Category Archives: Democrat

At an open-air event space beside a craft brewery in east Fort Worth, a hip indie-rock guitarist introduces the leading Democratic candidate for Texas governor. Whos excited to see Beto? he asks from the stage, pronouncing the Spanish moniker Bay-toe. In the spread-out crowd of a few hundred, a handful proclaim their excitement. The guitarist then asks if the crowd has heard of Foss, a defunct lo-fi punk group. That was Betos band back in El Paso, he clarifies, before admiringly describing an old photo of said band in which ORourke wore a dress. But, yeah, this next ones for you, Beto.

Im tempted to check the date on my phone. Might I, somewhere on my drive up from Austin, have passed through a portal to 2018?

More attendees trickle in. Many are being shuttled from a downtown parking area, safely past a couple square blocks of homeless camps, to arrive at the brewery. As the December sun sets, a campaign staffer announces ORourke will speak later than planned. The first band retires and is replaced by a DJ, who leads with top 40 standbys and hip-hop airhorns. The response is polite; then, he strikes gold. Just a small town girl, the song begins, and the crowd tightens. Millennial and middle-aged alike, in black Beto t-shirts, begin to sing. Fifteen minutes later, the DJ throws caution to the wind and plays the song a second time. If theres one thing this crowd doesnt want to stop, its believing.

ORourke, who rose to fame with a near-successful bid to topple Senator Ted Cruz four years ago, looks headed for another defeat. Polls show him trailing by as much as 15 points against Texas Republican incumbent Governor Greg Abbott, who thrashed his two prior Democratic opponents and sits on a $55 million warchest. Unlike in 2018, when ORourke rode a backlash to President Trump, he now stares down a projected red wave. After a quixotic 2020 run for president, hes alienated swing voters. His Democratic base may still adore him, but in Texas, thats not enough.

In Fort Worth, ORourkes arrival can be felt as a ripple through the throng. Weaving his way through the crowd, he bounds up to a raised platform. As ever, hes lithe and lanky, his smile all teeth; as always, hes wearing a light-blue button-up shirt. Following a few paeans to local attractions, he launches into whats become his stump speecha careful litany of issues he hopes can become wedges.

He first addresses the February freeze and electric grid failure that killed hundreds of Texans, blaming Abbott for failing to prepare and being beholden to energy CEOs. Hereas he summons memories of the ordinary Texans who provided one another shelter, food, and water during the crisishe makes his unity pitch.

We put our differences behind us, we said no me importa, I do not care, if youre a Republican or a Democrat, who you love, who you pray to never mind the divisions, the differences by which they seek to divide us, ORourke says. Folks, imagine if we had a governor who felt the same way.

He then cycles through some of the reactionary laws that Governor Abbott signed this year, particularly those that poll poorly. He touches on Senate Bill 1, the voting crackdown that House Democrats staged a walkout over last last summer, and Senate Bill 8, the measure thats placed a $10,000 bounty on nearly any Texan who provides or helps someone secure an abortion. He condemns the firearms legislation that now lets most Texans carry handguns without training or permitsa measure Abbott signed over objections from many police chiefs. ORourke, who once spoke favorably of defunding the police, now says simply: You and I, we trust law enforcement, and were listening to them.

An El Paso resident who formerly represented the border city in Congress, ORourke in prior campaigns spoke with power and eloquence in favor of immigrants and against policies like building a border wall. In Fort Worth, and other recent stops, he leaves those topics essentially untouched. The polling here is daunting for Dems.

He closes with a pun: Unlike Abbott, ORourke will keep the power on, and he knows the true power of Texas is in the people around us.

The crowd transforms into a snaking selfie line. Faces light up; this, it seems, is the main event. With each supporter, he shakes hands or hugs, he leans in, he brims with attentiveness. You cant miss it: They love him. Watching dozens get their moment with ORourke, its almost enough to stir something in a heart laden with political polls and past disappointments. One can almost catch a sudden scent on the wind. Wine, perhaps, or cheap perfume.

What was it that made Beto magic?

In early 2017, just a couple months after Trump took office and a year and a half before the next election, ORourke announced his run against Ted Cruz on a shaky handheld livestream. The Texas Democrats had seen their last statewide star, Wendy Davis, crushed in the 2014 governors race. The going wisdom was that Davis, or one of San Antonios Castro twins, would eventually snap the partys nearly three-decade statewide losing streakif not this year, then soon. Instead, those rising stars rose until they winked out of sight. And there was ORourke, campaigning like a man on fire.

There he was, racing in his pickup to rural towns no rational Democrat would visit and delivering supplies amid Hurricane Harvey. There he was jogging, losing his phone, getting a haircut. Everything was live-streamed. No one recruited the little-known congressman from the Mountain Time Zone to do this; he recruited himself. Yet somehow he didnt come off as arrogant. The Trump-era had filled the air with an urgency matched by his energy. As Christopher Hooks wrote for this magazine at the time: Nothing this year feels good, but this does, and that can have a power of its own.

Ideologically, ORourke was fuzzy in a smart way. Like Bernie Sanders, he swore off PAC money, and his volunteer apparatus was modeled on Sanders 2016 presidential run. He even flirted with Medicare for All. But ORourke never fully anchored himself to the policy positions that were rending the party between progressives and moderates. Ultimately, he was more of a good vibes guy. Soon, the money flowed in by the millions.

Election night was a drama in two parts: promising early returns for ORourke driven by suburban support followed by a red tsunami from rural Texas where, it seems, ORourke had wasted his breath. Cruz won by 2.6 points. Even sky-high voter turnout, Donald Trump in the White House, and record-shattering fundraising hadnt been enough. But, unlike in 2014, there was a bright side: ORourke had fuelled down-ballot liberal wins. The Dems flipped two U.S. House seats, 12 state House seats, 2 state Senate seats, and locked in control of Harris County.

From there, as has been well-documented, ORourke went off the rails. Rather than stay home to prep another Senate run in 2020, he launched a doomed bid for the White House. In a bid for relevance, he staked out hard-left positionsnot on popular issues like education and healthcare, but on mandatory gun buybacks and revoking churches tax status. En route to an early flameout, he burned credibility with fence-sitters and ticket-splitters.

