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The crew that would come to take over the Democratic Party organized themselves, in the 1980s, around the idea that the party had become discredited among the public because it was in thrall to its more liberal elements. These New Democrats gravitated toward Gary Hart, who unsuccessfully ran for the Democratic Party nomination in 1984, positioned as the candidate of new ideas against Walter Mondale, ostensibly the embodiment of stale Great Society liberalism. Hart, along with allies like Representative Tim Wirth, articulated what Geismer calls larger generational skepticism with large institutions and bureaucracy. In practice, large institutions tended to mean unions and government agencies. The New Democrats were similarly allergic to transactional politics and special interest groups, which Geismer helpfully defines as African Americans, women, white farmers, and, especially, organized labor.

Even by the mid-1980s, Jesse Jackson could correctly note that this definition of special interests happened to define them as the Democratic Partys actual base of support, or, as he put it, members of our family. Hart was notably more popular with white pundits than with Black primary voters. But what the New Democrats truly wanted, and truly believed their policy agenda would win, was the white suburban vote. In the wake of Ronald Reagans reelection, in 1985, the political strategist Al From founded the Democratic Leadership Council, with an inaugural membership of 41 people, including 14 senators and 17 representatives. Of that group, two members were nonwhite, and none were women. The philosophy of the DLC, shaped by early members like From, the political consultant David Osborne, and Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton, was to go after the aspiring middle electorate in suburbia rather than the working class and dispossessed, and to appeal to it with an agenda that stressed economic dynamism, free trade, embrace of the tech industry, andvitallythe destruction of the welfare state.

This gets to a central tension in New Democrat thought. Seemingly at no point can anyone conclusively decide if their policy agenda is meant to be politically effectiveto win over white suburbanitesor to implement successful policy, which in this case would mean reforming welfare in a way that would leave poor people better off. Once Bill Clinton was in power, actual welfare reform, the destruction of the New Dealera Aid to Families with Dependent Children assistance program, was passed largely because end welfare as we know it was a Clinton campaign trail promise, and Bruce Reed, of the White House Domestic Policy Council, had come to believe that phrasewhich he had taped up in his officehad been vital to Clintons 1992 victory. Clinton, then running for reelection, was comfortably ahead in the polls when he signed the welfare reform bill. His political adviser Dick Morris had urged him to sign it as insurance.

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The Disastrous Legacy of the New Democrats - The New Republic

This is a guest opinion column

Believe it or not, there are Democrats running for statewide offices in Alabama. Democrats are running for governor and U.S. Senate, as well as congressional seats and other down ballot offices.

But you would not know that based on much of the media coverage. Lets take the front page of a recent edition of The Huntsville Times as an example. It featured a package of stories about the top three Republican candidates for U.S. Senate. And there was no mention of any of the Democrats who also are running.

This was a stunning omission. Especially to me, since Im one of the Democrats who is on the ballot.

Many in the media have bought into the anti-democratic idea note the small d that we are a one-party state. They are treating Republican candidates as presumptive nominees, not candidates who may be representing their party in a general election.

It almost looks like the media is anointing Alabamas next leaders.

Because Ive been watching the Alabama media closely for several years, I know that its a bit more complicated than that. Editors, news reporters and talk show hosts are heavily influenced by voting trends, polls and other media reports. They rely on these sources of information to determine news coverage and show rundowns.

When the shift in partisan power in Alabama began nearly 20 years ago, the media gatekeepers have been shifting with it. And now when they look across the political landscape, they see red, not blue.

First, former Republican Gov. Bob Riley was voted into office in 2003. Next came the Republican takeover of the statehouse in 2010. This made Alabamas transition from blue or maybe blue-ish to blood red complete.

Complete but not necessarily permanent. After all, the Democratic Party was king in Alabama for many years. The possibility for political change always exists.

The recent election of former U.S. Sen. Doug Jones proves that. All it took was the right combination of circumstances which included the right Democratic candidate, the wrong Republican one, a surge in the black female vote and the courage of a respected Republican senator to give his constituents cover to abandon their flawed nominee.

And lets not forget that the concentrations of blue in various parts of the state that have survived the red wave that swept over Alabama. Jefferson County and huge sections of the Black Belt have remained reliably blue. And Madison County, while not yet blue, is trending toward a pretty solid purple.

