Monthly Archives: June 2020

CALLERI: The right to protest is at the center of two movies about the counterculture – Niagara Gazette

Posted: June 13, 2020 at 3:00 pm

The Democratic National Convention was held in Chicago in August 1968 as demonstrations against the war in Vietnam were churning across the United States. The assassinations of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and United States Senator Robert F. Kennedy earlier that year added to the pall of anger and uncertainty across the country.

President Lyndon B. Johnson had decided not to run for re-election in the face of intensifying protests opposing the war. The Democratic nominee would be his vice-president, Hubert H. Humphrey Jr.

Outside the convention hall, violent attacks were committed by the Chicago police against demonstrators. These assaults were shown live on American television.

Chicagos legendary combative mayor, Richard J. Daley, as fierce a smoke-filled backroom wheeler-dealer as any character created by a novelist, was determined that his beloved Chicago not be shamed by protests and that the convention would proceed smoothly. He ordered the police to crush the demonstrators who had gathered in his city.

Its this backdrop that provides the core of one of the most important movies about the counterculture and the right to peaceably assemble ever produced by a major motion picture studio. Medium Cool, released in 1969, is as essential as a film can be.

In Chicago in 1968, celebrated cinematographer Haskell Wexler was directing a narrative feature for Paramount Pictures he had written (and would photograph). The result is a superb mix of fiction and fact thats not only the chronicle of a workingman who gets fired from his job because he takes a bold stand against his bosses, but its also a believable story of romantic affection.

Robert Forster plays John Cassellis, a Chicago television news cameraman, who discovers that his station is turning over footage of anti-war protestors to the FBI. His intense anger about this results in his dismissal. His love life has taken a positive turn because hes developed a relationship with single-mom Eileen (Verna Bloom). Her young son Harold runs away from home.

John is doing free-lance work at the Democratic National Convention. Eileen goes to the convention area to seek help from John to find her son and becomes caught up in the chaos. The films closing half-hour must never be revealed to those who havent seen it.

Through it all, Wexler expertly combines fictional footage with actual footage of the battle for Chicagos streets. His cinematographers eye is brilliant and his sense of how to tell a powerful story is equal to any of the great directors who came of age during this period of important American cinema.

In 2003, Medium Cool was selected for preservation in the United States National Film Registry by the Library Of Congress for being culturally, historically, or aesthetically significant.

The movie, suitable for adults and teenagers, is available on DVD and Blu-ray from The Criterion Collection.

Meanwhile, the great Italian director Michelangelo Antonioni had decided to make his American filmmaking debut in Los Angeles with a drama called Zabriskie Point. This was after the international success of the sensational London-set Blow-Up, from 1966, his first English-Language work, and one of my favorite movies.

Antonioni, who was the master of capturing ennui among the middle-class in his native Italy, wanted to now capture the revolutionary fervor in 1968 of Americas youth. Drawing from the true story of a young man who stole a small prop plane from a local airfield, Antonioni wrangled four other screenwriters, including American playwright Sam Shepard, and created Zabriskie Point, which was released in 1970 by the legendary MGM studio. Its executives were apoplectic at the sex and nihilism Antonioni delivered.

Gorgeously photographed by Carlo Di Palma, the drama has two centerpieces, an orgy in Californias Mojave Desert and the blowing up of a house that went on for many minutes in slow-motion and actually set the standard for slow-motion Hollywood explosions.

Using mostly amateur performers, Antonionis tale follows Mark (played by occasional American model Mark Frechette), who walks out of an ineffective university protest meeting that is accomplishing nothing. Hes willing to die, but not of boredom for the cause.

Kathleen Cleaver, the real-life wife of Black Panther Party leader Eldridge Cleaver, is in the scene. One thing we learn is that women are still expected to make coffee.

During protests on campus, a police officer is shot perhaps by Mark, but probably not. Mark steals an airplane and eventually flies it over a car in the desert being driven by Daria, a footloose beauty played by dancer Daria Halprin, but no ones idea of a talented actress. He lands. They meet.

A professional actor, Rod Taylor, is a real estate developer, and the story zooms forward with Mark planning to return the plane and Daria left in tears. Theyve bonded in the desert.

The weak acting hampers, but doesnt derail, what is a ultimately a fragmented study of illusion, reality, and the joy and beauty of youth hampered by capitalist rules and the need to work for a living.

Zabriskie Point is not a failed movie by any stretch of the imagination; however, it feels made by a committee, and never truly soars like Marks revolutionary spirit and airplane. The Rolling Stones, Grateful Dead, and Pink Floyd provide music. The visuals win the day.

The film, suitable for adults and mature teens, is available on DVD.

Michael Calleri reviews films for the Niagara Gazette and the CNHI news network. Contact him at moviecolumn@gmail.com.

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CALLERI: The right to protest is at the center of two movies about the counterculture - Niagara Gazette

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Black Lives Matter campaign has been hijacked by extremists – Reaction

Posted: at 3:00 pm

Alarmingly, the landscape of Britain, especially its capital, has assumed an aspect of alien, dystopian desolation. Its origin was three months of pandemic lockdown; the more recent cause is the paralysis of government, national and local, in the face of intimidation by the violent and wholly unrepresentative elements of a mob that is successfully dictating its agenda to the elected authorities. This weekend, London is disfigured by sinister-looking wooden rectangles enclosing the statues of our monarchs, statesmen and national heroes. They have become monuments to the eclipse of civilisation.

Those statues, confined in cubes like nuclear waste, include three of our kings and Sir Winston Churchill the man who did more than any other individual in 20th century history to defeat rampant racism of a viciousness and scale unimaginable to modern woke demonstrators. They have compiled a hit list of 78 memorials they insist must be removed, across 39 towns and cities, 12 of them in London. They include monarchs, prime ministers, a holder of the Victoria Cross and national hero Nelson on his famous column, the global epitome of London. It is a project to erase large parts of Britains history, to create a tabula rasain iconography, a revolutionary Year Zero.

The pretext for visually deleting our heritage is to protect monuments from rioters. That limp excuse predicates the inevitability of riots and the impossibility of containing them. The message it sends to the perpetrators of violent disorder is: you have won. These clashes on Whitehall would have been illegal at any time, but they take on an extra dimension of nihilism in the light of the fact that Britain is still on lockdown against a deadly pandemic. Demonstrators should have been dispersed at the first signs of their congregating.