On the eve of the Texas primary, he veered back to the center, joining a political blitz to stop Sanders and prop up Joe Biden, a move that earned the ire of former 2018 campaign staffers. Ideological fuzziness, at last, looked more like a lack of principles. Meanwhile, in his absence, a scrum of little-known Democrats duked it out for the chance to lose to Senator John Cornyn.

For the last year and a half, ORourkes been on something of an atonement tour, one heavy on good intentions and light on success. ORourke threw his weight behind the Democratic effort to flip the state House in 2020, and he publicly pressed the Biden campaign to invest more in Texas. These efforts bore no fruit: The Dems flipped zero state House seats, the Senate candidate was drubbed, and Biden lost ground in crucial South Texas. Finally, while postponing his announcement for governor this year, ORourke focused on supporting the state lawmakers who fled to D.C. to stymie the GOPs voting crackdown and push Congress to pass election protections. The anti-voting bill passed in August; Congress did not intervene.

ORourke could delay his gubernatorial announcement, which he made in November, because no other serious candidate was going to run. The once-unheralded El Pasoan who muscled aside the state partys supposed stars had become the supposed star.

Dutifully, ORourkes accepted his part, trotting his charisma around a state that already seems to know him too well: Hes almost universally recognized and more disliked than liked. He does so under the weight of a Democratic president sinking in the polls. And, thanks to Texas Dems 2020 failure, down-ballot races are set to be run on maps freshly gerrymandered by the Republican Legislature: If ORourke still has coattails, there may be nobody in competitive races to ride them.

Texas Democrats are expert conjurers of silver linings. If nothing else, theres always the comfort of playing the noble loser. But who gets healthcare or gets to vote, who survives childhood without legal discrimination or the trauma of school shootings, hinges not on the virtue of the loser.

Somewhere along the way in 2018, ORourkes run broke the mold: Even cynical observers couldnt predict the plot, foresee the final act, anticipate the lines. Now, its hard to shake the feeling that were all back on-script.

In a November interview with Texas Monthly, ORourke answered a question about his troubling poll numbers. I dont think this will be much of a campaign if its about me, he said. I think it really has to be about Texas. It has to be about all of us.

The day after his Fort Worth rally, hes at a historic park ringed with sprawling Live Oaks in downtown Austin. The crowds bigger here, about 1,000 people. The supporters section band for the citys soccer team, a brass and drum outfit, hypes the crowd with upbeat tunes and lyrics that go roughly: Beto, Beto, Betooooo, Beto, Beto.

Around the block, someone drives a truck with a bright-red Abbott ad on the side. It shows Bidens face morphing into ORourkes with alternating messages: Wrong for America, Wrong for Texas.

State Representative Gina Hinojosa introduces him this time. She details ORourkes fundraising for House Dems failed voting rights walkout. Then ORourke takes the stage. He gives essentially the same speech as the night before, with the same high notes and jokes and sprinkles of Spanish. He reaches his closing pun in about 15 minutes. Were going to ensure that we elect a governor who will always keep the lights on and who understands the real power in Texas is the people of this state, he says. Be good to one another. Adis. Buenas noches. Adis.

Cue the selfie line.

See more here:

Is Beto Just Another Doomed Texas Democrat? - The Texas Observer

Charlie Bailey's decision gives state Sen. Jen Jordan a clear path to the Democratic nomination for attorney general. Bob Andres / bandres@ajc.com

Charlie Bailey's decision gives state Sen. Jen Jordan a clear path to the Democratic nomination for attorney general. Bob Andres / bandres@ajc.com

The Democratic contenders include state Rep. Erick Allen of Smyrna; state Rep. Derrick Jackson of Tyrone; Bryan Miller, grandson of former Gov. Zell Miller; and state Rep. Renitta Shannon of Decatur.

Bailey enters the contest with powerful backers. Former Gov. Roy Barnes and U.S. Reps. Lucy McBath and Hank Johnson both endorsed Bailey in tandem with his announcement. So did DuBose Porter, the former Democratic Party of Georgia chairman.

Porter was among the Democrats who appealed to Bailey to switch races. He said Baileys background as a protg of former Lt. Gov. Mark Taylor and a veteran prosecutor would round out a ticket led by Stacey Abrams and U.S. Sen. Raphael Warnock.

He was a great candidate in 2018 and he brought so much to the ticket. He has a unique background that would be a perfect fit policy-wise in contrast with those running on the Republican side, Porter said. This is someone who has prosecuted cases but also defended civil rights.

Bailey captured about 48.7% of the vote in 2018 when he was defeated by Carr the highest vote share of any statewide Democrat that cycle other than Abrams. Carr, a former economic development commissioner, won by roughly 100,000 votes.

Georgia Attorney General Chris Carr (left) and Democratic opponent Charlie Bailey (AJC FILE PHOTOS)

Georgia Attorney General Chris Carr (left) and Democratic opponent Charlie Bailey (AJC FILE PHOTOS)

But he was considered the underdog in this years Democratic primary against Jordan, who had earned national attention for her opposition to the Republican-backed anti-abortion law that narrowly passed in 2019. A range of well-known Georgia Democrats and powerful national organizations backed her bid.

Lt. Gov. Geoff Duncans decision not to stand for a second term triggered an open contest on the GOP side, too. State Sens. Burt Jones and Butch Miller have raced to curry favor with conservative voters. Party activist Jeanne Seaver is in the race, too.

Instead of using their power to work on issues that might improve Georgians lives, the Republicans running for lieutenant governor are in a competition to see who can become more authoritarian, said Bailey. And when you do that, you no longer have credibility.

I respect all the Democrats in the race but my decision has nothing to do with them. Im running against Butch Miller and Burt Jones, Bailey said. And Im running for the issues that will decide this election: health care, public safety and education.

Its attacking the same problems, he said, just from a different perspective.

He will push legislation to create a civil rights division that would investigate discrimination complaints and rogue law enforcement officers. And he echoes other Democrats with calls to expand Medicaid, increase school funding and finance higher teacher pay.

His background as a former Fulton County prosecutor who targeted gang offenders could also complicate GOP efforts to brand Democrats as defund the police backers who are weak on crime.

I respect all the Democrats in the race but my decision has nothing to do with them. Im running against Butch Miller and Burt Jones, Bailey said. And Im running for the issues that will decide this election: healthcare, public safety and education.