Am I predicting a Nov. 8th miracle for the Democratic Party? Not necessarily. But maybe. Maybe some of us Democratic candidates will surprise you. Time will tell.

Meanwhile, what all Alabamians need is complete information so they can make informed choices. When the media ignore one entire side of the political spectrum, they arent helping them to do that.

The Huntsville Times and AL.com can do better. Other media in the state can, too. Lets hope they do.

Will Boyd is a candidate for the Democratic nomination for the U.S. Senate from Hoover, Ala.

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Guest opinion: Democrats are running for office this year despite lack of media coverage - AL.com

Harold J. Curry, a Democrat who served as an assemblyman from Warren County from 1964 to 1968, died on March 21. He was 89.

Curry was the Democratic candidate for Warren County Freeholder in 1962, running in President John F. Kennedys mid-term election. He lost to two-term incumbent John A. Pfeffer, Jr. by about 1,875 votes, a 54%-46% margin. Democrats had a 2-1 majority on the Board of Freeholders and Republicans fought to protect the tradition of a bi-partisan county government.

(In the 1962 election, voters tossed five-term Democratic Warren County Sheriff Francis J. Lennon, who had been criticized for daylighting a practice that involved him holding a full-time day job while serving as the full-time sheriff.)

In 1963, at age 31, Curry sought the open State Assembly seat of Democrat Robert Frederick (D-Phillipsburg), who had resigned from the Assembly at the end of 1962 to become Warren County Prosecutor. In those days, Warren had one Assembly seat and the county was politically competitive.

Curry faced Herbert Watkins, a politically active businessman from Washington. He won the seat by 660 votes, 51%-49%, in Gov. Richard J. Hughes mid-term election. Democrats lost their majority in the Assembly in 1963 and Curry went to Trenton as part of a 27-member Democratic minority in the 60-member lower house.

He faced a tough fight to win a second term in 1965. The Republican state senator from Warren County, Wayne Dumont (R-Phillipsburg), was on the ballot as the Republican nominee for governor against Hughes. He faced Republican Benjamin Dall, an attorney from Belvidere.

Dumont, who lost statewide by 363,572 votes and 16 percentage points, carried Warren by 4,446, 58%-40%. Curry overcame Dumonts coattails and won re-election by 1,385 votes, 53%-47%.

(Legislative redistricting after the U.S. Supreme Courts One-Man, One-Vote decision ended the tradition of each county having one State Senate seat. Warren was placed in a district with Morris and Sussex counties that elected two senators. Republicans won both Senate seats in a landslide; Democrat Irene Mackey Smith, who later served as Belvidere mayor, came within 946 votes of carrying Warren County.)

Democrats won control of the Assembly in 1965 and Curry became the chairman of the Agriculture, Conservation and Economic Development Committee.

Reapportionment following the 1966 special Constitutional Convention Curry was a delegate created a Warren-Sussex legislative district with two seats. Two-term Assemblyman Douglas Gimson (R-Lambertville) ran for re-election on the GOP slate with Robert Littell (R-Franklin), the son of former Senate President Alfred Littell. Curry teamed up with Dr. Raymond McPeek, a veterinarian from Newton.

With President Lyndon Johnson struggling in Washington and Hughes, in his second mid-term, facing some fatigue in New Jersey, Curry could not withstand the Republican wave in the 1967 general election.

Dumont returned to the State Senate, winning 69% of the vote in the new Sussex-Warren-Hunterdon district. Gimson and Littell swamped Curry and McPeek, with Curry losing his seat by about 14,000 votes.

Still, Curry was the top vote-getter in Warren County, edging out Gimson by 1,263 votes.

Littell went on to serve 40 years in the legislature.

(Gimson, a rising star who became chairman of the Assembly Appropriations Committee in 1968, suffered two hear attacks in 1969 and died nineteen days before the Republican primary that year, which he won posthumously. He was just 39.)

After leaving the legislature, Curry was the Warren County Adjuster from 1968 to 1979. He Alpha Borough Attorney, as a commissioner of the Warren County Board of Elections, and as the attorney for the Phillipsburg Police Department.

Curry grew up in Phillipsburg and served in the U.S. Army after his graduation from Lafayette College. He later attended Rutgers Law School and served as a clerk to Superior Court Judge Frank Kingfield.