Police were not backward in harassing lonely sunbathers during lockdown, so why permit thousands to assemble cheek-by-jowl? They appear to have been crippled by deference to the demands of the more extreme protestors.

It is fashionable to claim we have an obligation to reappraise our society and its alleged faults. True, we do need to revisit many of our assumptions, including an objective investigation of the scale and incidence of racism, but it should not come at the price of abandoning all historical nuance and rationaldebate.

The unjustified slur that Britain is aninherently racist nation today must also be repudiated. This country has, successfully, opened its doors to millions of immigrants, but further integration is made more difficult by the most militant campaigners, often extravagant white liberals, relentlessly engendering a culture of grievance and victimhood that seeks to divide.

Unfortunately, the real agenda of some of these activists, as we have seen on our streets and in their social media proclamations, is to overthrow the political order of representative parliamentary democracy and to destroy capitalism,or the market system.

Many of the supporters of the organisation Black Lives Matter want peaceful change. BLM started in the US with a sensible outlook and noble goals rooted in tackling serious social problems. It has since been hijacked by the far-left. Anyone who doubts that should look at the British website UKBLM raising large sums of money for the campaign and advocating (on the read more section) the dismantling of capitalism and the abolition of the police.

In this way, just as, historically, many scoundrels wrapped themselves in the Union flag, today the catch-all mantra of anti-racism and anti-fascism is being deployed to mask a totalitarian agenda.

Troublingly, most mainstream politicians with very few exceptions appear too terrified to point any of this out. The Prime Minister had a modest go at speaking out on Friday, on Twitter. But he and his colleagues will have to go much, much further. They must make the case clearly in defence of the rule of law, democracy and civic order.

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Andrew Martin on the Coming-of-Age Story – The Atlantic

Posted: at 3:00 pm

The one night of glory model has a really strong tradition in stories about teenagers. I thought about movies like Dazed and Confused and Cant Hardly Wait and Detroit Rock City, where the narrowed scope of the narrative reflects the compressed horizon and pressurized emotion of the characters. As a 15-year-oldand, okay, as a 20-something, and beyondI often couldnt see past my immediate circumstances, and the structure of the story reflects that blinkered outlook. Theres an urgency when youre a teenager, experiencing things for the first time, that you cant really get back, and I wanted to capture that.

Gebremedhin: Right, this is a coming-of-age story. Paul, the narrator, describes his efforts to have the best night of my life, to do whatever thing would change me forever. He understands that he is standing at the brink of some great shift, from which there will be no return. How does punk music inform this theme?

Martin: Punk can be about a lot of things, and the bands in the storyranging in approach from Clash-inspired political agitprop to the romantic angst of emo to the nihilism of New York hardcorereflect a small segment of what the music can represent. But they all share a common goal of catharsis, of moving the listener to transcend his or her malaise, anger, whatever through movement and action. Like most teenagers, Paul doesnt really know what he wants to change into; he just knows that he wants to change. Punk provides a kind of perfect buffet of opportunities to imagine yourself different than you really aremore engaged, more angry, more heartbroken. And it also gives you this sort of vision of utopia, where violence can be channeled into community in this unexpected way.

Gebremedhin: Are there any inherent challenges when writing about music? For instance, whats it like to try to describe a song? Who are the great practitioners of fiction when it comes to music writing?

Martin: I do think its hard to convey what a songor a painting, or a filmis like without having any direct experience of it. But I think what fiction or criticism can do is create an alternative version of the thing being described, one that is filtered through the sensibility of the writer to become something else. The story name-checks the critic Greil Marcus, whose books introduced me to a lot of the music I loved in high school. (I realize this makes me sound like Im 100 years old, or from another planet, but its true!) Theres an incredible description Marcus wrote of Every Picture Tells a Story, by Rod Stewart, that made me a huge Stewart fan (I mean, of his stuff up until, like, 1973). I think if you can make a punk-obsessed teen in 2001 love Rod Stewart, youre doing something pretty impressive.

As far as fiction writers go, Proust is probably the world champion in describing musical performances (and paintings, and sexual jealousy, and ). David Gates is no slouch, either. You havent really heard Straight Outta Compton until youve heard it through the ears of his character Willis in Preston Falls, blazing down the road in his truck toward another terrible decision.

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Andrew Martin on the Coming-of-Age Story - The Atlantic

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Public trust in police is fractured. Here’s how to fix it. – USA TODAY

Posted: at 3:00 pm

Philip K. Howard, Opinion contributor Published 6:00 a.m. ET June 8, 2020 | Updated 11:09 a.m. ET June 11, 2020

The doctrine of qualified immunity has been used to protect police from civil lawsuits and trials. Here's why it was put in place. USA TODAY

The tendency is to view accountability as a matter of fairness to the particular person,butwhats at stake is the health ofour publicculture.

Minneapolis policeman Derek Chauvin,arrestedlast week forthe death ofGeorge Floyd,should have been removed long ago from policing duties. Hehad18 complaints over his19-year tenure. Onlytwo resulted in discipline, but the union rules protecting police make it almost impossible to hold officers accountableevenfor extrememisconduct.

Chauvinhas nowbeen indicted for murder, buthis apparent killing of George Floyd is seen bymanynot as an isolated crime but asevidence of systematic police abuse. Minneapolis, like most cities, hasa poor record of holding police accountable. Out of 2,600 complaints since 2012,only 12 resulted in an officer being disciplined. The most severe penalty was a suspension for 40 hours.

The fact that three of Chauvins colleagues, themselves now indicted,watched as Floyd choked to deathis alsoan indictment of police culture.

In a show of peace and solidarity, law enforcement officials with riot shields take a knee in front of protesters on June 1, 2020, in Atlanta, during a fourth day of protests over the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis. (Photo: Curtis Compton, Atlanta Journal-Constitution via AP)

Theprotests andriots show what happens when large segments of the populationbelieve the deck is stacked against them.Distrust of government leads to corrosion of civil society.The opportunistic looting across the country isindefensible, but itsrationalizedby the logic of nihilism: If police wont follow norms of civilized behavior, then neitherwillwe.