10/29/2018 -- Madison, Georgia -- Gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams is joined by Democratic candidate for Lieutenant Governor Sarah Riggs Amico (right) and Democratic Attorney General candidate Charlie Bailey (left) as she speaks during an early voters rally in Madison, Monday, October 29, 2018. (ALYSSA POINTER/ALYSSA.POINTER@AJC.COM)

Credit: Alyssa Pointer

10/29/2018 -- Madison, Georgia -- Gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams is joined by Democratic candidate for Lieutenant Governor Sarah Riggs Amico (right) and Democratic Attorney General candidate Charlie Bailey (left) as she speaks during an early voters rally in Madison, Monday, October 29, 2018. (ALYSSA POINTER/ALYSSA.POINTER@AJC.COM)

Credit: Alyssa Pointer

Credit: Alyssa Pointer

Abrams, the state Democratic partys most prominent figure, isnt taking sides in the jumbled race. Her campaign manager Lauren Groh-Wargo said the partys slate will be formidable.

We feel like well have an unbelievable ticket that represents the diversity of our state, she said.

Other prominent Democrats, however, quickly tried to clear the way for Bailey. McBath said he would be an outstanding nominee and advocate for Democratic causes in the Georgia statehouse.

I am endorsing him because I know we can count on him to fight for civil rights, voting rights and common-sense gun safety reforms that will save lives.

Former Gov. Roy Barnes:

I got to know Charlie when I hired him as a young lawyer and saw how hard he worked on behalf of regular people who needed someone to fight for them. He worked hard to get justice for teachers whose pensions had been shortchanged and help those fighting for justice against insurance companies. I was proud to support him when he did so well as a first-time statewide candidate in 2018. I know hell be an asset to Stacey Abrams and the entire Democratic ticket as our nominee for Lieutenant Governor.

U.S. Rep. Hank Johnson:

Charlie is a proven, strong candidate for statewide office, so we can be sure he will be a strong nominee for Lieutenant Governor who will defeat whichever far-right candidate the other party nominates. We can count on Charlie as Lieutenant Governor to fight for everyday Georgians, including protecting our right to vote, fighting for affordable healthcare by expanding Medicaid and better public schools.

Former Lt. Gov. Mark Taylor:

I know Charlie well from when he worked for me when I was Lieutenant Governor. I know hell be a very strong candidate and great running mate for Stacey Abrams and that hell be a great Lieutenant Governor. I know firsthand how much good can be done by a Lieutenant Governor dedicated to fighting for working Georgians, including improving schools, making college and technical school more accessible, and protecting people from crime. We can count on Charlie to win and use the office to improve the lives of the people of Georgia.

State Rep. Al Williams:

I know Charlie will be a great running mate for future Governor Stacey Abrams and an asset to every Democrat on the ballot this year. As someone who represents a South Georgia district, I know we need geographic diversity at the top of our ticket, as well as Charlies experience in law enforcement and commitment to civil rights and protecting everyones right to vote. I look forward to campaigning with him and working with him next year to bring Georgia together and make this state a better place for everyone.

Link:

Democrat Bailey jumps from AG race to LG contest in Georgia - The Atlanta Journal Constitution

OPINION Our founders recognized that it wasnt just kings who could be tyrants. They knew majorities could be tyrants too, and that the majority party if unchecked could trample the rights of the minority party. And so the founders combined majority rule with both representation and constitutional protections for the minority. They established safeguards checks and balances throughout our government to keep the government in check and ensure that the rights of the minority party were protected. One of those safeguards was the Senate.

The founders made the Senate smaller than the House of Representatives and senators terms of office longer, with the intention of creating a more stable, more thoughtful, and more deliberative legislative body to check ill-considered or intemperate legislation and attempts to curtail minority party rights. And as time has gone on, the Senates legislative filibuster has become perhaps the key way the Senate protects those rights.

The filibuster ensures that the minority party and the Americans it represents has a voice in the Senate. It forces compromise. It forces bipartisanship. It encourages a greater level of stability and predictability. Even in the rare case when a majority party has a filibuster-proof majority in the Senate, the filibuster still forces the majority party to take into account the views of its more moderate or middle-of-the-road members, thus ensuring that more Americans are represented in legislation. Removing the filibuster would erase this protection and allow the majority including an incredibly narrow or merely technical majority, as Democrats have now to trample minority party rights.

In the words of one former senator, We should make no mistake. It is a fundamental power grab by the majority party Folks who want to see this change want to eliminate one of the procedural mechanisms designed for the express purpose of guaranteeing individual rights, and they also have a consequence, and would undermine the protections of a minority point of view in the heat of majority excess. That former senator of course was Joe Biden one of the many Democrats who has opposed abolishing the filibuster.

Because, of course, Democrats were singing a different tune on the filibuster just a couple of years ago. When President Trump urged Republican senators to abolish the legislative filibuster dozens of times Democrats were strongly opposed. In 2017, 32 Democrat senators including now-Vice President Harris and a majority of the current Democrat caucus signed a letter urging that the legislative filibuster be preserved. Republicans agreed and refused to abolish the legislative filibuster despite the former presidents repeated urging.

Now, however, many Democrats who not only supported but actively and repeatedly used the filibuster during the previous administration to block major coronavirus relief legislation and police reform legislation have apparently decided that rules protecting the minority should only apply when Democrats are in the minority. Apparently Democrat minorities deserve representation, but Republican minorities do not.

I urge my Democrat colleagues to think about what abolishing the filibuster would mean for ordinary Americans. Of course it would mean decreased representation for any American whose party was in the minority. But it would also mean highly unstable government policy (and a resulting lack of confidence in government) as well as a sharp increase in partisanship which I venture to say is not what we need right now.

Abolish the filibuster, and policy will shift sharply with it. Social policy on abortion, religious freedom, and other issues. Regulatory policy. Tax policy. Foreign policy. The list goes on. And such incessant changes of national policy would unquestionably heighten partisanship in this country. As the laws became more extreme, the tension between Republicans and Democrats, conservatives and liberals, would only heighten. Here in Congress, yes, but most importantly throughout the country.

When Republicans were repeatedly faced with the prospect of abolishing the legislative filibuster during the previous administration, we said no. Not because there wasnt important legislation we wanted to pass, but because we knew that the best thing for our country and for our future representation in the Senate was to preserve this essential protection for the minority party. I urge my Democrat colleagues to think of their future and our country and make the same decision.