He was predeceased by his wife, Joanne, and his daughter, Mary Ellen. He is survived by three sons and seven grandchildren.

Currys passing leaves Gregory J. Castano, a former Superior Court Judge and longtime Harrison town attorney, as the last living delegate to the 1966 New Jersey Constitutional Convention.

The New Jersey Globe apologizes for the tardiness of this obituary.

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Harold Curry, two-term Democratic assemblyman from Warren County in the 1960s, dies at 89 - New Jersey Globe | New Jersey Politics

It also wasnt the motivation for the crossover voters I spoke with this week, who all said they had one reason for choosing a GOP ballot this year: Donald Trump.

Trump lost the Georgia election in 2020 by about 12,000 votes and is a subject of a Special Grand Jury investigation in Fulton County for possible election fraud after trying repeatedly to overturn the election results.

Furious at Gov. Brian Kemp and Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger for not helping him with his scheme, Trump recruited primary challengers for them and other GOP officials up and down the ticket in Georgias upcoming primaries Tuesday.

Democrats, in particular, said theyve had enough and voted in the GOP primary to stop Trump one more time.

I felt very weird, but Im also really glad I did it because I really do feel like democracy is on the line, said Mitchel Boudin, a 37-year-old self-described liberal from Atlanta. Weve got people who are not committed to even upholding the democratic system.

Boudin said hes not a fan of Kemp, but voted for the governor because David Perdue has based his whole campaign around lies. I just dont know where he would take things.

Boudin also voted for Brad Raffensperger for Secretary of State.

I feel like Raffensperger, while hes from the Republican Party, I do trust he will conduct elections fairly. He took a stance and stood up for it. But Hice, he said, lies about elections and I would not trust him to administer it fairly in 2024.

Boudin plans to vote a Democratic ticket in November, but knowing Georgia is a toss-up state, he wanted to help pick the Republican nominee in case he wins in November.

Price Bliss, a Dunwoody Democrat who works in the aviation industry, said he voted for Brian Kemp in the GOP primary because of how closely has Perdue aligned himself with Trump since the election.

Perdue seems to be the bigger threat of the two, so I figured, Why not just try to make sure that he doesnt make it to the next stage? Bliss said.

But when Bliss called Perdue a threat, he didnt mean a threat to Democrats in November. He meant a threat to democracy itself.

The fact that Kemp was willing to stay within the legal bounds tells me at least somewhere theres a decent moral code, Bliss said. I just hate to think if that situation ever came up again, that Purdue may at least attempt to find a way to get around [the results] even if it wasnt necessarily legal.

Bliss said hes not 100% satisfied with the job Joe Biden is doing in the White House, but he will vote for Democrats up and down the ballot in November.

Other Democrats I spoke with said they would have voted in the Democratic primary to support Stacey Abrams and Raphael Warnock. But without significant competition for the partys highest-profile candidates, they wanted to make sure Trump candidates dont get past the GOP primaries.

Bob Herndon, a DeKalb Democrat, didnt vote for governor at all. Honestly, I cant vote for either one of them, he said of Kemp and Perdue.

But he voted for Raffensperger for Secretary of State.

Its really important for me to make sure that Brad Raffensperger doesnt get beaten by Jody Hice and give the Trump arm of the Republican Party access to the Secretary of States tools to throw out ballots and be dishonest, he said.

Herndon also called Gary Black an excellent Secretary of Agriculture and picked him over Herschel Walker. It just seems so unfair that, as with Trump, celebrity is more important than qualifications.

Dawn Rogers, a Republican from Woodstock told me that between gas prices and baby food shortages, said shes spoken with Democrats frustrated with their own party who voted for Kemp and Raffensperger as she did.

With David Perdue, he seemed to me to be more of a talking Trump puppet, she said. And Raffensperger, she said, Stood up for the law.

Emma in Atlanta asked that I use only her first name. She voted for Stacey Abrams in 2018 and Joe Biden in 2020, but she crossed over to vote for Kemp and Raffensperger earlier this week.

If theres anything I can do to keep Trump or his people off the ballot, Ill do it, she said.

Unlike Herndon, she said shes open to voting for Kemp and Raffensperger again in November. They both stood up to Trump, which says a lot.