Civil rights leaders have called foranational reckoning to end racism in America. But theunaccountability of bad cops is caused by a factorlargelyunrelated to racism.

The lack of accountability, according toa Reuters report in 2017, islargelydictated by police union contracts. The standard for discipline isbasicallyharder than for a criminal conviction.

Anofficer in Columbus Ohio was accused of brutally beatinga black college student who was sitting on a bench with friends, for the alleged crime of drinking a beer in public. That officer had been the subject of 40complaints for misconduct, but Reuters found that, like most bad officers, he could not be dismissed. Why? Union contracts require that prior complaints be expunged from the record, in some jurisdictions after a few months, so it is practically impossible to terminate repeat offenders.

Union leaders argue that the rulessimplymake sure that due process is given to the officers. Something is obviously wrong with this reasoning:Police officers invoke their rights to get away with violating the rights of citizens. Due process ismeantto protect against abuses of state power by police and other state agents not to protect police when they abuse their power.

Theclash of rights meansthataccountability is basically nonexistent.This is not just a problem with police, but throughout government. A 2016 Government Accountability Officereport found that more than99% of federal employeesreceived a fully successful rating.

Democracy issupposed to be amechanism for public accountability, butdemocracycantfunction if the links in the chain are broken. We elect governors and mayors, but they have no effective control over police, schools or other public institutions.

The organizational flaw hereboils down to confusion betweenlibertyand responsibility. Police and other public employees have an affirmative responsibility to serve the public effectively. They must beaccountable not by the standards of a criminal trial, but for meeting a much higher standard of public stewardship. It is the job of supervisors to make these judgments.

Theconfusion wassownby the Supreme Courtinthe heyday of Vietnam protests, when the court held that public jobs were akin to a property rightand could not be removed without due process. Although the court went out of its way to say that the process could be minimal, due process is a slippery slope.

Due processputstheburdenof proofon the supervisor. Fellow workers describe Chauvin as tightly wound, which is not a good character trait for a cop with a loaded gun. But how does his supervisor prove in a legal hearing that he shouldnt be a cop?

The tendency is to view accountability as a matter of fairness to the particular person,butwhats at stake is the health ofour publicculture. The harmof no accountabilityis far greater than a few bad apples.

Here are a few of thedestructiveeffects:

Loss of public trust, as seen in the last week, can lead to a breakdown of civil order.

No accountability is likeMiracle-Grofor bureaucracy. When people cant be accountable, they find soon themselves wallowing in red tape dictating exactly how to do things. Rules replace norms. Compliance replaces accomplishment.

Publicservice, and especially police work, shouldbe a source ofpride and honor,but the absence ofaccountabilityleads instead tocynicism and disrespect. AVolcker Commission report on federal civil servicein 2003 founddeep resentmentat the protections provided to those poor performers among them who impede their own work and drag down the reputation of all government workers.

Safeguards against unfairaccountability can readily be provided for example, by giving veto power to apeercommittee. But supervisors cannot be put to the proof in a legal proceeding. How do you prove who doesnt try hard, or lacks good judgment or is too tightly wound?

Accountability is not the only change needed to revive trust inAmerican government. Leaders too must be trustworthy. The institutions they lead must display fidelity to accepted norms not only avoiding abuses of authority, butgenerally striving to be fair, truthful and committed to the common good.

Whats needed isa new social contract with public employees. Instead of abulletproofsinecure, the coreorganizingprinciplemustbeaccountabilityfor the public good.

We will not have public trust without it.

Philip K. Howard is founder ofCommon Good. His latest book is"Try Common Sense."Follow him on Twitter: @PhilipKHoward

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The Ending of The Last Days of American Crime Explained – Film School Rejects

Posted: at 3:00 pm

Ending Explainedis a recurring series in which we explore the finales, secrets, and themes of interesting movies and shows, both new and old.

How do you like your action? Peppered with chipper, cheeky one-liners or caked in hot piss, mud, and blood? If youre looking to let off some steam with a bit of nonsensical but cheery Arnold Schwarzenegger sci-fi silliness, its best to rent The Running Man. If you want to stew in filth and let your anger percolate as Edgar Ramrez brutalizes and gets brutalized, go ahead and press play on Netflixs The Last Days of American Crime.

Based on the graphic novel by Rick Remender and Greg Tocchini, the film is directed by Olivier Megaton, who made his bones breaking Liam Neesons with the Taken sequels, and its a grim saga of a near-future on the verge of an apocalypse a.k.a. a world just a few steps ahead of the one we currently occupy. As the government prepares to launch the American Peace Initiative (API), which is a mysterious signal capable of suppressing all criminal thought, the citizens take to the streets for one last purge of death and destruction.

The final week of debauchery mostly amounts to various acts of looting and bare-breasted cartop dancing, but for Ramrezs Graham Bricke, its an opportunity to pull off one last score. What should be a simple excuse for criminal-on-criminal ultraviolence is instead muddied by the APIs presence. Where there is a mind-altering radio wave, there will also be plenty of bait and switch and confusion.

Brickehas lost the thrill of the hunt. His brother Rory (Daniel Fox) killed himself in prison, and the loss transformed Brickeinto a lumbering morose sack of frowns. Hes reenergized after he hooks up with Shelby Dupree (Anna Brewster) in the bathroom of a hellish dive bar. Brickes enthusiasm strengthens even further once Duprees scuzzball psycho lover Kevin Cash(Michael Pitt) reveals that Rory was beaten to death by prison guards while he watched. If Brickewants revenge on the system, he should join Cash in knocking over the governments money factory where bills are made and destroyed.

All is well and good until Cash turns his shotgun on Brickeand blasts a hole in his belly. Why? Rory did not kill himself, and he was not beaten bloody by prison guards. Instead, Cash tells Bricke that it was he who ended his little brothers life. In the process of ceasing Rorys motor functions, Cash discovered nihilism: the sweet bliss of nothing meaning anything.

The philosophy is Cashs golden rule, and it allows him to bypass the API. His concrete unbelief makes him invincible to the governments mind games. However, it does not make his skin impenetrable to bullets. Cash is wiped from the board by a barrage of FBI sniper fire, leaving Bricketo fend for himself under the spell of the API.

