with Black Americans talking about their work in community organizing in the United States and Russian activists talking about work inside Russia, was a modest attempt to shift traditional approaches for assistance to peer-to-peer engagement. One concrete recommendation from the summit was a series of joint projects, including one on history and memory:
In the United States, these might include the legacies of slavery and the treatment of indigenous peoples, and in Russia, it might include the legacies of terror and the institutionalization of deportations and slave labor in the gulag. It might examine how these issues are presented to the public in each country, for example, through a comparison of text books, tourism, movies, and popular novels.
Some activists on both sides objected, believing it lent credence to the Kremlins what-about-isms (e.g., Dont talk to me about Russian human rights abuses. What about racism in the U.S.?). In any case, after a few years of peer-to-peer meetings, the U.S. walked away. Vladimir Putin had again become president, most international support for Russian human rights evaporated, and the Kremlin launched hybrid warfare to undermine democracies, including specifically target(ing) the Black community to sow division and suppress voter turnout.
Still wanting to address the tensions inherent in our present past while advancing human rights overseas, when I joined the Obama administration in 2010, I proposed an initiative on reconciliation, accountability, and justice. Colleagues at the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) were receptive. (Some of these same colleagues have written recently about the need for a U.S. conflict prevention plan.) We immediately encountered impediments; USAIDs mandate is to address internationalnot domesticdevelopment. The problem was, however, not just a bureaucratic one. As I wrote in Foreign Affairs in 2017, the international community is not well organized to manage the problem of historical memory. (T)roubling, since how countries deal with violent episodes in their past shapes how they develop. (C)onsider the United States own lack of reconciliation with its legacy of slavery and how this affects race relations and inequality today. Over and over again, we witnessed the lack of accountability for the past as a driver of contemporary development and, often, of conflict.
Suffice to say, to date, the international democracy and human rights work that the State Department, USAID, NGOs, and private foundations have funded, programmed, and promoted has, like the United States itself, attempted to sidestep this profound wound. While obscuring what is going on inside the country, we have trainedindeed, congressionally mandatedour eyes to gaze only on abuses occurring elsewhere, similar to what one writer has labeled the exotic poverty problem.
The world has turned upside down. Anything that seemed impossible a few weeks ago may now actually be imperative. How extremely foresighted then that a global framework for a 21st century approach to sustainable development already exists and applies to the Global North and the Global South: the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This agenda has reducing inequality and leaving no one behind as foundational. Implemented, it could help radically reduce violence and increase access to justice. Expanded definitions of sustainability (beyond climate) and development (happens everywhere) represent paradigm shifts needed to erode the silos of development at home versus overseas. Only, however, if we organize and educate ourselves.
The clock is ticking. With the SDGS adopted in 2015 and running through 2030, time has been wasted. Equally problematic, there is little awareness that this agenda even exists. Yet we still have ten years, the decade of action. Moreover, there are pockets of traction: Some cities, universities, business leaders, and philanthropies have recognized the value-add of the SDGs, including in the United States. At Carnegie Mellon, we are conducting a Voluntary University Review to see how our education, research, and practice align with the SDGs.
Now is the time to make the agenda for peaceful, just, inclusive communities a societaldare I say national project that delivers for all citizens. We need a national conversation about what sustainable developmentincluding tackling structural racismmeans. We need to support a next generation of experts trained for the transnational, distributed world, educated in holistic, human-centered design, listening and responding to needs in whatever locality they work. They must reflect the demography of the United States. We need resourced plans to broaden the pipeline of talent, targeting educational institutions early and often.
The foreign policy community should rethink labels common in international development circles. We should no longer be comfortable talking about the United States as a developed country given disaggregated data at the city level, even before the pandemic, that show life expectancy in communities of color below places the World Bank labels as less developed. The average life expectancy in parts of Ward 5 in the District of Columbia is 67. The average in Botswana is 69.6. We can no longer ignore educational, health, and economic disparities that have defined generations.
The era in which the human rights community considers inequities and inequalities as outside their remit must end. Traditional approaches to advancing human rights by monitoring compliance with legal frameworks (or capacity building) are inadequate. Some, namely the Ford Foundation under Darren Walker, have recognized the need for change. Yet behind closed doors, activists complain Ford has walked away from advancing rights.
The foreign policy community must recognize structural racism as a fundamental threat to the well-being of this country, just as we would a foreign one. If we do not have the will to meet this moment, we may well be witnessing the end times of human rights and the ultimate undermining of our democracy. That is what the Putins of the world are betting. We can prove them wrong and establish that the United States, despite history, is a beacon. Reducing inequality and inequities here will do more to help advance human rights than a million reports monitoring abuses overseas.
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African Women Respond to Covid-19 Hunger Emergency – IDN InDepthNews | Analysis That Matters
Posted: at 2:50 pm
Viewpoint by Linda Eckerbom Cole
The writer is Director/Founder, African Women Rising, shuttles between Santa Barbara, California and Gulu, Uganda.
SANTA BARBARA, California (IDN) African Women Rising (AWR) has created a campaign to build 2,000 new Permagardens, which will help feed 15,000 at-risk people who are experiencing food scarcity due to COVID-19. Permagardens empower communities to meet their own food needs and are a long-term solution to hunger.
Margaret has not been able to sell her fish at the local market for two months now. The restrictions put in place to prevent COVID-19 from spreading in Northern Uganda have had devastating consequences for her and her household. With no other income, the family is struggling.
Margaret is old and doesn't have the strength to work in the field. Her husband is blind and not healthy, leaving Margaret as the primary caretaker and breadwinner for the eight grandchildren in their care. They have reduced food intake to once a day.
This is the situation for many of the women in the communities where African Women Rising works.
The restrictions are also affecting the 1.4 million South Sudanese refugees in the region as they are unable to access markets, agricultural fields or other sources of income. To compound the situation, the World Food Program (WFP) has reduced food distributions due to lack of funding. Refugees receive food once a month, but it only last two weeks.
As a response, African Women Rising is rapidly increasing the scale of our Permagarden program to reach the most vulnerable and food-insecure families both in the refugee camps and in the host communities. A Permagarden is a proven, regenerative approach that can start producing food within two weeks and can support a family for years to come.
More than teaching techniques, African Women Rising's Resilience Design Field Crop and Permagarden programs are about sharing the principles behind water and soil management and developing a contextual understanding to design a system to be as productive and regenerative as possible. AWR's programs have 24 different agroecology-focused indicators they track.
The overall goal of the Permagarden Program is to increase access to diverse and nutritious sources and adequate quantities of vegetables and fruit throughout the year. Farmers do this through the design and establishment of small Permagardens around their home.
The Permagarden method combines components of permaculture an agricultural approach using design principles to utilise natural systems for production and bio-intensive agriculture, a farming approach that maximises crop production through sustainable practices that increase biodiversity, to create a highly productive garden and homestead compound.
It is designed to work in both the rainy and dry seasons and is a whole compound approach that improves soil fertility and water management to produce nutritious crops. The method shows how farmers with only a small amount of land can produce food throughout the year by learning principles behind proper gardening and resource management and matching those principles to fundamental practices.
The approach helps meet the short-term food needs of program farmers even as it builds their long-term resilience. Farmers learn to manage natural resources through the intentional design of their compound, harvesting water and capturing waste streams to enhance the fertility and productivity of their plots.
The management of existing trees and planting of other fruit and multipurpose trees, a living fence and other biomass plantings provide materials for building, pest remedies, dry season nutrition and medicine. This helps reduce pressures on the environment such as the collection of fuelwood, gathering of wild foods, burning of charcoal that will continue to worsen as time goes on.
To reach 2,000 more vulnerable families (impacting upwards of 15,000 individuals), we need to raise $200,000.
The cost of one garden is only $100. This includes:
Mary started her Permagarden in 2014. As a landless widow was taking care of four grandchildren, her life can be a challenge. Her Permagarden is right next to the house and bursts with production throughout the year. She grows papaya, tomatoes, pumpkins, four kinds of leafy greens, onions, yams, peppers, okra, passion fruit and citrus.
On 15x15 she can produce enough always to have something to eat. There is even extra food that she has been selling at the market and to neighbours. With that weekly income, she has been able to buy essential items such as salt, soap and school supplies. She has also invested in chickens and goats.