The great irony of all of this is that by setting out to bring down Kemp, Raffensperger, and the rest of the GOP incumbents, Trump is daring Georgia voters, including Democrats, to defeat his allies on Tuesday the same way they did in 2020 and 2021.

Had Trump given Georgias election laws an ounce of thought, he would have seen this coming.

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OPINION: The Democrats voting in the GOP primary say its all about Donald Trump - The Atlanta Journal Constitution

WASHINGTON, DC- HouseMajority Leader Steny H. Hoyer(MD)released the following statement today commemorating the 25th anniversary of the New Democrat Coaliton:

For twenty-five years, the New Democrat Coalition has been at the forefront of ensuring that working families and entrepreneurs can make it in America. They have formed an essential part of the House Democratic Caucus, contributing ideas, energy, and a determined effort toward our goals of securing opportunity for all and a stronger and safer future for our country. With its focus on seeking bipartisanship to achieve results For The People, the New Democrat Coalition has, throughout the past quarter century, helped demonstrate what our party strives to accomplish: government bringing stakeholders together to help our businesses, workers, and families make it in America.Ive been proud to work closely with New Dems throughout that time as we have brought our Caucus together behind big ideas, many generated and shaped by New Dem Members, that could be enacted for the benefit of the American people. When the Great Recession hit, New Dems sprang to action and helped Democrats craft a the American Rescue and Recovery Act to jump-start hiring and save our economy. When Congress reformed our broken health care system, New Dems were instrumental in making sure that the Affordable Care Act brought costs down for patients and families while ensuring that providers could still deliver high-quality care. When COVID-19 jeopardized Americans lives and livelihoods, New Dems helped lead efforts to enact the American Rescue Plan to get shots in arms and reopen businesses and schools safely. In November, the enactment of the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law represented the culmination of New Dems long efforts to jump-start local economies across America with robust investment in infrastructure projects.

Over the years, Ive been proud to work closely with many New Dems to advance Make It In America bills to invest in infrastructure, education and skills training, and entrepreneurship. New Dem Members contributed bills and amendments and participated in hearings and Listening Tour visits in our effort to promote job growth and opportunity while lowering costs for Americans. Together, we are continuing to work toward reaching agreement with the Senate on a critical bipartisan innovation bill that will shore up our supply chains, invest in making our workforce more competitive, and promote the growth of advanced manufacturing here in our country.It is no surprise that New Dems were our Majority-makers in 2018; they represent many front-line districts where discerning voters want to hear from those with solid ideas, a proven track record, and a determination to come to Congress to get things done. I congratulate Chairwoman DelBene and the Members of the New Democrat Coalition on reaching this milestone anniversary and look forward to continuing to work closely with them to help Democrats maintain our Majority and continue delivering For The People.

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Hoyer Statement on the 25th Anniversary of the New Democrat Coalition - Majority Leader

After months of accusing Republicans of using phony, trumped-up culture wars to divide the electorate, the Democrats have chosen abortion, the mother of all culture war issues, as the hill on which they will fight and die in 2022.

When Politico published a draft of the Supreme Courts ruling in the Dobbs vs. Jackson Womens Health Organization case, the lefts reaction to its striking down of Roe v. Wade predictably combined wailing and gnashing of teeth with crass political posturing. With uncharacteristic speed and clarity, our devoutly Catholic president used the draft to encourage voters to support pro-abortion candidates in the November elections and call upon Congress to codify Roe into law.

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer then dutifully lifted up the banner of child murder, bringing a bill to the floor last Wednesday that would have legalized abortion up until the point of birth. Although this gambit was doomed to fail because the filibuster remains intact, all but one of the Democrats who identify as Catholic voted for it.

So, barring any justices bending to public pressure and changing their minds (which was likely the idea behind leaking the draft in the first place), the power to pass laws regarding abortion is going to be returned to state legislatures. This means Catholic bishops will finally have to choose between adhering to what the church teaches regarding those who support abortion and maintaining their Faustian bargain with the Democratic Party.