Ah, but the thug has one last trick up his sleeve. Earlier in the film, Bricke bought an extremely intense, nondescript drug from some punk at the same bar he scored with Dupree. Remembering the warnings of his dealer, Brickeconsumes the whole dose, which fries his brain and allows him to operate free of the API, and he slaughters the FBI agents while theyre gloating their victory.

So, Cash defeated the API via nihilism. Bricke bypassed it through narcotics. How does Dupree release herself? She doesnt. Shes merely lucky.

While Cash, Bricke, and the FBI come to Jesus, Dupree is battling the grabby hands of Officer Sawyer (Sharlto Copley), who can commit all the heinous acts he wants thanks to an inhibitor chip implanted in his brain. In a film already bursting with Deus Ex Machinas, Dupree is rescued when the two wrestle off a table, and Sawyers neck falls upon a metal shard.

Dupree explodes the API building, meets up with a gutshot, drugged-out Bricke, and the two flee to Canada. The land of hockey, maple syrup, and free healthcare offers sanctuary, but Bricke wont live to see it. He expires in Duprees truck shortly after crossing the border. She could do nothing for him, but the least she can do is spread Rorys ashes in an unpolluted lake.

For a film centered on a technological transmission worthy of George Orwells ire, The Last Days of American Crime cares very little about its sci-fi trappings. The hows and whys dont matter. Cashs philosophical workaround is given a ten-minute showcase to explain how he beat the beam, but without the aid of the rewind button, its easy to miss Brickes brain damage bypass. Drugs arent all that bad, kids.

With a two and a half hour runtime, Olivier Megaton has plenty of space to delve into the science fiction, but he would rather wallow in car chases tangential to the narrative and family squabbles with hints of incest. The Last Days of American Crime is a miserable foray into banality. The flick is convoluted and seemingly infinite in length.

Remove the API from the plot, and not much would differ. In fact, its absence would free the script of its puzzlement. If all you wanted to deliver was Edgar Ramrez chopping his way through chumps just a little more deplorable than he is, then why even dabble in the extraordinary?

The API is a distraction. While its easily the most interesting aspect of the film, the script just barely bothers to acknowledge its mechanics. Megaton wants his Children of Men, but in posturing significance, he cant even deliver his take on The Running Man. The Last Days of American Crime ultimately amounts to nothing more than the latest Netflix dump.

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The Best Way to Handle Your Decline Is to Confront It Head On – The Atlantic

Posted: at 2:56 pm

Read: Your professional decline is coming (much) sooner than you think

The good news is that its possible to work on extinguishing the terror of this virtual death by borrowing from techniques used to vanquish the fear of physical death.

The fear of literal nonexistence through death is addressed by many philosophical and religious traditions. Many Buddhist monasteries in Southeast Asia, for example, display photos of corpses in various states of decomposition. This body, too, Buddhist monks learn in the Satipatthana Sutta to say about themselves as they look at the photos, such is its nature, such is its future, such its unavoidable fate.

Some monks engage in a meditation called maranasati (mindfulness of death), which consists of imagining nine states of ones own dead body:

At first, this seems strange and morbid. The objective, however, is to make death vivid in the mind of the meditator, and, through repetition, familiar. Psychologists call this process desensitization, in which repeated exposure to something repellent or frightening makes it seem ordinary, prosaic, and less scary.

Read: How happiness changes with age

Western research has tested the idea of death desensitization. In 2017, a team of researchers recruited volunteers to imagine that they were terminally ill or on death row, and then to write about the feelings they imagined they would have. The researchers then compared these thoughts with writings by those who were actually terminally ill or facing execution. The results, published in Psychological Science under the title Dying Is Unexpectedly Positive, were astounding: People imagining their deaths were three times as negative as those actually facing it. Death, it seems, is scarier when it is theoretical than when it is real.

Contemplating death can also inspire courage. There is an ancient Japanese story about a band of lawless samurai warriors notorious for terrorizing the local people. Every place they went, they brought destruction. One day they come to a Zen Buddhist monastery, intent on violence and plunder. The monks ran away in fear for their lives--all except the abbot, a man who had completely mastered the fear of his own death. He sat quietly in the lotus position as the warriors burst in. Approaching the abbot with his sword drawn, the samurai leader said, Dont you see that I am the sort of man who could run you through without batting an eye? Calmly, the master answered, Dont you see that I am a man who could be run through without batting an eye?

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Artificial eye with 3D retina developed for the first time – Advanced Science News

Posted: at 2:56 pm

Scientists at Hong Kong University of Science and Technology make artificial eye far better than anything current.

The biological eye is a highly complex organ, and people have spent decades trying to replicate this most delicate organ through technology. Existing prosthetic eyes fall short with low-resolutions and 2D flat image sensors.

Now, an international team of researchers at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology (HKUST) and the University of California, Berkley, have overcome this shortcoming by making, for the first time, a biomimetic prosthetic eye using a nanowire array that creates a hemispherical artifical retina. I.e., a 3D image sensor.

Publishing in Nature, (paywall) the team at HKUST showcase their Electrochemical Eye (EC-Eye). Whilst holding great promise in the field of robotics and for people with visual impairments, in perhaps more tantalizing future applications, the team believes their EC-Eye may actually offer sharper vision than a natural human eye, and include extra functions such as the ability to detect infrared radiation in darkness. This of course is stepping into the realm of transhumanism, and the ethical quagmire this entails. But apart from exciting fans of science fiction, the EC-Eye most certainly has more immediate promise for those whose natural vision is severely impaired.

The key to this new artificial eye is the nanowire array mentioned above. These nanowires are derived from perovskite solar cell technology, and are essentially individual nano-solar cells, and can therefore mimic biological photoreceptors found in the retina. These nanowires were then connected to a bundle of liquid-metal wires, serving as artificial nerves, which successfully channeled the light signals to a computer screen which showed what the nanowire array could see.