Mary's success is not an exception. Results like these are standard in our Permagarden program, and we have data to prove it. Families become food secure, have new income, can invest in assets, can send children to school and pay for medical care. The Permagardens can provide relief in time of instability, assistance that is not merely a Band-Aid but offers long-term solutions.
Help us spread Mary's success to those who need it most. Your support can go a long way to ensure that women like Margaret have the tools and skills they need to provide for their families now and well into the future.
Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, Uganda has been effectively shut down. We have temporarily closed our programs, except for an increase in targeted, regenerative agricultural activities to ensure people have access to food.
Our staff have been redeployed into COVID-19 response, especially in the refugee camps. There are 1.4 million refugees in 11 camps in Northern Uganda. An outbreak in the camps would lead to a humanitarian disaster. In addition to the Permagarden programs, African Women Rising is distributing soap, installing hand washing stations and providing information on how to keep the virus from spreading. This is a critical emergency. [IDN-InDepthNews 13 June 2020]
Photo (top): Margaret with one of her granddaughters. Credit: Brian Hodges for African Women Rising.
Photo (in Text): Mary in her Permagarden. Credit: Brian Hodges for African Women Rising.
VIMEO link: https://vimeo.com/427529848
Donate: https://www.africanwomenrising.org/donate-today/
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African Women Respond to Covid-19 Hunger Emergency - IDN InDepthNews | Analysis That Matters
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Georgia’s voting fiasco is a warning. The November election could be chaos – The Guardian
Posted: at 2:50 pm
It was impossible to watch Tuesdays election fiasco in Georgia the equipment failures, the dramatic reduction in the number of polling precincts, the voting centers that failed to open on time, the insufficient number of paper ballots, the nearly seven-hour lines in many minority communities contrasted with the breeze in whiter, wealthier suburbs without thinking, ruefully, of US supreme court chief justice John Roberts 2013 decision in Shelby County v Holder that ripped the heart from the Voting Rights Act.
Those interminable lines wrapped across Atlanta and many other minority counties? The waits almost as long as a workday, making a mockery of any notion of a free and fair election? Well, more than 200 precincts across Georgia, disproportionately in minority counties, have been ordered closed since Roberts and the US supreme court cast aside protections that had prevented states and localities with a history of racial prejudice in voting laws from remaking their electoral rules without federal oversight.
But it wasnt just in-person voting that malfunctioned on Tuesday. It was also impossible to watch Georgias expanded vote-by-mail system meltdown forcing tens of thousands of voters who requested, but never received, absentee ballots to either join these long lines at the remaining, understaffed precincts, during an ongoing pandemic, or forfeit their civic voice entirely without envisioning a train wreck this fall. Not just in Georgia, but in Wisconsin, Michigan, Pennsylvania and many other crucial states where any repeat of the chaos we have already seen this spring could precipitate a constitutional crisis unlike any other in our history.
We are in deep, deep trouble and seemingly completely unprepared for this Novembers elections. The alarm bells keep ringing first in Ohio and Wisconsin, then in Pennsylvania and now Georgia. Yet we hurtle heedlessly toward chaos.
Many of the problems we face involve intentional voter suppression, such as the surgically focused voter ID bills, precinct closures and voter roll purges (all of which disproportionately target minority voters), which Roberts ruling turbocharged across conservative states nationwide. Other issues relate to the coronavirus pandemic, which has slashed the number of willing poll workersand forced even deeper reductions in the number of in-person voting precincts. During Wisconsins April elections, only five of 180 precincts could be opened in Milwaukee. Add to all of this the usual underfunding, poor planning and ineptitude.
All of it points to danger. All of it was on display in Georgia. And all of it was predictable.
Those new voting machines that didnt function? Six rural counties used them in December, found them confusing and experienced widespread delays.
The lack of training, poll workers and sufficient paper ballots to compensate during an emergency? The Republican secretary of state and county election officials refused responsibility and deflected blame on to each other.
While some of these issues are unique to Georgia, this isnt the first time this spring that similar problems with mail-in voting have been on display. In Wisconsin, an unprecedented increase in absentee ballot requests flooded underfunded election boards. Undelivered ballots stacked up in post offices statewide. Voters in Washington DC also complained that they asked for absentee ballots that never arrived, pushing them into long lines during a pandemic and civil unrest. In Pennsylvania, officials are still counting ballots from last weeks primary in which 70% of voters opted to vote by mail, folded ballots snarled some optical scanners, and state law prohibits election officials from tallying results before election day.
In Georgia, while the secretary of state did take the proactive step of sending registered voters a vote-by-mail absentee application, tens of thousands of ballots did not land in mailboxes on time. Just as bad, the former Democratic gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams said she received a return envelope that was already sealed. Situations like these forced voters to don masks, find an open precinct, then brave the long lines.
Thinking about November, its hard to be optimistic. Its easy to see how the system might fall apart. Its not one thing, its many. State laws requiring too many lengthy steps before voters receive an absentee ballot. Underfunded and overwhelmed election boards. A postal service on the brink of bankruptcy. A dire shortage of poll workers due to the pandemic. A shortage of in-person precincts because, due to Covid-19, senior citizen centers and schools are unsafe gathering spots for voting. A crush of absentee ballots arriving after election day, leading to disputed vote counts and lawsuits. Swing states like Michigan and Pennsylvania, where officials cant start counting before election day, delaying results for a week. A mistrustful nation already on edge after a decade of advanced Republican voter-suppression techniques, and a president willing to amplify false claims about voter fraud on Twitter. And a still-raging coronavirus pandemic that could force voters to choose between the health of themselves and loved ones, and their right to vote. A disputed election that lands before a 5-4 US supreme court that looks increasingly political and unfriendly to voting rights.
Whats intentional and whats incompetence? It doesnt matter. It all suppresses the vote, it all makes our elections less fair and less free. None of this is easy. But time is running out. How many alarm bells do we need?
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Georgia's voting fiasco is a warning. The November election could be chaos - The Guardian
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Ginnie Graham: Other answers to the governor’s questions about race – Tulsa World
Posted: at 2:50 pm
The word "intentionality" was used a few times during the televised roundtable on race hosted recently by Gov. Kevin Stitt and first lady Sarah Stitt.
It was in the context of deliberately meeting people who don't look like you. But there are other ways to view "intentionality."
State leaders must be more purposeful in their appointments and consideration of bills coming from marginalized communities. Business leaders must be more deliberate in hiring and promotion practices, and the same for nonprofits in board recruitment.
Making sure all people are represented in the rooms where important things happen takes intentionality.
An aspect missing from that roundtable was diversity. I posed the Stitts' questions to some Tulsa-area activists and leaders.
The online version of this column has their complete answers, and the print version has edited and limited the responses for length. Those providing comments were:
Jose Vega, deputy director at Oklahomans for Equality and chairman of Greater Tulsa Area Hispanic Affairs Commission
Tulsa Police Lt. Marcus Harper, president of the Tulsa Black Officers Coalition
Amanda Clinton, Cherokee Nation citizen and co-organizer of the 2018 Tulsa Women's March
D'Marria Monday, founder of Block Builderz
Tulsa Police Officer Jesse Guardiola, recipient of the U.S. Attorney General's Medal for Distinguished Service in Policing last year for developing an outreach model for police and Hispanic communities
Cammilia Holmes, co-organizer of this year's Tulsa Women's March
Can you share with us your perspective of what you have seen unfold in our state and across the nation for the last week with these demonstrations?
Vega: "I have seen people who are tired of waiting for change that never comes. People want more than just diversity and inclusion. They want to change the systemic racism and oppression that continues to support white privilege and has plagued the black community for hundreds of years. the Latinx community is also tired of police brutality, children in cages, separation of families and violent abuse to immigrants."
Holmes: "There are are number of things I've seen. I've seen extreme hatred and ignorance as well as bullying and harassment from people who don't and are not willing to understand the Black Lives Matter movement.
'I've seen people take advantage of the protests for their own gain by looting and causing property damage. I've seen police officers engage in violent behavior, gassing, pepper balls, brute force, etc. toward people just being peaceful because they don't like the message. I've seen our elected officials make excuses for all of it.
"On a more positive note, I have seen some changes be implemented, such as the officer who killed George Floyd and those who contributed being arrested. I have seen our message get across to the media and the world in a way it hasn't previously. I've seen tons of people come together and unite in hope for change. There is a sense of hope and prosperity that wasn't there before.
"I know there are plans in the works to change some laws so that police are held more accountable for their actions. These are all good things, but until they are implemented, it is all performative so that the protectors 'go away or be silent."