From its very inception, the church has taught that abortion is a grave moral evil. This teaching has been consistently upheld by canonists and theologians for more than 2,000 years. In 1974, on the heels of Roe v. Wade and similar efforts, the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith issued its Declaration on Procured Abortion, which clearly stated not only that abortion is a mortal sin, but also that supporting its legalization (no matter ones personal opposition) is as well:

It must in any case be clearly understood that whatever may be laid down by civil law in this matter, man can never obey a law which is in itself immoral, and such is the case of a law which would admit in principle the liceity of abortion. Nor can he take part in a propaganda campaign in favor of such a law, or vote for it. (Emphasis mine.)

Although a Catholic legislators vote in favor of legalizing abortion still falls short of the formal cooperation that carries with it automatic ex-communication, the church still considers such a vote a stain on the legislators soul. As such, unless he confesses his sin and does penance for it, he may not receive communion without committing the second mortal sin of sacrilege, a point that many American bishops and priests seem to have forgotten.

On the issue of abortion, the Democratic Party demands that its Catholic members leave the moral teachings of their faith at the statehouse doors. Under the diabolical euphemisms of reproductive rights and womens health, abortion holds a central place in the health care plank of its platform:

Democrats are committed to protecting and advancing reproductive health, rights, and justice. We believe unequivocally, like the majority of Americans, that every woman should be able to access high-quality reproductive health care services, including safe and legal abortion. We will repeal the Title X domestic gag rule and restore federal funding for Planned Parenthood Democrats oppose and will fight to overturn federal and state laws that create barriers to reproductive health and rights. We will repeal the Hyde Amendment, and protect and codify the right to reproductive freedom.

For years, it has been clear that Democrats must toe the line on supporting child murder or be purged from the ranks. No other issue comes close to this shibboleth of the left; to the party of today, a Democrat must favor unrestricted abortion or he is no Democrat.

For almost 50 years, the bishops have actively avoided holding these lawmakers accountable for promoting the Culture of Death in return for the partys lip service to Catholic social teaching.

True, the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops (USCCB) showed some evidence of a spine last year when it announced the crafting of a teaching letter on the Eucharist, a move that caused much uproar among pro-abortion Catholics. Yet when the letter was issued in November, it contained no mention of disciplining abortion-supporting politicians.

Instead, Archbishop Joseph Naumann of Kansas City, the head of the USCCBs Committee on Pro-Life Activities, offered some tepid comments about the bishops responsibility to have dialogue and conversation with those who are Catholic but who act in a way contrary to our faith in this basic moral teaching.

With all due respect to Naumann, the time for dialogue and conversation with these legislators is long past; their zeal for legalizing abortion shows that. There have already been legislative efforts in multiple states in anticipation of the Dobbs decision.

Should the decision be handed down in its present form, these efforts will intensify, placing clergy and laity squarely in the crosshairs of pro-abortion ideologues who are openly anti-Catholic and have few qualms about resorting to intimidation or even violence to achieve their goals. Will the mounting number of attacks on parishes finally convince the bishops to act in accordance with Catholic teaching?

In Old Testament times, Elijah called the people of Israel to come to Mount Carmel and witness the battle he waged against the four hundred priests of the pagan god Baal. There, the prophet came near to all the people, and said, How long will you go limping with two different opinions? If the LORD is God, follow him; but if Baal, then follow him. (I Kings 18:21).

Catholic bishops throughout the country must now finally make a similar choice between God and Moloch. Obviously, their sheep in the Democratic Party have already made this choice and received their reward. As these leaders of the church struggle with their consciences, they would do well to remember the words of another prophet: Woe to the shepherds who destroy and scatter the sheep of my pasture! says the Lord (Jeremiah 23:1).

Robert Busek is a Catholic homeschooling father of six who has taught history and Western Civilization in both traditional and online classrooms for over twenty years. His essays have also been published in The American Conservative and The American Spectator. The views he expresses here are his own.

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If Roe Is Overturned, Bishops Can No Longer Let Democrats Off The Hook - The Federalist

Voters cast ballots in Nashua, N.H., in February 2016, part of that states claim to the first-in-the-nation primary. But Democrats in Maryland and across the country are seeking to shake up the partys primary calendar. Photo by Joe Raedle/Getty Images.

If Maryland is truly America in Miniature, should we play a bigger role in picking presidents?

As the Democratic Party looks to reshuffle early presidential primary states for 2024, party leaders want the state to be considered as a host for influential early contests.