With electronic-to-nerve interfaces research already well under way, it is hoped that one day these nanowire retinas could be directly implanted and attached to the optic nerves of visually impaired patients. More astonishing still, is that this artificial retina is superior to a natural retina when it comes to the shortcomings that have arisen out of the evolution of the natural retina. All retinas have a blind spot, caused by the fact the bundles of optic nerves have to connect somewhere on the retina to transport information to the brain. This connection point on the retina has no space for photoreceptor cells, and is therefore a blind spot on the retina. Thankfully, your brain fills in the blanks of this blind spot so that people with healthy vision dont see it. However, the effects of this blind spot can be seen if you like to look up at the stars at night. Find a very dim star, and try to look at it directly; it becomes hard to see, but its easier to see if you instead look directly around it.

The EC-Eye does not have such a blind spot.

Furthermore, the nanowires are higher in density than the photoreceptor cells in the human retina. Therefore, in theory, the artificial retina can detect more light signals and therefore produce a higher image resolution than even the most healthy retinas of a human with twenty-twenty vision.

The advantages of an EC-Eye over a natural eye are also the fact that using different materials can enable the detection of a higher spectral range, potentially allowing people with such EC-Eye implants to see in the dark, if their artificial retina can detect infrared light.

However, the authors caution that this technology is still in its early stages.

I have always been a big fan of science fiction, said Prof. Zhiyong Fan of HKUST in a press release, and lead author of the study, and I believe many technologies featured in stories such as those of intergalactic travel, will one day become reality. However, regardless of image resolution, angle of views or user-friendliness, the current bionic eyes are still of no match to their natural human counterpart. A new technology to address these problems is in urgent need, and it gives me a strong motivation to start this unconventional project.

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How to go on holiday in a pandemic – The Economist

Posted: at 2:56 pm

Jun 12th 2020

by MARK O'CONNELL

This piece is from 1843, our sister magazine of ideas, lifestyle and culture.

IN APRIL I was supposed to be in New York for the American launch of my new book, whose subject, you may be amused to learn, is apocalyptic anxiety. Obviously I didnt go to New York. But I did have a book launch of sorts, in the form of a Zoom webinar hosted by the bookstore where the irl event had been scheduled to take place.

So one evening I sat in my living room in Dublin, while an editor I work with at an American magazine sat in his living room in Brooklyn, and we both drank our beers while having as free-flowing a conversation as the situation permitted. The event was deemed a success, given the circumstances. But it was hard not to experience a Zoom webinar as a somewhat flat and dispiriting substitute for a real gathering, in just the same way that everything these days seems a flat and dispiriting substitute for real life.

After the live-stream ended, I was sitting in front of my laptop with most of a beer to finish. I felt a nervous energy coursing through me but had nowhere to go. So I went onto Google Maps and parachuted into the exact location I should have been that evening using the little yellow flailing man that summons up Street View, Googles immersive photographic panoramas of the worlds roads.

All of a sudden I was on Flatbush Avenue. It was a bright summers day and there was traffic on the street school buses and delivery trucks, vans and yellow cabs. I could almost feel the heat coming off the pavement as I drifted insubstantially northward towards Prospect Park, ghosting through oncoming cars and ups trucks, idly looking out for a bar where we might have gone for drinks once the launch wound down.

I opened another beer, and as the night deepened into early morning I found myself returning to places I remembered from previous trips to New York, places I would have revisited had I been there now. I wandered around the Meatpacking District, trying to find the spot where, on my first trip to the city 20 years ago, a friend and I, after leaving a party, happened across an abandoned sofa on a pier, which we sat on while smoking a joint and looking out over the Hudson river as the sun came up. I made my way towards Chelsea, but couldnt find the pier, and wasnt sure I would have recognised the place anyway, not without the abandoned sofa.

In the following days, I found myself returning to Google Street View, haunting the digitised landscape of my memory. It was an exercise in nostalgia, obviously, but it was something else too. I was entering a kind of crude, 3d rendering of the way the world used to be, open and accessible and alive. All those people out in their shirt sleeves, their faces algorithmically blurred but unmasked, all those cars and vans and trucks hustling people and goods from one place to another. In the next few days, when I should have been in New York, I kept returning at odd moments to the Street View version of the city, re-enacting walks I had once taken, exploring neighbourhoods I half-remembered from previous trips, wandering through the mists of memory.

It struck me that I was engaged in a pale online imitation of a habit I have cultivated when travelling. Whenever I return to somewhere I havent been to in years, it has long been my custom to return to places I have visited before and whose memory persists. Like all the best pleasures, my satisfaction is elevated by an element of shame. Isnt travel supposed to be about new things, new places, about annexing unexplored realms to the empire of personal experience? What a ridiculous thing to do, when you think about it, to return to Amsterdam or Los Angeles or Berlin or Milan and, instead of finding fresh parts of the city to encounter, to set a course straight for the one place you remember from the last time you were there.

YOU ARE NOT VISITING A PLACE YOU REMEMBER FROM YOUR PAST; YOU ARE VISITING THE PAST ITSELF AND A YOUNGER INCARNATION OF YOURSELF

When I was writing my first book, a non-fiction account of the transhumanist movement in Silicon Valley, I made a number of trips to San Francisco. I had spent some time there in my late teens and early 20s my grandmother was from there and I still had family in the city. Whenever I had time free from researching my book, I would hunt down the places I remembered from previous visits. Amoeba Records on Haight Street, the City Lights bookstore in Chinatown and the nearby Old Saint Marys Cathedral, which has a clock tower inscribed with a biblical quotation that had always haunted me: Son, Observe the Time and Fly from Evil.

The appeal of this has, in one sense, less to do with any special quality of the location per se than with the vertiginous thrill of time folding in on itself. You are not visiting a place you remember from your past; you are visiting the past itself and a younger incarnation of yourself. In another sense, though, the impulse to loiter in old haunts feeds off a tension inherent in travel between the desire to discover unpredictable and exciting things and the desire to take some ownership over a place to forge a connection between the foreign and the familiar.

One of the strangest aspects of life in our new viral reality is the relentless sameness of every day. Hardly a day goes by when I dont think at least once of Estragons line in Samuel Becketts Waiting for Godot: Nothing happens, nobody comes, nobody goes, its awful! In life, as in theatre, things happen in the form of people coming and going, and one of the great pleasures of travel is that it creates a sense of plot. Right now, like most of us, I am going nowhere. Not only can I not go to New York, I cant even go to the other side of Dublin. There is no coming, no going, no event of any kind.