To read all of today's stories, Click here or call 642-2761 to subscribe to our e-edition or home delivery.

Continued here:

Razor-thin Democrat majority wants to change the rules in the middle of the game - Black Hills Pioneer

Thomas Suddes| Contributed Commentary

If Ohios Democrats are to recover even a smidgen of the influence they once had at the Statehouse, they have two tough challenges.

Challenge One is to unseat Republican Gov. Mike DeWine or, more realistically, come as close as an Ohio Democrat can to doing that.

Editorial: Gov. Mike DeWine must use political skills to institute school mask mandates

Challenge Two is to elect a statewide executive officer or two as the core of farm team for 2026 and beyond. (Democrats will also strive to elect a Democrat to succeed retiring U.S. Sen. Rob Portman, a Terrace Park Republican, but thats more about Washington than Columbus.)

The long, slow decline of Ohio Democrats was unimaginable 39 years ago this month, in January 1983.Thats when the only Republican holding a statewide elected office was the late Supreme Court Justice Robert E. Holmes, of suburban Columbus.

On that 1983 day, a Democrat, Richard F. Celeste, was being sworn in as governor.

Also sworn in that day: Ohios attorney general, auditor, secretary of state and treasurer all Democrats.

Democrats also ran the state Senate and Ohios House. (Democratic House Speaker Vern Riffe was beginning the ninth year of what would be a 20-year speakership.) And six of the Supreme Courts seven justices were Democrats, including Chief Justice Frank D. Celebrezze.

Thomas Suddes: 'Incumbents should fear' 2022 as year of the 'ticked-off voter'

Today, among Ohios statewide elected officers are just three Democrats: Supreme Court Justices Jennifer Brunner, Michael P. Donnelly and Melody J. Stewart. The state Senate has been GOP-run since January 1985, the Ohio House for all but two years since January 1995.

What happened? First off, Democrats failed to develop a farm team. Second, in 1994,Democrats fielded union-backed Rob Burch, a Democratic state senator from Tuscarawas County, to challenge the re-election of Republican Gov. George V. Voinovich.

Trouble was, Burchs disastrous campaign barely drew 25% of the statewide vote. (So beleaguered was the Burch campaign that in 1994, Athens County, Appalachian Ohios Democratic enclave, voted for a Republican for governor the last time Athens County has done so.) You almost have to wonder if certain Democrats were privately rooting for Voinovich.

Thomas Suddes: What does 'Like A Virgin' and Ohio Democrats have in common?

One of Democrats major 1994 problems was that Riffe was retiring from the speakership; he was tired of doing the heavy lifting for Democrats tickets. Moreover, he was in fact dying:Ohios longest serving House speaker only lived for two-and-a-half years after he left the legislature.

Moreover, Democrats made a long-term bet that in the end, organized labor would always save Democrats bacon, thanks to Senate Bill 133, Ohios 1983 collective bargaining law for public employees,which Democrats rammed to passage in a party-line vote.

The paradox was that union membership has steadily declined in Ohio.

In 1990, according to federal Bureau of Labor Statistics data, 20.9% of employed Ohioans were then union members; by 2020, the percentage had fallen to 13.2%. Democrats, nationally, and to some extent in Ohio, compounded their problems by transforming themselves from a shot-and-a-beer crowd to a wine-and-cheese outfit, and with that came a streak of political hairsplitting.

Republicans captured the Senate in November 1984; the Supreme Court in November 1986; Ohios governorship in 1990; Ohios House, and every statewide elected executive office, in November 1994. Meanwhile, rural and Appalachian Democrats have all but disappeared from the General Assembly and GOP gerrymandering isnt the only reason.

Ohio politics: 100 public schools are suing Ohio, saying EdChoice voucher programs are unconstitutional

Another was failure to cultivate new talent and fashion new policy approaches. Until that happens, Democratic wins in Ohio will remain tough and rare.

VOUCHERS: A group of school districts, including the Columbus schools, filed a lawsuit in Franklin County Common Pleas Court last week to overturn Ohios EdChoice school voucher law.

Vouchers help parents pay for nonpublic schooling if they choose that for their child. (In 2002, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a Cleveland-specific school voucher program.)

The lawsuit illustrates a seeming paradox: Choosing whether to give birth to a child is often asserted to be a fundamental right. But, absent vouchers, a parents right to choose how to educate a child depends on family income. Lawyers can peck and poke lawbooks and previous cases all they want, but isnt fairness the real issue?

Thomas Suddes is a former legislative reporter with The Plain Dealer in Cleveland and writes from Ohio University. tsuddes@gmail.com

Read more:

Suddes: Democrats lost their mojo in Ohio decades ago. Can they win elections here now? - The Columbus Dispatch

In U.S. politics, all eyes will be on Pennsylvania this year: Democrats hope to pick up retiring Republican Pat Toomeys Senate seat so they can hold on to their slim majority in the chamber. And as term-limited Democrat Tom Wolf retires, Republicans have a shot at the governors mansion in a state where they firmly control the legislature.

These and other races have attracted a swarm of candidates. In almost every statewide primary field, there are more than enough aspirants to suit up a football teamwith one exception.

The Democratic candidate for governor, Pennsylvania Attorney General Josh Shapiro, doesnt face a single primary opponent.

It is striking that the marquee Democrats in the state have all lined up to run in the Senate race, says Dan Hopkins, a political science professor at the University of Pennsylvania. Prominent Democrats contending to replace Toomey include Lieutenant Governor John Fetterman and Representative Conor Lamb. That race is almost overcrowded at the same time that Josh Shapiro has the gubernatorial primary on the Democratic side all to himself, Hopkins says. On the Republican side, there are more than a dozen candidates vying for the nomination.

Shapiro, 48, made his name with lawsuits against the Catholic Church for sexual abuse cover-ups and against drug companies and doctors for fueling the opioid crisis. His pitch to voters in the swing statewhich Joe Biden won with a 1-percentage-point margin over Donald Trumpis that hell protect abortion rights and elections from the Republicans in the Harrisburg statehouse while hewing close to the political center.

As attorney general, Shapiro embraced some traditional rituals of the office. He held press conferences framed by tables laden with ill-gotten firearms and drugs confiscated by the pound. But he also prosecuted businesses for wage theft and sued one of the states leading health-care providers to preserve insurance coverage for western Pennsylvania residents, efforts supported by progressives.