Clinton: "I dont view these protests as a sign of anger as much as I view them as a sign of patience. African Americans have been marginalized through institutional and systematic racism in this country for 400 years, since the first slave ships arrived in the colony of Virginia.
"Im not African American, so I cannot begin to fathom what that feels like. But I imagine its taken an inordinate amount of patience to not protest in the streets every day when you dont have something as simple as equal rights and opportunities."
What do you think has kept us from hearing this message and what can elected officials do to build stronger bridges?
Vega:"The community leaders who represent these communities are not being heard or engaged with by the elected officials with the power to make changes to policies and the system that they represent. Additionally, these marginalized communities are never asked what they need to make their lives better; instead, they are told what they need.
"Experiences people have had with elected officials lead them to think those in power are self-serving. Elected officials are not for the community but for their need to advance and represent their funders."
Clinton: "Nothing is keeping anyone from hearing the message of inequality. People of color have been shouting from the rooftops for hundreds of years. People hear what they want to hear, so for starters, accept personal responsibility for that fact.
"Lets look at this 'bridge' metaphor practically. When Oklahoma consistently had the most structurally deficient bridges in the nation, we didnt say 'Hey, lets make those weak bridges stronger.' No, we knocked them down and built new ones. Stronger bridges will be built by breaking down your current bridges and building new ones.
"Its going to take a complete deconstruction of the current mindset for many people. Just like deficient bridges, systems that reinforce racism may not be fixable. Any good businessperson knows if you have a junk product that has become obsolete, it may be better and more cost efficient to simply toss it out and buy a new one."
Monday: "The refusal to acknowledge racism and white privilege creates a barrier that excludes the voices of those most impacted. It creates a comfort zone that does not include different voices and opinions.
"How can someone who has not lived through the problem truly understand it enough to create a solution? One can have empathy about the situation, however there must be an intentional effort to include diverse voices of those often unheard.
"For example, there was not a black woman on the governors roundtable panel. An intentional effort to create a space that includes the voices of black women can help to build stronger bridges in our community."
How have recent events affected you, your work and our law enforcement community?
Harper:"The murders of Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery and George Floyd has me trying to grasp how these incidents continue to happen over and over again. As I watched the video that captured the death of George Floyd, I kept saying to myself, 'He cant breathe, roll him to his side and put him in the car.' I repeated that phrase over and over again, the entire length of the video just waiting for the officer to do something.
"I watched a senseless act that should not have happened, and three officers that did nothing to stop it. Some in the law enforcement community are just as shocked and angered as I am. Some will remain silent, and some will continue to demonize the victims in these incidents.
"Officers who are vocal on these incidents and dont 'toe the line' face scrutiny from within the law enforcement community. This scrutiny has caused a certain amount of internal division."
Guardioloa: "Now more than ever, I see the value in our focus to hire diverse officers. In fact, it is paramount. We need to continue to strive toward mirroring our citys minority population. It is imperative to see people wearing the uniform that represent the numerous cultures of community.
"As a minority recruiter, I observe regularly the success of this effort; particularly with the Hispanic community. I cant stress it enough how necessary it is to have a responding officer understand personally the impact of race, social economic disparity and nuances of culture and gender. This supports real effective community policing.
"Relationships and trust are built faster. The outcomes are significant crimes are solved quicker, misunderstanding can be navigated and the behaviors (both from the community member and the police) evolve toward positive interactions."
What can we do to support our law enforcement as well as our African American community so what happened in Minnesota never happens in the state of Oklahoma?
Harper: "We need to acknowledge that what happened in Minnesota has happened in Oklahoma. The law enforcement community needs to understand that the people we are sworn to protect and serve have every right to be critical of the job we do.
"The community will always support good police officers. The African American community is just like any other community in this city. It deserves the same support and respect as any other community in this city.
"There was a time when the African American community in Tulsa was one of the most vibrant communities in the entire country. That community was destroyed, and, nearly 100 years later, we are still trying to rebuild our community."
Guardiola: "Chief Wendell Franklin in his first few weeks of office restructured the department. One focus point was to identify talent within to run the Community Engagement Unit. Community support from both a policy perspective and from a funding perspective will allow the unit to truly engage with the community in a positive and meaningful way.
"One offshoot of this unit is the Tulsa Police Activities League. Its outreach is focused on relationship building with youth and is exactly what the city needs. It partners with programs around the city. One such partnership is with the Skyway Leadership Institute located at the HelmZar Challenge Course. The Police Activities League participates in Skyways trust building program called Community Trust Champions. It is data driven and shows statistically significant increases in hope and social trust from both the youth and the officer. This program has received national recognition for its success.
"To sustain this and many other community partnerships the Engagement Unit needs additional funding. We cant expect change and not support the mechanism that can accomplish it."
Clinton: "This is a disappointing question, because what happened in Minnesota has already happened in Oklahoma. It happened to Terence Crutcher in Tulsa. It happened to Luis Rodriquez in Moore. Its happened to other people. We need to stop acting like the problems of the rest of the country are not the problems of Oklahoma."
Monday: "The question should be how do we support our African American community during this time of crisis? There are numerous deaths of unarmed black men killed by law enforcement right here in the state of Oklahoma.
"Eric Harris and Derrick Scott were heard saying, I can't breathe" before taking their last breaths. Their pleas were disregarded as the life faded and escaped from their bodies. Terence Crutcher, Joshua Barre and Jeremy Lake are a few other names of black men whose blood was spilled on the pavement at the hands of law enforcement.
"White fragility refuses to acknowledge the disease called racism because it is too uncomfortable for white people to speak about it. The horrors that black people experience as a result of racism is reflected in the history of our city.
"The 1921 racial massacre was hidden in history because of the atrocity of what racism can do. Racism is a disease that grows and festers when it is left undiagnosed. How can one expect to heal?"
Is there anything we can do legislatively diversity training, professional development de-escalation anything from elected officials to help promote that culture besides conversations?
Harper: "Every officer in this department has gone through diversity training, de-escalation training, etc. There has been conversation after conversation, but the attitudes remain the same, especially in the law enforcement community. It has taken the death of George Floyd to awaken the moral conscious of this nation.
"When a police union has the political clout to have legislation changed on the national and state levels, elected officials and community leaders are fighting with one hand tied behind their backs.
"We need more elected officials and community leaders who have the courage to address the culture of policing."
Guardiola: "Yes, put into action and policy a pathway for minority groups to apply and enter the police department. I am very proud to call the Tulsa Police Department one of the most educated departments in America. With the unique requirement of a bachelors degree, we certainly have a plethora of critical thinkers.
"However this requirement can be a significant barrier for many from traditionally disenfranchised communities. This is particularly poignant from the perspective of the financial burden it places on the family and navigating a degree as a first-generation college attendee.
"A viable option is currently being developed by our recruitment team. Its called the Oklahoma Guardian Producer program. This program is intended to help low income, minority, high school seniors (considering public service) access higher education, provide a clear pathway and a funded police mentorship program; culminating in hiring diverse highly qualified officers.
"Like all good leaders, our legislators can remove barriers and cut through red tape. This program is so many things. Its workforce development centered, its helping socioeconomically challenged families go from poverty to middle-class, its providing a real pathway to grow a diverse police department and it allows the people of our community to give back as a public servant and make changes from within.
"This works if our legislators, city leaders and higher education regents move to make this a reality."
Clinton: "There has been a lot of talk about 'defunding the police' lately. When I first heard that, I thought 'Thats crazy! Someone still needs to catch murderers and rapists, right?' But as I read more about what this actually means, Im not sure 'defund the police' is as accurate as 'help the police just be police.' Just like teachers were never meant to be social workers, crisis counselors, nutritionists, nurses, janitors, etc., police were never intended to be mental health professionals, DHS workers, etc.
"Lets be honest our legislators have already defunded core services to the point that public servants are asked to wear a dozen different hats for less pay than ever. So maybe some of those things the police are called for now mental health crises in particular shouldnt be police calls. If you or a loved one had a mental health crisis, wouldnt you rather a trained mental health professional like a psychiatrist or a therapist show up, rather than a police officer wearing a bulletproof vest and carrying gun? Im sure both individuals have the same intention of a peaceful resolution, but one of them is more likely to achieve it.
"Let police be police, mental health professionals provide mental health services and so on. If I were a police officer, I would welcome that kind of practical division of resources."