But there is a sense in which I have, in fact, been able to travel. Within the five-kilometre radius around my home, to which I was confined for a number of weeks, I began consciously to explore an area I have lived in for most of my life. Taking advantage of the reduced traffic on Dublins roads, I cycled around the quietened landscape of the city.

I live close to Phoenix Park, a huge inner-city park with long tree-lined avenues, large wooded areas, lakes and wild deer. Before the virus struck, I had never ventured very far into it. I had gone there mostly to visit the zoo or one of the playgrounds with my kids, or for a brief run on one of its peripheral pathways. Now, almost every day, I cycle around the park, discovering regions of its sprawling interior Id previously left untouched. There are ponds and streams I had never seen before, paths I never knew existed, a large but unremarkable house I had not known Winston Churchill lived in as a child.

Recently, having read in the Irish Times about a small dolmen, a stone tomb that had been hidden away on the far side of the park since the Bronze Age, my family and I went in search of it and eventually found it in an area whose existence we were previously unaware of. Granted, it wasnt exactly the Ishtar Gate of Babylon. It was small enough for my children to sit on like a bench, and unremarkable enough that we would have passed by without noticing it had we not been looking out for it. But it was worth seeing, and the pleasure, in any case, was in finding it.

This strikes me as a strange inversion of my old compulsion, when travelling, to return to places remembered from previous visits. I have become something like a tourist in my own neighbourhood, finding the unexpected in the familiar. The place I live in feels uncannily new, the streets and buildings different now, as though I am seeing them for the first time. Sometimes it feels as though I am in a city I remember from a dream I thought Id forgotten. Maybe Ill miss that strangeness too, when the bustle returns.

I do miss the world beyond my radius: the old world, where I could visit foreign cities and retrace my steps to familiar places. But I have learned, in the meantime, to look for the foreign in the familiar. And I have learned that you dont have to go very far in order to find it. You dont even have to leave your neighbourhood.

Mark O'Connell is the author of Notes from an Apocalypse

ILLUSTRATIONS TELEGRAMME

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How to go on holiday in a pandemic - The Economist

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Brexit: No light ahead of the tunnel – RTE.ie

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On 7 October last year, there was a defining phone call between Boris Johnson and Angel Merkel.

It had been a turbulent week. The EU had rejected Johnson's plan for a hi-tech customs border on the island of Ireland.A no-deal exit was just over three weeks away.Donald Tusk, President of the European Council, accused Johnson of engaging in a "stupid blame game".

But it was how a Downing Street source had characterised the phone call that sent the political temperature soaring.

The source had told journalists: "Merkel said that if Germany wanted to leave theEUthey could do it no problem, but the UK cannot leave without leaving Northern Ireland behind in a customs union and in full alignment forever."

Blood was boiling. The DUP leader Arlene Foster accused the EU and Dublin of wanting to "trap" Northern Ireland. Officials in Brussels and Berlin questioned whether the notoriously circumspect Merkel would have used such language. A Downing Street source suggested a deal was now "essentially impossible, not just now but ever".

However, senior sources close to developments that week say Merkels interventionwaspivotal. Ireland, the European Commission, and other member states had been insisting Johnsons plan - a blend of customs processing centres near the Irish border, streamlined by technology and derogations from EU law - was not acceptable. Now the German Chancellor was telling Johnson directly it would not work.

"It has a different type of weight when it comes from Merkel," says one key source. "It played a role, definitely."

The role it played was to force Johnson to abandon his Irish border plan. Three days later he met the Taoiseach Leo Varadkar at Thornton Manor near Liverpool. To considerable surprise, they emerged after 90 minutes proclaiming a "pathway" to an agreement.

Gone was any suggestion of checks or controls on the Irish border. Northern Ireland would remain in the UKs customs territory, but apply EU customs and regulatory formalities. Stormont would vote on the arrangements every four years, but there would be no unionist veto.

That was how the deal ended up. Officials had to hammer out the details in time for an EU summit on 17 October, with the agreement only getting over the line as EU leaders were arriving in Brussels.

However, very few changes were required of the existing Withdrawal Agreement, which the House of Commons had rejected on four occasions.

"It looks pretty much like the deal of last November [2018]." says one source. In the final deal the UK-wide customs union was removed, as was any reference to how the future relationship would make the backstop fall away.

Officials then inserted paragraphs to facilitate the Stormont consent clause, to create a rebate system for tariffs on goods coming from Great Britain, and to provide for EU state aid rules continuing to apply in Northern Ireland.

Why is this significant now?

It is instructive of what can happen when one negotiating partner is on the back foot and things are down to the wire.

Now we are confronting a deadline of 31 December to agree the EU-UK future relationship. The final frenetic days of the Withdrawal Agreement suggest it is difficult to start changing texts wholesale at the last minute.

"They learned from the last occasion that they shouldn't go down to the wire," says one senior EU source.

Another source close to the negotiations says: "The UK will be worried if they leave it too long, that time pressure will be mostly on their shoulders. It will be the same as the Withdrawal Agreement. The longer you leave it, the less time there will be to change texts. Then you just have to go off-the-shelf."

British sources dismiss any suggestion that London wants to avoid a repeat of last Octoberper se, pointing out that getting an agreement sooner rather than later is in everyones interest.

Either way, as the fourth negotiating round drew to a close last week it was clear both sides were far apart on the big issues, and even on smaller ones.

Just like in the closing stage of the divorce negotiations, a "tunnel" is now beckoning, an intense period of negotiations with no media briefings and no briefings either of member states or the British cabinet.

But when the tunnel will be is itself the subject of division.London has been pushing for July.

On Tuesday, Cabinet Office minister Penny Mordaunt told the House of Commons: "There is no point in us arriving at an agreement at the 11th hour. We have to arrive at agreement to enable it to be implemented, ratified but also for our citizens and businesses to prepare. That is what is dictating the timetable here and that is why we must have renewed focus."

However, on Wednesday, Michel Barnier told EU ambassadors July was out of the question.