With the future of Roe v. Wade in doubt, Shapiro frequently proclaims his pro-choice stance, emphasizing that the governors veto pen is all that stands between Pennsylvania and a Texas-style abortion ban.

We see attacks every single year in the legislature, and right now both chambers are controlled by anti-abortion legislators, says Signe Espinoza, executive director of Planned Parenthood Pennsylvania, which endorsed Shapiro as soon as he announced his run for the governorship.

Even with Republicans in charge of the statehouse, Democrats believe its the GOP thats out of sync with Pennsylvania opinion on abortion access and political norms. Some of the Republican candidates in the gubernatorial primary have refused to disavow Trumps lie that the 2020 presidential election was stolen from him. A few are fully embracing the falsehood.

Shapiro argues that a vote for him will be a vote for the integrity of future elections. After some legislators supported Trumps attempts to overturn the states Electoral College results, and as some Republicans have maneuvered to restrict ballot access in Pennsylvania, he says it will be essential to have a Democrat in charge. And the only Democratic option is him.

Being the governor of Pennsylvania is a position where you can help protect our democracy from the very significant threats were facing, Shapiro says. Some governors are going to find themselves in a positionif Washington fails to deliver meaningful election reformwhere theyre going to be the brick wall that has to stand to defend our democracy.

Shapiro hails from a Philadelphia suburb in Montgomery County, and hes been involved in politics for most of his adult life. After working on Capitol Hill as a congressional staffer in his early 20s, he was elected to the state legislature in 2006, where he helped then-Governor Ed Rendell engineer a political sweep that briefly gave Democrats complete control of Harrisburg.

As Republicans came to power at the state level in 2010, Shapiro got elected to the Montgomery County Board of Commissioners, taking the helm as Democrats won a majority there for the first time since the Civil War. In 2016 he became AG even as Hillary Clinton lost Pennsylvania. In 2020 he won reelection with more votes than Biden.

It is partly this track record that has so far cleared the field for Shapiro, along with his strong name recognition from winning two statewide races. Without a primary foe, he wont have to tack left in coming months and can conserve his campaign war chest, which stood at more than $10 million in late October.

Im proud of the fact that Ive been supported by local police, and I think we need more policing in our communities

At a time when some Democratic politicians have sought to distance themselves from police unions, Shapiro embraces more conventional law-and-order policies. Hes clashed with Pennsylvania Democrats to his left, such as Fetterman and Philadelphia District Attorney Larry Krasner, on criminal justice issues. As progressive politicians struggle to hone their messaging around violence, Shapiros middle-of-the-road approach may appeal amid a surge in homicides.

Im proud of the fact that Ive been supported by local police, and I think we need more policing in our communities, Shapiro says. He argues that its Republicans, with their austerity-minded budget priorities, who seek to defund the police. Republicans in Harrisburg love to proclaim their support of law enforcement in their press releases, but when it comes time to match that with action, they fail miserably, he says. We have a real crisis brewing, not just in places like Philly, but in Lancaster and other communities where we cant recruit and retain enough police.

Mark Harris, a GOP consultant working for the gubernatorial campaign of state Senate President Jake Corman, says being the states lead law enforcement official during a crime wave is hardly grounds for bragging rights. He says Shapiro coming from the Philadelphia area, which has more in common culturally with New Jersey than the rest of Pennsylvania, is a point of vulnerability, as is his long career in politics.

His negatives have never really been litigated, Harris says. Hes going to have to defend his actual record against a well-funded, well-resourced opponent, whoever GOP voters choose.

In whats predicted to be a brutal year for Democrats, Shapiro says he likes his chances. Ive won tough races before in tough environments, he says. In 2020, I earned more votes than anyone in the history of Pennsylvania running for any office at any time. And it was largely on the strength of winning Republican and independent voters in rural parts of our state.Read next: Trump Lost, But Falsehoods About the Capitol Riot Won

BOTTOM LINE - Shapiro says his defense of abortion rights and election integrity as well as his centrist approach to criminal justice will withstand the headwinds Democrats face in November.

More:

Josh Shapiro Is the Only Democrat Running for Governor of Pennsylvania - Bloomberg

Americans are seeing a resurgence in COVID-19 cases, an ongoing crisis at the border, rising prices because of record inflation and a nationwide crime surge after President Bidens first year in office.

Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., said not to expect the president and Democrats to change their ways because Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., and the radical left are calling the shots.

"The problem is they cant change their policies because the left has Biden in a box," Graham said Saturday on "Watters World." "If he tried to go back to Trumps policies on the border, AOC would go crazy."

Graham suggested AOC, other members of the "Squad" (Reps. Ilhan Omar of Minnesota, Ayanna Pressley of Massachusetts, Rashida Tlaib of Michigan, Jamaal Bowman of New York and Cori Bush of Missouri) and the rest of the radical left are the true leaders of todays Democratic Party.

"People live in fear of primaries from her and the radical left," he told host Jesse Watters. "If youre a middle-of-the-road Democrat, your biggest fear is crossing these people."

Grahams comments come amid recent reports that some progressives are panicking about a potential GOP wave in the November midterm elections and are concerned that will be a precursor to Biden losing the White House in 2024.

Corbin Trent, a former AOC aide, and Jeff Weaver, Sen. Bernie Sanderss former presidential campaign manager, both told Politico Biden could face a primary challenger.

FORMER AOC AIDE: 'OLD AS S--T, INEFFECTIVE' BIDEN COULD LEAD DEMS TOWARD 1992-STYLE ELECTION TURMOIL

"I dont know what will happen, but were not connecting," Trent told "The Story" on Fox News Friday. "Right now, the American people are divided in how they feel about the economy, divided about how were handling the COVID pandemic. We have to do a better job uniting the country. For whatever reason, President Biden has not been able to do that to this point."

Biden, Graham said Saturday, could have avoided many of his problems if he had kept former President Donald Trumps policies in place.

CLICK HERE TO GET THE FOX NEWS APP

"We have record levels of illegal crossings because Biden changed Trump policy," he said. "Look at Afghanistan. If he had done nothing in Afghanistan, kept it just like Trump had it, it wouldn't have been the disaster it is today. So here's the sum total: The American people are suffering. Our money is being eroded by record inflation. We're less safe. We're less prosperous. Crime is rampant across the country. Inflation is roaring and radicalism is on the rise."