Holmes: "There's no excuse for brutality. We should implement non-violent de-escalation techniques, especially in the case of people who are unarmed. I can understand the frustration felt by officers in situations where tensions are high, and a suspect may not be doing what they think (either running their mouth or being belligerent. But if the first instinct is to grab, choke or physically hurt that person, it's the officer causing the problem.
"Take the time to explain to the suspect why they are being questioned. Listen first. Look first. Observe first. A lot of tragic situations were caused by cops either not listening to what they've been asked by a suspect, such as Please stop that; it hurts or I can't breathe. Police have made assumptions mixing up who is responsible for a crime or whether someone has a weapon. Violence shouldnt be the automatic go-to, especially when the suspect is unarmed.
"Setting aside race issues for a moment, there are a lot of problems with how the police function on a day-to-day basis. Often when we call on them for a problem, they either show up hours later, don't show at all or get there and don't resolve the issue.
"I've heard several abuse victims state they were dismissed when they showed up to report their abusers. These are the kinds of things that lead to distrust and a lack of wanting to call on law enforcement. It makes people feel helpless and leads to resentment which can lead to other things. Let's start here. Let's do better in this regard."
(From first lady Stitt) As weve all watched this unfold across our nation over the last several weeks, as a mother, what is relevant in my mind is how can we bring change through the next generation? What conversations should we be having, what should we be teaching them and exposing them to, or not exposing them to?
Monday:"I am a black woman loving and raising young black men. I can teach them how to love and fight for change. The youth are our future! It is my hope that my children grow to reach their full potential.
"It is a gnawing fear that systemic racism will take that opportunity away from them. Love and hate are emotions that we teach our children. I can only ask that white people teach their children to love black children.
"Teach your children that we are equal. Teach your children not to hate. Teach them that it is not OK to disregard black lives. Then, I can truly have hope that your children will not kill my children. A hope that believes that love can win! Love for humanity and dignity for all!
How do we develop these relationships and friendships? Do you have suggestions? How do we keep developing those relationships?
Vega: "Reach out to these communities and listen to what they have to say, and they will tell you. Partner with organizations seeking equality. Being open to uncomfortable conversations and changes that cant wait for the general public to be OK with will help develop these relationships over time."
Holmes: "Friendship is a difficult thing to achieve with tensions so high. There has been years of discrimination, resentment, pain, loss, grief and anger. I would first say we try for civility and then possibly move into friendship later.
"I don't think friendship is a necessity if we can reach civility. The best way again to develop a good civil relationship is to show rather than tell at this point.
"First, outline a plan to bridge the gap. Then stick to that plan. Make the plan accessible for everyone to see it. Let your people know what they are doing so that we can hold you accountable."
Clinton: "This is not rocket science. Robert Fulghum wrote a book called 'All I Really Need to Know, I Learned in Kindergarten' 35 years ago. Ironically, I was barely out of kindergarten at the time.
"Here are some of the things he wrote: Share everything. Play fair. Dont hit people. Put things back where you found them. Clean up your own mess. Dont take things that arent yours. Say youre sorry when you hurt somebody. Wash your hands before you eat.
"Thats pretty much it. The last one seems especially pertinent today."
Is there anything practical that all the Oklahomans watching this can do besides getting out of our own bubbles to have conversations? Or, is that the biggest thing we can do as Oklahomans? What can we do?
Vega:"All Oklahomans need to research the black organizations in Oklahoma, LGBTQ organizations in the state and Latinx coalition in their county. I encourage that everyone support local Black, LGBTQ, Latinx, immigrant businesses in their communities."
Holmes: "There do need to be more conversations. Beyond that, I need to see police accountability. When the police break the law, I need to know they are going to pay for it via arrest, a court date and a proper sentence that fits the crime. Not have it covered up by their fellow cops or superiors.
"We need to know they will be held to the same standards as everyone else. I need to feel justice is served. If the police are breaking a societal contract with us, why are we required to maintain one with them? Elected officials should also stop making excuses for whats happening. They are part of the problem.
"Implement laws. Create change. Meet with groups that specialize in racial justice. Make a unified front. Come up with a plan together. Listen first. I cannot stress that enough."
Clinton:"'Having conversations' about racism is a very 2019 solution to a very 2020 problem. The days of just talking are over. A lot less talking, and a lot more action is needed when it comes to acknowledging the amount of institutionalized racism that exists in our country and actually doing something about it."
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Senate to Host Listening Session on Economic Recovery, Reinvestment, and Workforce – hcam.tv
Posted: at 2:50 pm
The Massachusetts State Senate will engage in a listening session hosted by Senate President Karen E. Spilka, Senator Eric P. Lesser, Senator Patricia D. Jehlen, and Senator Adam G. Hinds on Massachusetts economic recovery, reinvestment and workforce on Friday, June 12 beginning at 11AM.
As we reopen the states economy, the Senate remains focused on the actions we need to take to support residents, businesses and communities, stated Senate President Karen E. Spilka (D-Ashland). This listening session, the first in a series, will serve as an important tool to address the many challenges we will face as a result of COVID-19. I want to thank my colleagues Senators Lesser, Jehlen, Hinds, and their committee members for their collaboration in gathering this session. I am equally thankful to those in the Administration, and our businesses and labor sectors for their participation in this important effort.
It is vital that we hear from the people in the community that are experiencing the economic impacts of the Coronavirus outbreak as well as other members of the administration who may provide valuable insight, said Senator Eric P. Lesser (D-Longmeadow). We are facing an unprecedented time with nearly 1 million individuals out of work across the Commonwealth, and these conversations will help inform how we can work together on recovery efforts as a Legislature and as a state.
The listening session will be a chance for the Senate to hear from the administration, labor, the business community, and other important stakeholders as we continue the discussion on the future of the Commonwealth's economy and workforce. This listening session will aim to help inform the Senates work on an economic development and jobs bill and what is needed to put people back to work and stimulate Massachusetts economy.
"As we begin to re-open Massachusetts, my constituents, my colleagues, and I have many questions about what recovery will look like, said Senator Patricia D. Jehlen (D-Somerville). The disruptions caused by the COVID-19 shutdown were felt deeply across many industries from restaurants to healthcare and we need to be very intentional about supporting people more than ever."
COVID has created incredible challenges for the Commonwealth, but it has also revealed many shortcomings in our society, said Senator Adam G. Hinds (D-Pittsfield). We must prepare for the new normal and these sessions are central to that process.
Below is the full agenda:11AM-12PM Retail and restaurantsJon Hurst, Massachusetts Retailers AssociationBob Luz, Massachusetts Restaurants Association
12PM-1PM Administration and Reopening Advisory BoardSecretary Kennealy, Executive Office of Housing and Economic DevelopmentSecretary Acosta, Executive Office of Labor and Workforce Development
1-2PM LaborTim Foley, SEIU 1199Carlos Aramayo, Unite HereYamila Ruiz, One Fair Wage
2PM-3PM BusinessJohn Regan, Associated Industries of MassachusettsSegun Idowu, Black Economic Council of MassachusettsJim Rooney, Greater Boston Chamber of Commerce
3-4PM Unemployment InsuranceMonica Halas, Greater Boston Legal Services
Fridays listening session will be broadcast on the malegislature.gov website.
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OPINION | Africa has a track record of endurance – it should not be beaten by Covid-19 – News24
Posted: at 2:50 pm
Uncertainty, complexity and precipitous disruptions are defining features of our reality. The Covid-19 global health disaster magnifies this, and highlights challenges of decision-making and action, in rapidly changing, dynamic circumstances and contexts of crises.
There are valuable lessons and insights that may be gained alongside the grief and difficulties from the coronavirus pandemic. The crisis presents opportunities to reorder decision, policy and action priorities, and to re-imagine better futures in the recovery of affected systems.
For these opportunities to positively yield, however, intentional and purposeful alignment by governments, business and society, at community and individual levels, is required.
As a region, Africa is particularly vulnerable to disasters and situated in a precarious position when faced with crises. African countries generally have poor performance on human development index rankings, with high poverty rates, the lowest per capita incomes in the world, ravaging disease burdens, as well as multiple governance tribulations.
On the one hand, despite these hardships, the African region has demonstrated capacity to endure. On the other hand, it is vital that African countries improve their preparedness and resilience to withstand disaster shocks.