"Barnier is firmly of the view that that sort of approach can't happen until theres some sign of movement on the key issues," says one EU diplomat. "You cant go into it in the current situation where theres really been no movement. It was firmly: no, were not going to do it in July."

Barnier did offer to change the format. "You would still have negotiating 'table rounds," says the diplomat. "But hes talking about smaller negotiating teams, meetings happening intercessionally, small technical working groups. Hes put all these ideas to the British and he wants to continue into the summer."

On Thursday, both sides duly reached agreement on a new format. "There will be talks each week of the five weeks between the week commencing 29 June and the week commencing 27 July," a UK spokesperson said.

But this does not mean a tunnel. Diplomats and EU officials say London has been lobbying hard in national capitals for a July tunnel and for member states to relax the negotiating mandate they have given Barnier.

"There is a very strong push to accelerate things in July, and that the autumn will be too late," says one diplomat. "[UK officials] have been saying this in [EU] capitals as well. There is an element that they dont want to be backed into a corner, to mix metaphors, at a cliff edge, when everything is last minute."

The rejection of a July tunnel is not a solo run by Barnier. German officials have made it clear that when Berlin takes over the rotating EU presidency on 1 July their first priority will be the seven-year EU budget, known as the MFF (Multiannual Financial Framework), and the coronavirus recovery plan.

"There is an entrenched view in the EU now that the MFF comes first and Brexit second. Nobody is willing to engage in a detailed discussion, or a review of the negotiating mandate, now. That's all being looked at in September/October," says the diplomat.

Critics will say the EU can run down the clock until the autumn in order to keep the pressure on London.

However, officials in Brussels point out that Michel Barnier must bring member states and the European Parliament along at every stage.

"The only way to be able to evolve and refine positions," says one EU official, "and to engage in concessions, is to have full trust between the member states, the Commission and the European Parliament. So an early tunnel is way too premature."

Member states are, if anything, more dogmatic about the process than Mr Barnier.

"The structure reflects the fact that we want to control what the commission does [in the negotiations]," says a diplomat from a large member state.

"Not because we dont trust them, but because thats how the EU works. The EU is, yes, a bureaucratic construction but its very much also a democratic construction. And the fact that we take time is because there are democratic controls at every level. It makes it slow but it gives us [the member states] a sense of ownership."

As for the substance of what is holding up the negotiations, the difficult areas are well known: the level playing field, fisheries, police and judicial cooperation and how disputes can be resolved by both sides in the future (known as the "governance" issue).

The rhetorical back and forth on the level playing field boils the issue down to the following: the EU wants to make sure Britain follows EU regulations so that a large industrial power on its doorstep does not undercut European firms.

The UK says this is an intolerable breach of its new-found sovereignty and that the EU does not ask the same of third countries with whom it has recently concluded free trade agreements (FTAs), namely Japan, Canada and South Korea.

The issues are more complex than that, of course.

The EU says the UK must abide by the commitments made by both sides in the Political Declaration, the non-binding blueprint for the future relationship which accompanied the Withdrawal Agreement.

It commits both sides to "robust commitments to ensure a level playing field" to ensure fair competition between both sides and to "prevent distortions of trade and unfair competitive advantages".

Both parties, the document says, "should uphold the common high standards" which will apply on the date the transition period ends in the areas of state aid, competition, social and employment standards, environment, climate change and taxation.

The UK argues that the Political Declaration is a "framework" for the final treaty, and that not everything in it needs to end up in the treaty. Officials repeatedly say the UK is committed to the "vision" of the Political Declaration.

When it comes to what the EU is pushing for precisely on the level playing field, the formal negotiating mandate granted to Michel Barnier by national capitals provides some room for manoeuvre.

It states: "The envisaged agreement should uphold common high standards, and corresponding high standards over time."

Officials say this is not a demand that on everything the UK has to follow EU rules. It talks of "common" and "corresponding" high standards, with EU standards merely as a "reference point".

Both sides would sign up to so-called non-regression clauses, committing the parties not to lower the standards that they share right up to the point of the transition ending on 1 January.

"We also see the possibility of deciding together to increase that high level," says one EU official. "So in 2023, the parties could agree together to put a new floor, for example, in their commitments to the environment and climate change."

The mandate is tougher on state aid rules, however. The EU is determined that a future UK government cannot rig the system by bailing out uncompetitive companies.

The EU negotiating mandate states the treaty should "ensure the application of [European] Union State aid rules to and in the United Kingdom" with the UK setting up an independent authority to make sure EU state aid rules are applied.

The UK sees this as asking Britain to harmonise its laws with the EU over time.

It would, chief negotiator David Frost wrote to his counterpart Michel Barnier: "require the UK simply to accept EU state aid rules; would enable the EU, and only the EU, to put tariffs on trade with the UK if we breached those rules; and would require us to accept an enforcement mechanism which gives a specific role to the European Court of Justice. You must see that this is simply not a provision any democratic country could sign".

Following the last round of negotiations, Michel Barnier hinted at a more flexible approach, talking about an "appropriate" way of dealing with state aid and the level playing field: "We need to work together," he told reporters, "in order to come up with the appropriate toolbox, the robust commitments. What we care about is how effective these mechanisms can be so they ensure long term, fair sustainable competition between the EU and UK. But we're not there yet."

EU officials have not spelt out what this "toolbox" involves. British officials say they are "keen" to hear more and believe that the EU has now accepted that the hostility to following state EU aid rules is a principled position and not a negotiating tactic.

As is so often the case in the tortured relationship between the EU and UK, both sides want fundamentally different things.

Member states believe that a mutual promise not to lower environmental, labour, social, taxation and climate change standards is one thing. Committing not to intervene in your economy is another. The UK, on the other hand, sees everything through a lens of sovereignty and insists that international standards on a host of issues, including state aid, that both sides sign up to will be sufficiently robust.

EU officials say that by its very nature competition and state aid law is constantly evolving, and, as the Covid-19 pandemic has graphically illustrated, subject to sudden changes in gear (the EU has largely suspended its state aid rules during the emergency).

"State aid has always been about coordinating and synchronising approaches," says one EU source. "Over time its got to be dynamic. It cant be static. You cant be using state aid rules from 15 years ago. Some of the economic actors might not exist, some of the sectors might not exist. So its got a logic and dynamic of its own."

