When school choice policy began making headway in the late 1990s, it came with a "voucher program" descriptor, as if a child possessed a golden ticket to visit Willy Wonka's chocolate factory but would instead use it to attend a private or parochial school.
Critics (primarily Democrats and their political benefactors, teachers unions) would harshly criticize the programs, calling them an unconstitutional violation of the separation of church and state or claiming it was a vehicle for Christian schools to "indoctrinate" young children.
It was one example of how Democrats used the culture wars to fuel their victories. Democrats and their political operatives were masters at attacking Republican motives and always keeping them on the defensive. When Republicans won control of Congress in 1994 for the first time in 40 years, their first budget included a proposal to consolidate various federal school lunch programs to reduce bureaucracy and overlap. Democrats called it "mean-spirited" and said Republicans "wanted" school children to "go hungry." It was all baloney. Still, it was effective, and it's all that mattered. Democrats played the part of the victim very well and used the politics of resentment to their advantage.
Over the past two decades, the fault lines have shifted. Democrats were once seen as the party of blue-collar, non-college-educated voters, while Republicans were seen as the party of the wealthy and the bourgeoisie. While those with higher incomes still generally vote Republican, the educational shift is where the stark change took place.
In 1996, Sen. Bob Dole beat President Bill Clinton among college graduates 46% to 44%. Among those who didn't attend college? Clinton won 51% to Dole's 37%. In 2020, Joe Biden received 55% of the vote among college graduates as opposed to President Donald Trump's 43%. Trump won non-college graduates 50% to Biden's 48%. But among those who never attended college? Trump won 54% to Biden's 46%.
It explains the hold populism currently has over the Republican Party. Whether it's economics, culture, or foreign policy, the Overton window within the GOP and a significant base of its voters shifted. What bothers Democrats and their allies in the press is not so much that Republicans are doing it but that they've become successful at it. It's similar to gerrymandering. It was never a "threat to democracy" until Republicans started doing it effectively.
People have recoiled at Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis for going after Disney for getting involved in the fight over the Parental Rights in Education bill after succumbing to pressure from some employees and LGBT advocates. But again, singling out corporations or specific industries is a tried and true Democratic tactic. "Windfall profit taxes," threatening to penalize companies financially that don't pay employees at least $15 an hour, threats of Federal Trade Commission investigations, and using environmental, social, and governance scores to force corporations into adhering to preferred Democratic climate policies are examples.
I mentioned it on Twitter and had several people offering up the "That's different!" excuse based on why Democrats did it vs. DeSantis. You see, Democratic motives for doing so are valid, while Republican motives are not. It's typical of the mindset that tries to reason, "It is awesome when our side does it."
Personally, I am not a fan of such tactics. As one who still adheres to conservatism's embrace of the three-legged stool (a robust national defense, free-market economics, and social values) variety, I am not happy with the GOP's populist shift. I think it values short-term success to the detriment of success in the long term. Still, I certainly understand why it's happening.
With a more polarized electorate, it becomes that much more critical for politicians to turn out base voters, particularly those who want to see their political leaders "fight" for whatever they think is worth the fight. Ironically, the liberal Left and nationalist Right have aligned on various economic issues as both bases have played to their more populist elements.
Republicans have found a way to reach what was always a core Democratic constituency. By aligning themselves with working-class voters, the GOP turned Ohio into a bright-red state, making Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Minnesota more competitive than they've been in decades. To the Democrats complaining about Republican tactics: The reality is, just like in that old Partnership For a Drug-Free America public service announcement from the 1980s, they learned it from watching you.
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Republicans learned some of their political tactics from watching Democrats - Washington Examiner
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