"This is all due to Pelosi-Schumer-Biden-Harris. This the worst governing coalition in my lifetime," Graham concluded.

Meanwhile, Biden remains underwater in national polls. The president's approval rating stands at 40 percent approval and 54 percent disapproval in a USA Today/Suffolk University national poll released on Tuesday.

Fox News' Charles Creitz contributed to this report.

Continue reading here:

Lindsey Graham: Biden, Democrats won't change policies because AOC, radical left have them 'in a box' - Fox News

(The Hill) Democrats angling to keep the Senate in their grasp are also aiming to reshape the chambers makeup while theyre at it, hoping their candidacieswill help reflect a more inclusive Washington if elected.

Some of the 2022 elections highest-profileSenatecontendersare more racially, economically and ideologically diverse than in previous midterm cycles, illustrating a new consciousness of identitytoward apart of Capitol Hill that is constantly criticized for being older, whiter and more male-dominated than the rest of the country.

In the build-up to November, Democratic candidates of color are taking the lead in primaries nationwide, a marked contrast from past early cycles that have sent white candidates to victory,sometimesover minority contenders.

Youre starting to see candidates backgrounds and experiences reflect those that theyre trying to represent, said Antjuan Seawright, an adviser to House Majority Whip James Clyburn (D-S.C.), who has endorsed Lt. Gov.Mandela Barnes(D) in theupcomingWisconsin Senate contest.

Barnes, who is the first Black official to serve as Wisconsins lieutenant governor, has consistently led the11other Democrats running in the Democratic Senate primary by double digits. He currently holds a 29-point electoral lead, according toan internal pollfrom his campaign released exclusively to The Hill on Friday.

He entered the states Democratic Senate primary in July against a crowded field, including state Treasurer Sarah Godlewski and businessman Alex Lasry.

The internal poll found thathissupport with primary voters grew to 46 percent oncetheyreceived his biography, which includes some notable hardships likebeing less affluentthan his opponents and receiving a state-run Medicaidsupplementas recently as the last midterm cycle, according to a report by the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel.

For the Barnes camp, these bumpy times are also strategic advantages. A source close to the campaign told The Hill thatthey believehis lived experiences and statewide name recognition have played a role inhelping him gain an edge.

Theres a tremendous amount of excitement not only inside the Democratic Party right now, but I think among voters who reflect the day-to-day experiences that Americans have, the source said.

While Barnes is indeed gaining prominence due to his significant pollingspike, hes not entirely alone inrising to recognition. In the current campaign map, other candidates including several progressive and even less well-known aspirants are aiming tomake overthe way the Senate looksafter November.

Democrats say that there is greater urgency to recruit candidates whose own pasts can be seen through the eyes of voters living through similarly trying times. That is especially the case given the current economic climate, the COVID-19 pandemic and the desire to passPresident Bidensbiggest policies ahead of what is likely to be a tough election year for the party in power.

We have earned the right to see ourselves on the ballot through advocacy and sweat equity, said North Carolina state Sen. Natalie Murdock (D).

With the changing demographics of our country and the exposure of disparities in health care, wages and education caused by the pandemic, its refreshing and encouraging to see a diverse slate of U.S. Senate candidates, she said.

Their candidacies shone a light on their lived experiences and how these inequities affected their lives.

Bidens Build Back Better package stalled in the Senate last month after moderate Sen.Joe Manchin(D-W.Va.) abruptly said in a cable news interview that he would not support it, sending fellow Democratic senators and rank-and-file voters into an angry fury after months of discussions and promises about passing the legislation by theend of 2021.

Some Democrats believe having a more diverse Senate caucus means lawmakers like Manchin would have less sway to block bills essential to bringing relief to those who are struggling.

Adding more true champions of themultiracialworking class is an absolute priority this year because its the only way well be able to pass an agenda that meets the needs of working-class people, said Joe Dinkin, campaigns director at the Working Families Party, which has endorsed Barnes.

In a time of rising inequality, there are a lot of voters that want to see working-class people in office, that want to see somebody that can relate to them and is going to fight for them, he said.

Organizers for the Working Families Party and other progressive groups are coordinating with ahost of candidates theybelieve can help refashion the Senate to more accurately represent Americans perspectives. Many argue that for too long, the upper chamber has represented a tired version of what Washington politics used to be and still is to an extent where corporate money, gender and race were often tied to power at the table.

Looking to systematically change that, liberal groupsare boostingDemocrats who are more ideologically progressive and racially diverse. Beyond Barnes, two other candidates, Charles Booker andMalcolm Kenyatta, who are running to unseat Sen.Rand Paul(R) in Kentucky and to replace retiring Sen.Pat Toomey(R) in Pennsylvania, respectively, have also received the Working Families Partys stamp of approval, along with top labor and activist leaders.

Matthew Daggett, a political consultant working for Kenyattas camp, believes that he has a compelling enough personal narrative to convince voters to turn out for him over other rivals.

Kenyatta, an openly gay millennial, is running against arguably higher profile contenders in the Democratic primary, including Rep. Conor Lamb (D-Pa.).

But Daggett saysKenyattacan generate sorely needed enthusiasm with his ownnarrative arc.

In North Carolina, state Sen.Jeff Jackson(D) dropped out of that races Senate primary last month and promptly endorsed former state Supreme Court Chief JusticeCheri Beasley.Beasley is widely considered to be the likely Democratic nominee.

Jackson, a member of the Army National Guard, has served in North Carolinas state Senate since 2014. His move to bow out of the primary likely saved Democrats from a bruising intraparty contest.

If elected, Beasley would be the first Black senator to represent the Tar Heel State on Capitol Hill. Only two Black women, Vice President Harris and former Sen. Carol Moseley Braun (D-Ill.), have been elected to serve in theSenate.

Beasley already made history in 2019 when she became the first Black woman to serve as chief justice of the North Carolina Supreme Court. In the 2020 election, she was ousted by Republican Paul Newby by only 401 votes.

As a former judge, mother and woman of faith, I know I will bring an important perspective to the Senate thats missing now, but thats not the only reason Im running, Beasley said in a statement to The Hill. The people of North Carolina deserve a senator who understands the challenges they face every day and will fight for those who have been left behind and ignored for too long.