Strategic foresight
The value of strategic foresight to inform forward planning, relevant decision-making, and actions to circumvent as well as manage disasters, is a key learning point emerging from Covid19, with particular relevance for the African region. Strategic foresight applies various methods, tools and techniques to:
The purpose of strategic foresight is to offer a sense-making lens in complex, volatile and ambiguous contexts to assist in:
As a cross-cutting, high impact and rapidly shifting crisis, Covid-19 is underscoring the importance of understanding systemic complexities, navigating uncertainties and swiftly adapting to change. Further, as characteristic to disasters, fallout from the corona virus pandemic has devastating systemic and severe impacts for the short to long term. The crisis is therefore also underscoring the importance of mapping multiple possible eventualities to anticipate a range of outcomes in present to future timeframes.
Long-term investment
Although during disasters critical issues demand committed attention immediately, attention to and investment for the long term is required to sustainably address and alleviate causal issues and trigger points of crises. As such, there is critical need to address the immediate risks presented by Covid-19 to mitigate against loss of life and destruction of livelihoods. Yet, it is also imperative to address the endemic issues that heighten risks and compound vulnerabilities, particularly within Africa.
Intentionally combining and complementing the urgency of emergency responses required for the pandemic, with a long term strategic focus, can add sustainable value to the efforts demanded. Strategic foresight can facilitate necessary tactical responses in the short term, underpinned by visionary intentions for the long-term.
A strategic foresight viewpoint offers on the one hand, insights to guide decisions and actions to prepare for, and respond to events, disruptions and disasters in the short to long term. On the other hand, beyond exigencies of current risks and crises, a futures orientation promotes implementation of sustainable solutions, and enables innovative and creative thinking that can broaden mindsets, motivate shifts in behaviour, and facilitate reconfiguration of outmoded and defective approaches and models.
Covid-19 is here to stay
In addressing the Covid-19 pandemic in Africa, an immediate disaster response is required that protects against infections and mortality, as well as sustains livelihoods. Simultaneously, long term responses are needed that translates the continents capacity to endure, to a capacity to excel.
Covid-19 infections will continue until a vaccine is found and sufficiently distributed globally. Post-Covid-19 global recovery is projected to require a minimum of two years; predictably longer, compounded by other crisis issues, particularly a sharp global recession. The situation remains volatile with a lack of accurate data on infection spread combined with a lack of information on regional and contextual variations of how the virus will impact different geographical zones.
Uncertainty persists and may heighten as decision and policy makers, diverse actors and multiple interest groups consider the devastation of the global pandemic. The African continent remains extremely vulnerable. To respond effectively in the short term, and to build preparedness and resilience to disasters for the long term, addressing the miasma of multiple challenges facing Africa is critical.
As governments, businesses, communities, individuals mobilise to respond, recover and rebuild in a Covid-19 world, how can concerted efforts critically engage with long-term possibilities?
From a strategic foresight lens, building more disaster-proof futures requires navigating current uncertainties and complexities by applying long-term thinking, agile and forward planning, and functionally and strategically adapting. This may require re-evaluating and redirecting priorities, investments and value allocation, to cope and respond to disasters immediately, while simultaneously building better futures.
Carefully considering available options, implications and trade-offs for the short to long term is key and must underpin necessary decisions and actions to safeguard against exposure to critical vulnerabilities, while protecting, securing and building better futures for the continent and globally.
Dr is the senior futurist: Africa at the Institute for Futures Research (IFR) at the University of Stellenbosch Business School
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‘Where Are Libertarians on Police Reform?’ Right Where We’ve Always Been. – Reason
Posted: at 1:10 am
After the killing of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer, America is finally embracing police reform. As is so often the case in matters of personal freedom, libertarians were here long before mainstream political counterparts and fought a frequently lonely battle against abusive government power. Now, just as they did with same-sex relationships, drug reform, and the ongoing battle against the surveillance state, people across the political spectrum seem ready to concede that a little more freedom could be a good thing. If the effort succeeds, we may not get the creditnewly converted reformers are already trying to separate the cause from its long-time promoters but at least we'll live in a better world.
"Where are the libertarians?" is such a knee-jerk cry after incidents of police brutality that it's safe to assume that it's a matter of bad faith rather than of ignorance. Having left the issue on the back burner for so long, some people don't want to admit that we were there ahead of them. Unfortunately, when it comes to police misconduct, we've been way ahead of them.
"Of the three political alternatives, a free economy, a mixed economy, a totalitarian state, only one provides the economic, political, and cultural context in which systematic police brutality cannot be a problem: a free society," wrote Reason founder Lanny Friedlander in a very '60s-ish 1969 essay. "The police of a free society, engaging in retaliatory force only, enforcing laws of a defensive nature only, would be bound by the same laws they enforced, and would stand fully accountable for their actions."
Going beyond window-dressing, libertarians favor minimizing opportunities for police to act against the public and making any interactions as non-confrontational as possible.
In 1971, the fledgling Libertarian Party (L.P.) called for "the repeal of all 'crimes without victims' now incorporated in federal and state laws," such as the prohibitions on drug use that have driven so much of the escalation in aggressive police tactics. The same platform declared itself opposed to "so-called 'no-knock laws'" of the sort that got Breonna Taylor killed by cops this year when they crashed through her door at night, unannounced, looking for illegal drugs.
In cases of police misconduct, libertarians favor holding government agencies and their employees accountable for their actions.
"We support full restitution for all loss suffered by persons arrested, indicted, tried, imprisoned, or otherwise injured in the course of criminal proceedings against them which do not result in their conviction," the L.P. proposed in 1976. "Law enforcement agencies should be liable for this restitution unless malfeasance of the officials involved is proven, in which case they should be personally liable."
That police agencies too often foster abusive conduct was no secret to libertarians long before the Minneapolis Police Department failed to implement reforms that might have saved George Floyd's life.
"When a rookie Houston patrolman named Alan Nichols did the unthinkable and reported three fellow officers for the vicious beating of a black prisoner, police internal-affairs investigators tried to have him fired, the chief publicly reprimanded him, and other police ostracized him," Glenn Garvin wrote in Inquiry, a Cato Institute publication, in 1979 coverage of violent and racially charged policing in Texas.
"Civil libertarians need to recognize that federal prosecution of law-enforcement officers who use excessive force often provides the only check on such unrestrained state power," Dirk G. Roggeveen urged in the pages of Reason as Americans reacted to the 1991 police beating of Rodney King.
Through these years, police not only misbehaved but also came to act like an occupying army lording it over a hostile populace.
Seattle's "police force has spied on local political activists for more than 20 years," Roxanne Park warned in Inquiry in 1978. "The intelligence abuses discovered in Seattle are 'typical examples' of the practices of urban police departments."
"Over the last 25 years, America has seen a disturbing militarization of its civilian law enforcement, along with a dramatic and unsettling rise in the use of paramilitary police units (most commonly called Special Weapons and Tactics, or SWAT) for routine police work," Radley Balko cautioned for the Cato Institute in 2006. He expanded his argument in his 2013 book, Rise of the Warrior Cop.
Now, after decades of manifestos, journalism, research, and advocacy, America seems to agree with libertarians. "Americans by a 2-to-1 margin are more troubled by the actions of police in the killing of George Floyd than by violence at some protests," the Wall Street Journal reports from survey results. That just may result in policy changes.
Michigan Rep. Justin Amash, the only Libertarian in Congress, literally wrote the bill that would eliminate qualified immunity, the legal doctrine that makes it so difficult to hold police accountable for their bad behavior unless courts in the same jurisdiction have already ruled that such conduct is wrong.
If Congress doesn't rise to the occasion, the Supreme Court could. Associate Justices Clarence Thomas and Sonia Sotomayor both look eager to revisit the mess the court created when it invented qualified immunity.
No-knock raids, which so often end in tragedy when police kick-in the wrong door, or when suddenly awakened residents try to defend against intruders, are also getting a second look. Louisville, Kentucky is considering banning such warrants, a half-century after the Libertarian Party proposed exactly that.
City council members in Minneapolis are even talking about disbanding the police department amidst a national, though ill-defined, movement to "defund police." Whether or not that's an improvement depends on what comes next. Retaining harsh enforcement by another name will continue the abuses, the intrusiveness, and the disproportionate use of state violence against disfavored communities under nothing more than different branding.