The Maryland Democratic Party submitted a letter of intent to the Democratic National Committee to be considered for an early primary in 2024, a national party official confirmed.

We believe that Maryland would be an excellent early state, Eva R. Lewis, the executive director of the Maryland Democratic Party, said in a statement. In terms of diversity, Maryland is the most diverse state on the East Coast. We have urban, suburban, rural and mountain regions. We are a competitive state that has consistently won large margins for our Democratic Presidential Nominee.

Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina previously had waivers from the Democratic Party to hold nominating contests earlier than other states but the Democratic National Committees Rules and Bylaws Committee voted in April to require those states and others to apply for waivers ahead of future elections, the Des Moines Register reported at the time.

Applications for early primaries will be evaluated based on state diversity, competitiveness in general elections and feasibility of holding an early primary.

The move to reshuffle early Democratic primary states comes amid a party-wide push to give people of color more influence in elections and after technical issues in Iowa led to a delay in election results after the states 2020 caucus.

Maryland became more diverse over the past decade, according to U.S. Census data, and the number of state residents who identified as white alone dropped below half of the states population. And the National Conference of State Legislatures found in 2020 that the Maryland General Assembly outpaces most other state legislatures in terms of gender and racial representation.

Larry Stafford, the executive director of Progressive Maryland, said Marylands Democratic voters are perhaps more broadly representative of the Democratic Partys electorate across the country.

Maryland is a state with a high proportion of people of color, Stafford said. Black voters make up a significant portion of the electorate. I think it could be a step in a positive direction.

He added the move would put a national spotlight on Maryland and highlight the states communities.

I think that Maryland being elevated in that way can totally help to make sure that communities like Baltimore are further elevated on the national stage, and make sure that at the federal level our communities get the investment and support that we deserve.

Mileah Kromer, director of the Sarah T. Hughes Field Politics Center at Goucher College, likewise said Maryland is one of the most diverse states in the country and early primaries in the state would be reflective of the Democratic electorate across the country.

Kromer said Marylands proximity to Washington, D.C., and easy access to large national airports like Baltimore-Washington International Thurgood Marshall Airport also makes logistical sense for hosting an early primary. Maryland is also among the 10 smallest states in the nation in terms of geographic size, and presidential candidates who are members of Congress, for instance, wouldnt have to go far from D.C. to campaign anywhere in the state.

And Susan Turnbull, a former state party chair who was Democratic gubernatorial candidate Benjamin Jealous running mate in 2018, said Maryland has earned its America in miniature moniker. She noted that state Democrats come from all walks of life, from Baltimore and largely suburban counties like Prince Georges and Montgomery to mountainous Western Maryland and agricultural centers like the Eastern Shore and Southern Maryland.

Turnbull, who has also served as a member of the Democratic National Committee, added that she thinks Iowas caucuses will still have value, even if the state doesnt vote first in future primaries. She spent more than a week in Iowa in 2020 when she was campaigning for Democratic presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg, and said the caucuses are a hands-on experience that allow voters to interact with each other.

Over the past half century, Maryland has traditionally held its presidential primary in the spring, often after the nominating contests have been decided. One notable exception was in 2008, when Maryland, D.C. and Virginia held a DMV primary on Feb. 12, and it played a critical role in adding to Barack Obamas momentum for the Democratic nomination.

For 2024, state Democratic parties in the current early voting states of Iowa and New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina sought to retain their early status. Party officials in Puerto Rico also requested an early primary.

Other state Democratic parties that have asked to be considered for early primaries include Connecticut, Delaware, New Jersey, New York, Illinois, Michigan, Minnesota, Nebraska, Oklahoma, Georgia, Texas, Colorado and Washington. Democrats Abroad, the arm of the party for United States citizens living temporarily or permanently abroad, also requested an early primary.

Maryland has voted for the eventual Democratic presidential nominee in every primary since 1996. A cycle earlier, the state opted for former Massachusetts Sen. Paul E. Tsongas over eventual nominee Bill Clinton.

The DNCs Rules and Bylaws Committee is expected to make a recommendation for the primary calendar in early August, and then the full DNC will vote on that recommendation at a meeting early September.