With all the enthusiasm of a possible landscape shift, some Democrats still acknowledge that it will not be easy to break through in a midterm cycle that is already being labeled by forecasters as particularly challenging.

But to those working to diversify the Senate, the effort is nonetheless worthwhile for the potential precedent it can set.

Regardless of whether they win or lose their election, Murdock said, they are building necessary political and donor relationships to support running for office again and future candidates that look like them.

See the article here:

Democrats look to diversify ranks in bid to keep Senate - KFOR Oklahoma City

A top House Democrat is calling on the Senate to abolish the filibuster in order to pass federal voting rights legislation, pointing to the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol as reason why election reforms are needed on the national level.

Assistant House Speaker Katherine ClarkKatherine Marlea ClarkTop House Democrat urges Senate to abolish filibuster to pass voting rights on Jan. 6 anniversary Photos of the Year Biden employs flurry of meetings to unite warring factions MORE (D-Mass.) penned an op-ed in Newsweekon Thursday, the first anniversary of the deadly riot, in which she said the upper chamber must nix the legislative hurdle because it has been weaponized against voting rights in the past year.

We must abolish the current filibuster to protect the vote and fair elections, Clark wrote, adding, The future of the republic depends on it.

The assistant Speakertook a swipeat Republican lawmakers for refusing to put democracy ahead of their own desperate pursuit of power, pointing to their false claims of election fraud, refusal to participate in the Jan. 6 investigation and backing restrictive voting laws at the state level.

At least 19 states passed 34 laws hampering access to voting between Jan. 1 and Dec. 7 of last year, according to the Brennan Center.

They have proven time and again that their political goal is undermining our democracy instead of standing up for its survival, Clark wrote. So, we must go it alone. And to do that, we must abolish the filibuster.

Clarks plea comes as voting rights legislation has largely stalled in the Senate. The House last year passed the Freedom to Vote Act and the John LewisJohn LewisSchumer makes plea for voting bill, filibuster reform in rare Friday session The Hill's Morning Report - Presented by Altria - Biden unleashes on Trump and GOP Democrats skeptical of McConnell's offer to talk on election law MORE Voting Rights Advancement Act, both of which were later blocked by Senate Republicans.

As a result, a number of Democrats are calling for abolishing the filibuster to allow the caucus to pass voting rights legislation with a simple majority vote. Two key Democrats, however, are opposed to amending Senate rules to approve the bills: Sens. Joe ManchinJoe ManchinManchin can support the Black Lung Disability Trust Fund by backing Build Back Better Schumer makes plea for voting bill, filibuster reform in rare Friday session Like it or not, all roads forward for Democrats go through Joe Manchin MORE (W.Va.) and Kyrsten SinemaKyrsten SinemaSchumer makes plea for voting bill, filibuster reform in rare Friday session The Hill's 12:30 Report: Biden comes out swinging in 2022 Democrats skeptical of McConnell's offer to talk on election law MORE (Ariz.).

Senate Majority Leader Charles SchumerChuck SchumerBiden eulogizes Reid as a fighter 'for the America we all love' at memorial service Like it or not, all roads forward for Democrats go through Joe Manchin Pelosi: It was 'inexplicable' why it took so long for National Guard to be activated on Jan. 6 MORE (D-N.Y.) is now turning up the heat to pass voting rights legislation. The top Democrat earlier this week said he will force a vote on amending the Senates rules by Jan. 17 if Republicans again block voting rights legislation.

President BidenJoe BidenAre we investing trillions on what matters? Biden eulogizes Reid as a fighter 'for the America we all love' at memorial service Fox News tops ratings for coverage on Jan. 6 anniversary events MORE last month said he supportsan exception to the filibusterto pass voting rights legislation.

Clark, in her op-ed, tied the push for voting rights to the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol, writing that despite the destruction and violence that occurred last year, federal voting rights legislation has still not been enacted.

The Capitol building has been repaired. But the threats we face are as real now as they were a year ago. Despite a seditious coup attempt meant to overthrow the election, not a single piece of federal voting protection legislation has been signed into law, Clark wrote.

Democracy cannot survive voter suppression laws that substitute the will of the people for the will of a few, she later added.

View original post here:

Top House Democrat urges Senate to abolish filibuster to pass voting rights on Jan. 6 anniversary | TheHill - The Hill

The change has happened amid what Sam Workman, director of the Rockefeller Institute of Policy Research and Public Affairs at West Virginia University, describes as the nationalization of politics in West Virginia. In places where corporations buy up large portions of media share, its much easier for national party politics to influence state and local politics, Workman said. In the old days, the tether for the Democratic Party, or the left, was labor unions. But with the capitulation of labor, what you get is that these national media narratives can now be really influential in state and local politics because there is no countervailing power or force to check them that sews together societal elements in the way that labor used to.

Those national narratives can now activate what were always latent identities, whether its being pro-life or pro-gun, Workman said. You lose control of the behaviors driven by the salient identities, that you have made salient. You create something as a national party, as a national narrative, as a national media, that you can no longer control.

Those dynamics help explain why Barber ended up at the Capitol on January 6, Workman said.

Barbers transformation didnt happen overnight, but it did happen quickly. When local activists got Barber to support their campaign to pass a nondiscrimination ordinance in 2017, a right-wing group stepped in to stop them. The Family Policy Council of West Virginia, a local branch of the national Family Research Council, actively fought similar ordinances that were proposed in more than a dozen cities in the state.

With the FPCs intervention, the local debate over the ordinance became increasingly contentious. Shortly before the city council vote, it was reported that Barber was convicted of a felony. So now Ive got all these folks coming at me, talking about, Oh, recall! We didnt know you were a felon. Yeah, yeah, you can vote for that if you want, Barber recounted in an interview. He eventually voted against the ordinance he had originally sponsored, and it failed 6-3.

I just took the politicians road, Barber said. I went with what I thought was the best play.

That vote cost Barber his progressive allies, who began to notice a change in his behavior. Hes not talking to constituents and dealing with their needs, said Eric Engle, chair of Mid-Ohio Valley Climate Action, a climate advocacy group. Hes not addressing anything locally in his district thats of any benefit to his constituents. Its all culture wars at this point. In 2020, Barber lost his seat to Democrat Wendy Tuck by just under 80 votes.