Maybe that's why it's taken so long for people to seriously consider police reform, and why they're so resistant to giving libertarians credit on the issue. Real change requires not just dropping the word "police" but reducing the opportunity for government agents to use violence against the public. That means fewer laws to be enforced and less intrusive enforcement of those laws. That's a hard pill to swallow for ideologues who are committed to forcing people to do what they don't want to do, or to forcibly stopping them from exercising their own preferences.
Libertarians should be happy that Americans are ready to discuss police reform. But we'll have to see if the country is actually prepared for less policing.
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Protests: Meet the Romney-Gary Johnson-Bloomberg voter embracing Black Lives Matter – Vox.com
Posted: at 1:10 am
Last Tuesday, I tweeted out a photo of a truck parked in downtown Washington, DC, not far from the White House and the protests against police brutality and the killing of George Floyd that had engulfed the city.
It was the bumper stickers on the back of the Toyota Tacoma that made me do it. They showed what seemed to be a political evolution of sorts, mirroring one that many Americans may be having in 2020: from a 2000 sticker for John McCains failed presidential campaign to a sticker supporting Mitt Romneys candidacy in 2012 to ones supportive of then-Libertarian Party candidate Gary Johnson in 2016 and former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg in 2020.
And in the middle, a handwritten sign stating Black Lives Matter.
I had a lot of questions about this truck, some simple: Whose truck was it? Was the BLM-supportive sign real or just put there to fend off possible thieves? And some not so simple how did this person get to this place? How did their politics change over time, and why? Or did they?
This week, 26-year-old Nathan, the owner of the truck, gave me the answers.
Nathan is a Korean-American self-described libertarian-leaning Republican who has never been a fan of the two-party system. But President Donald Trump was something of a breaking point for him.
I have pretty much felt politically homeless since 2016, he told me. Its been fucking internal screaming for almost four years.
Hes a Texas-born 2016 Virginia Military Institute graduate whose job search in Washington has been stymied by the coronavirus pandemic. He had never attended a street protest before last week, but he told me that being in Lafayette Park when Park Police used tear gas and rubber bullets against protesters radicalized him. I just had to fucking show up after that, he told me.
Now hes attending anti-police brutality protests outside the White House every day. Wearing a hard hat emblazoned with quotes from Mahatma Gandhi and Mr. Rogers, he carries a broom and dustpan and tidies the streets as he walks, because he wanted his form of protest to be a peaceful contribution.
We spoke on Saturday before he headed back to the White House to protest. This interview has been edited for length and clarity. Nathans last name has been withheld to protect his privacy.
I moved around a lot. Virginia is the longest Ive lived anywhere. My story: born in Plano, Texas, near Dallas, and I moved to Charlotte, North Carolina, [then] Seattle, Hong Kong, Denmark, the United Kingdom, the United Arab Emirates, and Vancouver, British Columbia.
I wanted to join the military. So I asked my parents to send me to a military high school to see if military college was something I could hack. I liked it. And then I went to the Virginia Military Institute. My life goal was to be an infantry officer, a cavalry scout officer, or an armor officer so, like, a guy in a tank.
[I got a] medical disqualification and never got to serve. I worked for [a transport company] in Pennsylvania; life sucked, hated that. Quit that job, went to get my shit together in Oregon, worked in a restaurant. I was just cleaning dishes, cleaning tables. [At the time I thought,] I got a degree from, I thought, a fairly reputable institution, now Im doing this. I needed a calling.
I was always a libertarian-leaning Republican, still consider myself a Republican fighting within [the party]. So the son of a bitch I voted for president in 2016 [former New Mexico Gov. Gary Johnson] decided to run for Senate. I was willing to just go for something that I thought had meaning. And that felt like that was doing something worth doing. I was willing to go for free and just live off my savings from [the transport company]. But I got hired by an organization called Young Americans for Liberty, went out, knocked on doors, made a positive impression. A few months later, they invited me back working full time.
I had a blast, went, Im going to try Congress. I dont think Im gonna reveal who I worked for, but I ended up being on the Hill for a while [before I was] let go. And then two weeks later, coronavirus hit the US, and every job I applied for replied back with, We are no longer hiring. I did some side hustles online, managed to pay rent that way. And then this all happened.
Can we stand up and look at the back of your truck? I think a lot of folks were interested in that. So you mentioned [in our Twitter messages] that John McCain was one of your heroes.
In 2008, I watched [the campaign] and I was like, I like that guy. The reason for the stickers is what I do is I just [think], who did I like all the years? Cause Im just a fan. I put them up.
I found an original Ross Perot sticker. I slapped on that one [on my old truck]. And that one was just me rebelling against a two-party system. Im a guy who happened at that point to just vote Republican. But Ill vote for a Democrat you know, who gets in shouldnt fucking matter. As far as Im concerned, Id like to see the destruction of the two-party system, frankly.
But I liked McCain, I liked his campaign against George Bush. W, you know, I didnt put him up [on my truck]. I think in terms of a compassionate person, he definitely is. But as far as Im concerned, I think he should have been impeached for the Iraq War and leading us into that.
And then Romney was your first vote.
Yeah. First vote in 2012. Him, [Paul] Ryan. Those were the kind of Republicans I really identified with.
[On Sunday, Sen. Mitt Romney marched in a protest in support of the Black Lives Matter movement. In a direct message, Nathan asked me to add how extremely proud (he is) to see my man Mitt out today.]
Bipartisanship is not a dirty word to me. [Former House Speaker John Boehner] didnt do everything right. But I liked that he was willing to try to get that grand bargain with Obama. [Some of my colleagues have debated Boehners interest in bipartisanship.]
Then [theres] 2016, when I was chairman of the College Republicans at VMI, and thats like the most conservative school you could be at. And then the moment [Donald Trump] came down that escalator and talked about, you know, hes sure some Mexican people are okay, I was like, No, Im not. I cant. I wasnt going to vote for Trump. I couldnt.
And we all know what happened. So [for 2020,] I made a custom Joe Walsh, I guess, fine sticker. I had that up for a while and he dropped out. Then there wasnt a Republican primary. I couldnt vote. I was like, I guess I can do [Joe] Biden. But for a while, I thought I was staring down the apocalyptic scenario for me and a lot of moderates, of Trump versus Bernie Sanders. And that was like my nightmare.
And thats why you were supportive of Mike Bloomberg?
I mean, stop-and-frisk, you know, theres plenty of shit I can say. I was trying to pick between shooting myself in the fucking head and shooting myself in the foot, and that was an obvious preference for me. And he [Bloomberg] had appeal; hes a moderate and a centrist. And it looked like he was going to do it until Elizabeth Warren spanked him on live TV.
I have pretty much felt politically homeless since 2016. Its been fucking internal screaming for almost four years.
Do you think that this protest has given you a chance to get some of that out or speak out in some way?
It feels nice to do something. Id tell people that if you care about shit, just bitching on Facebooks not going to change anything; go out there. I guess trying to film and getting footage was my toe into it.
But here I am now, [and] its odd. I mean, Im still, I can vote for centrist Democrats, but Im too right of center. Im definitely not progressive, but, I mean, theres always overlap. Ive always thought that the militarization of police has been a bad idea. The drug war has been catastrophic, as far as I can see. I think if states want to legalize [drugs], thats up to them. I wouldnt do it, but Id even say psychedelics should be legal now. But it was weird because when I was at VMI, to [Republicans], I was a libertarian and then I worked with libertarians, and to them I was a statist cuck. You probably get this if youve been paying attention to right-wing stuff, but every libertarian agrees on two things: that theres only one libertarian and its them.
So whats your plan for the rest of the day?
All I do is clean the streets; thats it. Thats how I choose to protest. Trying to bring that energy. Like yesterday, I filled maybe three trash bags.
Everyones self-organized; its a beautiful thing. Im not far out enough where the people are saying abolish the police, Im not there, theres a lot of places that [other protesters and I] dont overlap, but Ive always thought where theres overlap, why fight it? Which I think they should do in Congress.
So whats your plan after this, after these protests?
Ive had five-year plans. Theyve all blown up in my face. I thought success at first was just chasing a fat paycheck. But Ive found out that doing this stuff out here, interacting with people, the activist stuff, was super rewarding. This is rewarding, Ive seen. [But] Im going to start applying for work.
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Protests: Meet the Romney-Gary Johnson-Bloomberg voter embracing Black Lives Matter - Vox.com
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What the Pandemic Revealed – Niskanen Center
Posted: at 1:10 am
On March 3, in response to reports that some Republican lawmakers favored free testing and treatments for COVID-19, Derek Thompson of The Atlantic tweeted, There are no libertarians in a pandemic. The witticism bounced all over social media during the ensuing days and weeks and with good reason, since the jab hit its target squarely on the nose.