EU officials say member states understand the sovereignty concerns of the UK over state aid.

"It's not that were dogmatic on dynamic alignment," says one official. "We want something that stands the test of time, that works for specific sectors and that at the same time preserves our strategic autonomy. Obviously its fair enough for the UK to want to keep its strategic autonomy. The question is, what kind of Venn diagram has sufficient overlap so that you can find a landing zone."

Where there appears less scope for compromise is on granting the UK access to the single market in areas where it has a built-in advantage.

During a speech this week, Michel Barnier claimed the UK had been able, during its membership of the EU, to establish a commanding presence in granting certifications to third country firms so they could access the single market. He asked: "Is it in the EUs interests in the UK to retain such a prominent position? Do we really want to consolidate the UKs position as a certification hub in the EU, knowing that it already controls 15-20% of the EUs certification market?"

Addressing EU ambassadors this week, Barnier also focused on a UK demand for what is called "diagonal cumulation".

In simple terms, this would allow the UK to source component parts from around the world from countries that have a free trade agreement with the EU and then to assemble those parts into products that would be sold into the EU as "British".

To British complaints that this is intransigence, the EUs chief negotiator perceives pure self-interest on the UK side.

"There are tens of thousands of jobs behind this," says one EU diplomat. "Its a threat to the EU and hes determined to resist this."

London argues that the EU already embraces diagonal cumulation in other FTAs and other international fora. Sources suggest such an arrangement would work for both sides when it comes to the manufacture of electric vehicles, since the batteries they use are often made in countries with which both sides will have FTAs.

"The UKs rules of origin proposals are appropriate and modern," says a UK official. "They are based on substantial dialogue with UK and EU industry on their needs, and would facilitate legitimate trade under the FTA without circumventing the payment of tariffs. Cumulation already features in many of the EUs FTAs, such as its agreement with Singapore."

Both teams have now left the pitch after a goalless, bad-tempered first half. Very few observers believe Mondays High Level Conference, bringing together Boris Johnson and the heads of the three main EU institutions, will yield any great breakthrough.

Will the second half be different?

Michel Barnier made it clear that the EU can shift if the UK comes back to the letter of the Political Declaration. "We can find the necessary compromises on the condition that the UK changes its approach and accepts a proper balance of rights, benefits, obligations and legally binding constraints based on the respect of the agreed Political Declaration of last October," he said in a speech in Brussels this week.

While Barniers offer of compromise is linked to a return by London to the commitments of the Political Declaration, it seems clear that such a shift will not come in July or August. With the EU grappling with the devastation of the coronavirus pandemic, no-one is in the mood to start opening up the single market willy-nilly to a competitor.

"On the level playing field," says one diplomat, "I dont see a desire among any of the member states to give the UK a free highway into the single market without commitments."

Furthermore, Londons dogged rejection of an extension to the transition period has left member states highly unsympathetic to any desperate pleas to speed things up.

However, the diplomat adds: "Nobody wants the UK not to thrive economically. This is not what were interested in. Its an important market for us. But it cannot thrive at our expense.

"There is significant distance on a few major issues, but I dont think we are too far apart on others. These are the logical consequences of proximity, the interconnection, and the fact that the UK does not want to burn bridges in the areas they are interested in."

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Majority of Britons back Brexit extension to help beat coronavirus – The Independent

Posted: at 2:55 pm

More than half of Britons now support an extension to the Brexit transition period this year with this rising to two-thirds of people when potential shortages of medical supplies are factored in.

New research by the Health Foundation and Ipsos Mori suggests the coronavirus outbreak has reshaped views of the EU and Britains link with the continent with a clear majority of the public supporting closer working with the EU to tackle the virus.

As part of a wider survey of peoples experiences during the outbreak, 77 per cent said the UK should work very closely with the EU on Covid-19 responses with another 17 per cent saying it should work fairly closely with the EU.

Sharing the full story, not just the headlines

The UK and EU are currently in negotiations over the longer term relationship after the Brexit transition period which is due to end on 31 December.

The latest round of negotiations have stalled, with the UKs chief negotiator David Frost saying the two sides had come close to reaching the limits of what we can achieve.

Prime minister Boris Johnson is to hold talks with EU officials next week to try and break the deadlock.

Of those surveyed by Ipsos Mori, almost all of those who voted Remain in the EU Referendum (99 per cent) supported working closely with the EU to combat the pandemic, and over nine in 10 (91per cent) of those who voted Leave also supported closer collaboration.

Using two sample groups Ipsos Mori found 54 per cent of people said the government should request a Brexit extension beyond 31 December.

A second group were given information that was in line with government estimates about potential delays to the supply of medicines and medical devices in the event of a no-deal. In total 65 per cent, two thirds, believed there should be an extension, 31 per cent said no.

Young people, aged 18 to 24, were far more likely to support an extension.

No hype, just the advice and analysis you need

The Health Foundation warned a no-deal Brexit later this year would damage health and social care services.

Jennifer Dixon, chief executive, said: Covid-19 has put the government, the economy, the NHS and social care under intense pressure.

This winter a no-deal Brexit could exacerbate already acute shortages in the NHS and social care workforce and create new avoidable shortages of medicines and vital supplies. This would come at the same time as the health service is facing significant pressures from seasonal flu, supporting people recovering from Covid-19, tackling the large backlog of patients who didnt receive care during lockdown, and potentially coping with another wave of infection from the coronavirus.

This would be a vicious, and avoidable, combination of risks.

She added: The public understandably prefer protection from risks that can be anticipated and avoided. This research suggests the public clearly prioritise the management of the coronavirus pandemic, and collaboration with the EU.

The survey also found four-fifths of Remain voters backed an extension to the transition while 66 per cent of Leave voters opposed an extension. Almost 40 per cent of Leave voters backed an extension once informed of the implications of a no deal scenario.The survey was conducted by using a representative sample of people aged 18 and over between 1 and 10 May 2020.

A total of 1,983 people were interviewed with quotas set on age, gender, region and working status and data weighted to be representative of the population.

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Majority of Britons back Brexit extension to help beat coronavirus - The Independent

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