Looking back, Barber blames the people who helped him get elected for his turn to Trumpism.The more the hard left hated me, the more I searched out the warm embrace and hug of conservatism, Barber said. The more you guys were against me, the more they supported me. And the more hardcore Trump-like I was, the more positive feedback I got.

Film by Chris Jones and P. Nick Curran, article by Akela Lacy.

Read the rest here:

What Drove a West Virginia Democrat to Storm the Capitol on January 6? - The Intercept

Former Environmental ProtectionAgency (EPA) head Andrew WheelerAndrew WheelerOvernight Energy & Environment Virginia gears up for fight on Trump-era official Virginia Democrats prepare for rare confirmation fight over Wheeler Overnight Energy & Environment Youngkin nominates Trump EPA chief MORE, Virginia Gov.-elect Glenn YoungkinGlenn YoungkinPandemic pushes teachers unions to center stage ahead of midterms Overnight Energy & Environment Virginia gears up for fight on Trump-era official Virginia Democrats prepare for rare confirmation fight over Wheeler MOREs (R) nominee for state secretary of natural resources, may be in for a confirmation fight from the state Senates Democratic majority.

Although Republicans regained control of the state House of Delegates in Novembers elections, Democrats retain a two-vote majority in the state Senate. Confirmation fights are uncommon in the legislature, but Wheelers record at the EPA has made him a lightning rod among environmental advocates.

At the EPA, Wheeler, a onetime coal lobbyist, loosened a number of environmental regulations, particularly those pertaining to greenhouse gas emissions, and sought to advance rules that placed limitations on the use of scientific studies that did not make all of their data public.

Despite receiving the endorsement of former President TrumpDonald TrumpFox News tops ratings for coverage on Jan. 6 anniversary events Sunday shows preview: Congress marks Jan. 6 anniversary; US, Russia to hold talks amid rising tensions Democrats must close the perception gap MORE, Youngkin largely kept him at arms length during the Virginia gubernatorial campaign even as his opponent, former Gov. Terry McAuliffeTerry McAuliffePandemic pushes teachers unions to center stage ahead of midterms Overnight Energy & Environment Virginia gears up for fight on Trump-era official Virginia Democrats prepare for rare confirmation fight over Wheeler MORE (D), sought to associate the two. In an interview Friday, Virginia state Sen. Lynwood Lewis (D) said the nomination of Wheeler sent the wrong message on that front.

I would think that we would all be better served, especially the governor-elect, if we would put the Trump years behind us and start moving forward, Lewis told The Hill. And this just sends a very troubling message in the early days of [Youngkins] administration.

The Trump administration was not necessarily environmentally sensitive or friendly. [Wheeler] was the point of the spear of those efforts. And so for that to come to Virginia is something that causes us all here a great deal of concern, he said.

Asked if the caucus has the votes to defeat the nomination, Lewis said, We do.

Lewis is one of four Democrats in the Virginia state Senate who have at times broken from the caucus but have raised concerns about Wheeler, suggesting the chambers Democrats would likely be united in any effort to defeat his nomination, according to the Richmond Times-Dispatch.

Others arent so sure what will happen, with state Sen. Scott Surovell, vice-chair of the Senate Democratic Caucus, tellingThe New York Times Thursday that he didnt know if the votes are there to defeat the nomination.

Youngkin has basically nominated a guy whose job is to enforce a bunch of laws that hes spent his whole career opposing, Surovell told The Hill in an interview.

Virginia went from being one of the lagging states when it comes to environmental compliance to one of the leading states, and Wheeler has shown from his record that he seems to have zero interest in continuing that work, he added.

Virginia lawmakers do not officially return to Richmond until next Wednesday, Surovell said, and the Democratic caucus has not yet formally met to develop a strategy on the nomination.

Virginia Cabinet nominees, unlike their federal counterparts, must pass both chambers of the legislature, and I would not be surprised at the end of the day if there are some Republicans who vote against him, Surovell added.

And other caucus centrists are among those voicing opposition toWheeler's nomination. In an interview with The Hill on Friday, moderate state Sen. Joe Morrissey (D) said he wont be supporting him.

I really question this particular appointment. Its an individual who rolled back environmental safeguards as head of the EPA under Trump. It is an individual who was a lobbyist for the coal industry, Morrissey said.

He added that in most situations he supports giving new governors latitude but said this nominee is different.

I just dont think hes the right person for this job, he said.

Similarly, the office of moderate Democrat Chap Petersen provided The Hill with a copy of the senator's newsletter,in which he expresses "concerns" about the nominee, though the letter stops short of explicitly pledging to vote against Wheeler.

I've had a chance to meet and speak with the incoming Governor over the past two weeks ... I do have major concerns about his recent selection as Secretary of Natural Resources, said the letter from the lawmaker, who is also the chair of the state Senates Agriculture, Conservation and Natural Resources Committee.

Virginias legislature has not rejected a governors nomination since 2006, when Republicans in the state House of Delegates rejected then-Gov. Tim KaineTimothy (Tim) Michael KaineDemocrats, Cruz set for showdown over Russian pipeline Virginia Democrats prepare for rare confirmation fight over Wheeler Meteorologist says transportation officials ignored forecasts, leading to I-95 disaster MOREs (D) nominee for secretary of the commonwealth, Daniel LeBlanc.

Rep. Don McEachin (D-Va.), himself a former Virginia state senator, on Friday called on all members to oppose the Wheeler's nomination, citing his environmental record.

At the Environmental Protection Agency, Mr. Wheeler sought to minimize the impacts of pollution in the rulemaking process, undo the Clean Power Plan to limit carbon pollution from our energy generation sector, weaken federal vehicle fuel standards, restrict the use of science in the rulemaking process and in protecting public health, and hinder the restoration of Chesapeake Bay by weakening Clean Water Act protections and proposing funding cuts to EPAs Chesapeake Bay Program of 90 percent, McEachin wrote in the letter.

A spokesperson for Youngkin referred The Hill to Youngkins statements in support of Wheelers record that came when he announced the nomination Monday.

In a statement earlier this week, the governor-elect said that Wheeler shares my vision in finding new ways to innovate and use our natural resources to provide Virginia with a stable, dependable, and growing power supply that will meet Virginias power demands without passing the costs on to the consumer.

Updated at 4:49 p.m.

Originally posted here:

Virginia Democrats prepare for rare confirmation fight over Wheeler | TheHill - The Hill