When public safety is threatened, whether by war or disease, our dependence on government becomes immediately and viscerally obvious. There are no Centers for Disease Control in the private sector. There is no possibility of swiftly identifying the virus, and launching a crash program to develop tests, treatments, and vaccines, without massive government support for medical research. And for those tests, treatments, and vaccines to be effective, their distribution cannot be restricted by ability to pay; government must step in to ensure wide availability.
In addition, vigorous use of the governments emergency powers banning large public gatherings, temporarily shutting down schools and businesses, issuing stay-at-home orders, quarantining the sick and those exposed to them has been needed to help contain the outbreak. When a highly contagious and fatal disease can spread before its victims even show symptoms, the libertarian ethos of personal responsibility do what you want, and bear the consequences for good or ill leads not to mass flourishing but to mass death. Only the government has the power and resources to internalize the externalities of contagion and coordinate a rational response.
Despite being put on the defensive, supporters of free markets and limited government were able to respond with some fairly effective counterpunching. In the first place, the fact that certain kinds of government action are necessary under the extraordinary conditions of a public health emergency a fact freely acknowledged by many libertarians and partisans of small government does not mean that expansive government across the board is a good idea in normal times. Further, in the emergency now upon us, overweening government has contributed significantly to the scale of the pandemic here in the United States. Effective responses to the outbreak have been badly hampered by inadequate supplies of test kits and equipment, and primary responsibility for this failure rests with the Food and Drug Administration and its heavy-handed regulatory approach. A key blunder was the decision in early February to allow only the CDC to produce and conduct tests; problems with the CDCs initial test then led to weeks of disastrous delay.
Meanwhile, responding to the crisis has necessitated a string of regulatory waivers at the federal and state levels to allow doctors and nurses to work out of state, to facilitate telemedicine, to expand the scope of work that non-M.D. health professionals can do, to allow restaurants and bars to sell alcohol to takeout customers, and more. The relevant rules have been put aside temporarily as obviously dysfunctional now but perhaps that means at least some of them are dysfunctional, if less obviously, all the time?
And although emergency measures to slow transmission of the virus were clearly called for, the actual restrictions imposed were certainly not above criticism. As we have learned more about how the virus spreads, it appears that bans on outdoor activities went too far and may have been counterproductive. Where to draw the line between permitted and proscribed was never going to be an exact science in the fog of crisis, but there were plenty of cases of seemingly arbitrary distinctions (for example, one jurisdiction banned use of motorboats but not nonmotorized boats) that did nothing to advance public safety but did undermine the legitimacy of necessary restrictions.
The points scored on both sides in this back-and-forth hold profoundly important implications for the intellectual future of the political right. To begin with, the pandemic makes clear that there will always be a vital need for critical scrutiny of governments actions, and thus an important role to play for those with a skeptical view of government power and competence. Even in the middle of a public health emergency, when the case for broad government powers is overwhelming, there is no guarantee that those powers will be used wisely or effectively. The CDC and the FDA both have thousands of employees and multi-billion-dollar annual budgets; notwithstanding those considerable resources at their disposal, and the obvious importance of controlling infectious diseases to their missions, those two agencies failed in the relatively simple task of developing viral infection tests in a timely manner with a staggering cost in lives and dollars lost as a result of their incompetence.
Just because we give government the requisite authority and funding to perform some task, we cannot assume that the result will be mission accomplished. Indeed, there are sound reasons to assume otherwise. Overconfidence and the lure of technocratic control provide an ever-present temptation for governments to overreach; the lack of clear feedback signals about the effectiveness of government actions dulls incentives to recognize problems and improve performance; there is always a risk that government authority, no matter that its exercise is unquestionably called for, will be misappropriated by insiders to benefit them at the publics expense. Placing and defending limits on government, preventing and rolling back excesses, are therefore jobs that will always be with us.
But if the pandemic has shown that a critical stance toward government is always needed in formulating and evaluating policy, it has demonstrated even more forcefully the limitations and shortcomings of libertarians exclusive focus on government excess. The gravest failures in the government response to the pandemic were sins of omission, not commission not unnecessary and ill-advised interference with the private sector, but the inability to accomplish tasks for which only government is suited. Yes, at the outset of the crisis the FDA was disastrously over-restrictive in permitting labs to develop their own tests for the virus, but it is flatly risible to suggest that everything would have worked out fine if only government had gotten out of the way. Leaving aside the decades of government support for medical research that made it technologically possible to identify the virus and test for its presence in a human host, there is no way that private, profit-seeking firms would ever develop and conduct the testing, contact tracing, and isolation of the infected needed to slow the spread of the virus. Government funding and coordination are irreplaceable. Looking ahead, there is no prospect for rapid development and wide distribution of treatments and vaccines without a heavy dose of government involvement.
The pandemic produced not only a public health crisis, but an economic crisis as well the sharpest and most severe contraction of economic activity since the Great Depression. While the economic collapse was doubtless aggravated at the margins by forced business closures and stay-at-home orders, those interventions largely codified the publics spontaneous response to the uncontrolled outbreak of a highly infectious and potentially fatal disease. Its quite simply impossible to run a modern economy at anything near its potential level of output when people are afraid that going to work or going shopping might kill them or their loved ones.
Government excess, in other words, was not the fundamental problem. On the contrary, a large and activist government was all that stood between us and mass privation and suffering on a mind-boggling scale. Only government can mitigate the economic effects of the pandemic in the same way it responds to other shocks that lead to other, less drastic slumps by acting as insurer of last resort, using its taxing, spending, borrowing, and money-creating powers to sustain household spending and keep businesses afloat until resumption of something approaching normal economic activity is possible.
Unfortunately, the patchwork kludgeocracy that is the American welfare state was poorly suited to meet the challenge of the coronavirus shock. Our employment-based health insurance system left people abandoned in their hour of need as layoffs spiked into the tens of millions. The absence of any well-designed system of automatic stabilizers sent states and localities hurtling toward fiscal collapse. Many state unemployment insurance systems fell victim to antiquated software based on long-defunct programming languages while one states system was exposed as having been designed purposefully to discourage people from claiming benefits. Policymakers flailed in their efforts to extend emergency aid to businesses, forced to go through banks with improvised lending programs that too often funneled money to where it was needed least.
In the current double crisis, what has been lacking is not restraints on government power. What has been lacking shockingly, shamefully, tragically lacking is the capacity to exercise government power effectively. Of course that incapacity has been most obvious at the top, with the shambolic failures of the Trump administration to prepare for the outbreak and lead a coordinated, coherent national response. But the backwardness and incompetence of American government have been visible at all levels especially in contrast to the sophisticated and efficient governance on display in places as diverse as South Korea, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Australia, New Zealand, and Germany.
How far weve fallen is truly shocking: The country that beat the Nazis, conquered the atom, and put a man on the moon now struggles to produce enough masks for its doctors and nurses. Over more than two centuries, the United States has stirred a very wide range of feelings in the rest of the world: love and hatred, fear and hope, envy and contempt, awe and anger, wrote Irish columnist Fintan OToole, voicing the emerging and humiliating verdict of global public opinion. But there is one emotion that has never been directed towards the U.S. until now: pity.
As to how to close Americas deficit in state capacity, a question with millions of lives in the balance, libertarianism has nothing to say. The libertarian project is devoted exclusively to stopping government from doing things it ought not to do; its only advice about how to improve government is less. When it comes to making government strong enough and capable enough to do the things it needs to do, libertarianism is silent.
Actually, worse than silent. It is quite simply impossible to lead any institution capably without believing in the fundamental integrity of that institution and the importance of its mission. And the modern libertarian movement, which has done so much to shape attitudes on the American right about the nature of government and its proper role, is dedicated to the proposition that the contemporary American state is illegitimate and contemptible. In the libertarian view, government is congenitally incapable of doing anything well, the public sphere is by its very nature dysfunctional and morally tainted, and therefore the only thing to do with government is in the famous words of activist Grover Norquist to shrink it down to the size where we can drown it in the bathtub.
The gradual diffusion of these anti-government attitudes through the conservative movement and the Republican Party has rendered the American right worse than irrelevant to the project of restoring American state capacity. It has become actively hostile, undermining the motivations needed to launch such a project and the virtues needed to pull it off.
As Ive already argued, none of this means that libertarians are wrong about everything, or that libertarian ideas are worthless. But it does mean that skepticism about government, standing alone, is an insufficient foundation for good governance. The insights of libertarian thought suspicion of centralized power, alertness to how even the best-intended government measures can still go horribly wrong, recognition of the enormous fertility of the marketplaces decentralized, trial-and-error experimentation are genuine and abiding. But they are not sufficient.
The ideology of libertarianism claims otherwise: It asserts that a set of important but partial and contingent truths are in fact a comprehensive and timeless blueprint for the ideal political order. The error of this assertion has been made painfully obvious by the pandemic, but it was increasingly evident for many years beforehand. The overlap between genuine libertarian insights and the pressing challenges facing the American polity has been steadily shrinking since the end of the 20th century.
I say this as someone who discovered libertarian ideas in the 1970s. Back then, the intellectual orthodoxy tilted heavily in favor of top-down, technocratic management of economic life. Paul Samuelsons bestselling economics textbook was still predicting that the Soviet Union would soon overtake us in GDP. John Kenneth Galbraith argued that competition was as pass here as it was behind the Iron Curtain; the technostructure of central planning reigned supreme, whether it took the form of the Politburo or Big Business. As to the newly independent countries of the postcolonial world, there was widespread confidence that a big push of state-led investment would put them on the fast track to prosperity. Here at home, the dominant economic analysis of regulation continued to assume that its scope and content were guided purely by considerations of the public interest as opposed to any political factors. And inflation was widely assumed to be an affliction endemic to advanced economies that could be subdued only with price controls.
The intellectual turn against markets had derived enormous momentum from events. The catastrophic collapse of the Great Depression had seriously discredited capitalism, while the energetic experimentation of the New Deal showcased government activism favorably. Belief in the benevolence and effectiveness of American government, and the crucial importance of collective action for collective welfare, gained further strength from the experience of World War II. And the glittering economic performance of the postwar decades under the Big Government-Big Business-Big Labor triumvirate seemed to confirm that government management and economies of scale had permanently displaced upstart entrepreneurship and creative destruction as the primary engines of progress.
But by the 1970s, events had turned. Stagflation, the combination of soaring prices and slumping output, was afflicting the country despite the fact that its very existence was a baffling mystery to the reigning practitioners of macroeconomic fine-tuning. In cruel mockery of the noble goals and soaring rhetoric of the War on Poverty, a major expansion of anti-poverty programs had been followed by waves of urban riots, a soaring crime rate, and the catastrophic breakdown of intact families among African-Americans. The auto and steel industries, pillars of the economy and only recently world leaders in efficiency and innovation, were buckling under the competitive challenge of imports from Europe and Japan. Gas lines and periodic rationing suggested a grim future of ever more tightly binding limits to growth.
Against this backdrop, the rising movement of libertarian thought and free-market economics represented a much-needed corrective. The information processing and incentive alignment performed by markets had been seriously underappreciated, as had the gap between the theoretical possibilities of government activism and what was actually achievable in practice. Under the circumstances, it mattered little that the new movements philosophical foundations were shaky and its empirical claims overstated. At the relevant margins, the critics of Big Government had the better of the argument overall and were pushing in the right direction. After a massive increase in the size and scope of government over the course of decades, the nation was reeling from multiplying economic and social ills. The time was ripe for a thoroughgoing critique of top-down, centralized, technocratic policymaking.
During the 1980s and 1990s, the return of boom times at home, the collapse of communism and the rise of globalization abroad, and the entrepreneur-led information technology revolution seemed to affirm the conclusion that the era of big government is over. But with the dawn of a new century, the tide of events shifted again. The failure of another round of tax cutting to unleash dynamism and growth; the incompetent response to Hurricane Katrina; the bursting of the housing bubble and the ensuing financial and economic meltdown; the opening of a yawning class divide along educational lines; the spread of social problems once identified with the urban underclass to broad swaths of the country; the rise of deaths of despair; and now the coronavirus pandemic in the face of all this, the one-size-fits-all prescription of cutting taxes, government spending, and regulatory costs imposed on business looked increasingly irrelevant, if not like outright quackery.
The ideals of free markets and limited government remain vital, and vitally important. But the times have made plain that the dominant conceptions of these ideals, rooted in libertarian ideology, are fatally flawed. That ideology is based on fundamental intellectual errors about the nature of politics and the conditions that make individual freedom and competitive markets possible. And as that ideology has moved beyond theoretical inquiry to exert real influence over political actors, its effects on American political culture have ultimately been nothing short of poisonous.
For those of us who continue to believe in the indispensability of a critical stance toward government power, the task before us is one of intellectual reconstruction. We must reject minimal government as the organizing principle of policy reform. Making or keeping government as small as possible is an ideological fixation, not a sound principle of good governance. Small government is a false idol, and it is time we smash it. In its place, we should erect effective government as the goal that guides the development and evaluation of public policy. For maxims, we can look to Americas greatest stateman. The legitimate object of government, wrote Abraham Lincoln, is to do for a community of people, whatever they need to have done, but can not do, at all, or can not, so well do, for themselvesin their separate, and individual capacities.
Guided by the principle of effective government, we will sometimes conclude that government needs to be smaller, and sometimes that it needs to be larger depending on the circumstances. Given where things stand today, we will often conclude that government can be made simpler. We will continue to champion the ideals of free markets and limited government, but we must reconceive those ideals to free them from their libertarian baggage.
Free markets are the foundation of our prosperity and an important motor of social advance. But we need to see them, not as something that exists in the absence of government, but rather as complex achievements of good government. Free markets as we know them today are impossible without the modern state, and they function best when embedded in and supported by a structure of public goods that only government can adequately provide.
The guiding principle of effective government, meanwhile, continues to impose important limits on the exercise of state power but the contours of those limits are quite different from those demanded by libertarian ideology. Here the limiting principle addresses not the scope or subject matter of government action, but rather the effect of that action: The government policy or program in question must actually succeed in advancing its stated public purpose, and under no circumstances may benefit narrow private interests at public expense. The limiting principle, then, grows out of commitment to the public interest, not antipathy to government. The critical stance associated with policing the proper limits of state action thus shifts from anti-government to anti-corruption.
But reconstruction cannot proceed until demolition clears the scene. Accordingly, in Part Two of this series of essays, The Dead End of Small Government, I will identify what I see as the fundamental deficiencies of the libertarian ideology that has done so much to shape economic orthodoxy on the American right. Then in Part Three, Free Markets and Limited Government Reconceived, I will turn to how these important principles of good governance can be rescued from the errors and blind spots with which they are now tangled up.
Let me conclude this essay with an important qualification. My argument here is about economic and social policy: To meet the looming challenges of poor economic performance; widening social divisions; and threats to public health, we need more capable government, not more constrained government. Accordingly, the exclusive libertarian focus on restraining government power is not just irrelevant to confronting our problems, but actively counterproductive. But as recent events have made painfully clear, there are other areas of public concern where restraining government power remains not only relevant, but morally urgent. Here I am referring, of course, to the police murder of George Floyd, the latest in a long string of such incidents, and the weeks of protests in its wake (which have regrettably resulted in many further examples of inexcusable police violence). But not just that: In all the agencies of American government that deal directly in physical force not just the police, but the larger criminal justice system, the immigration authorities, and the military problems of excess and overreach and abuse are widespread.
The militarization and brutalization of police tactics; the immense waste and suffering caused by the War on Drugs; the moral stain of mass incarceration, deepened by the appalling cruelty that is widespread in Americas jails and prisons; the specter of mass surveillance; the caging of children on our border and betrayal of our heritage as an asylum for refugees; the forever wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, with spinoff military engagements in countries all over the region on all of these fronts, libertarians portrayal of government as Leviathan is all too accurate, and their calls for additional chains to bind it are well founded.
This qualification, though, only highlights how misguided it is for libertarians to conflate the provision of public goods, social insurance, and pro-market regulation with real problems of unchecked power. The vital work of controlling the instrumentalities of state violence is always difficult, but libertarians worthy efforts along these lines are badly undercut by their small-government fixation. Not only do they compromise their case by mixing bad arguments with good, they alienate themselves from their natural allies in particular, those communities that suffer most at the hands of excess force and thereby weaken the coalition needed for constructive change.
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