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State Democratic Party Asks That Maryland Be Considered for Early Primary in 2024 - Josh Kurtz

With Gen Xers in their 40s and 50s turning more conservative, and Hispanic Americans more aptly described today as a swing vote than a reliable Democratic-voting bloc, maintaining historic levels of participation and securing a 60 percent youth vote threshold is no longer a nice to have but an indispensable component of Democratic competitiveness in this moment.

Younger Americans are a notoriously tricky population for anyone to reach; the challenge for government and politicians is even more significant as a growing number choose to turn away from the daily news for their mental wellness. Instead, they prefer to check in at specific points throughout the year. The State of the Union was one such moment when youth viewership increased; commencement season is another such opportunity.

Building on the substantial youth participation from the last midterm election is no easy feat. When baby boomers, Gen Xers, and older millennials were under 30, they often voted at roughly half the level that Gen Zers did in 2018. By understanding the drivers of Gen Zs and young millennials hopelessness, and the circumstances that have shaped their worldview, Democrats will empower young voters and continue to reshape the electorate.

The best chance for Democrats success in the Senate starts with three states where younger Americans already have higher-than-average voter registration rates:

Pennsylvania, where John Fetterman, the lieutenant governor who was once dubbed Americas coolest mayor in an earlier role, is the favorite to win the partys nomination for Senate in Tuesdays primary;

North Carolina, where Cheri Beasley, who was the first Black woman to serve as the states Supreme Court chief justice, is the front-runner in her Senate primary, also being held Tuesday;

and Wisconsin, where Senator Ron Johnson, a Republican and an increasingly unpopular misinformation peddler, is seeking his third term.

In Arizona and Georgia, young African Americans and other voters of color played critical roles in 2020 and 2021 and can do so again but the challenge for Democrats is steeper. The Phoenix and Atlanta regions are suffering the highest rates of inflation in the country, putting even more pressure on the incumbent Democratic senators up for re-election, Mark Kelly of Arizona and Raphael Warnock of Georgia, to prioritize young voters and speak to their values.

Capturing three tossup House seats in California, including one once held by Devin Nunes, as well as winning or holding youth-friendly seats in Washington State, Iowa, Maine and Colorado, are among the best shots for Democrats to mobilize young voters in hopes of hanging on to the House in November.

Gen Z and young millennials hold the fate of Congress in their hands. Their message to all of us is clear: The systems we have built cannot meet the challenges of our times and guarantee even basic rights to many of its people. Young voters are stressed. They are angry. In 2018 and 2020, they elected Democrats but in 2022 they need to see more before they commit with similar zeal again.

The pathway is narrow, but the race is far from over.

John Della Volpe (@dellavolpe) is the director of polling at the Harvard Kennedy School Institute of Politics and has overseen its Youth Poll since 2000, and the author of Fight: How Gen Z is Channeling Their Fear and Passion to Save America. He was a pollster for Joe Bidens presidential campaign in 2020.

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Opinion | Young Americans Are Stressed. They Are Angry. And They Can Swing Congress. - The New York Times

They call him slick Joe Lombardo, are the first words of a new statewide television ad campaign attacking the Republican gubernatorial frontrunner for being more worried about his public image than his public safety.

But the 30-second spot isnt paid for by one of Lombardos 14 opponents in the states competitive Republican primary for governor. Its funded by a new political action committee called A Stronger Nevada, a group linked to the Democratic Governors Association and registered with the state less than two months ago filed in a window that helps them avoid disclosing their donors before the primary.

The PAC has no website or social media presence, but has nonetheless reserved $2.1 million in likely anti-Lombardo television advertising for the last few weeks leading up to the June 14 primary. Its a significant enough buy that a spokeswoman for Lombardos campaign responded on Thursday, saying the DGA cannot buy Steve Sisolak an easier opponent, and their despicable attempts to do so and interfere in the Republican primary will fail.

Its part of a national trend by Democratic groups to meddle in Republican primaries ahead of the 2022 midterm elections, aiming to knock presumed frontrunners down a peg ahead of whats likely to be a difficult election year for Democrats. In Nevada, Democrats believe Lombardo has all but locked up the primary nomination and are eager to get a head start on attacks.

The general election starts now and voters deserve to know the truth about Joe Lombardo, DGA Senior Communications Advisor Christina Amestoy said in an email. The DGA announced in early May that it had already made an initial $10 million television reservation in Nevada for the fall ahead of the general election the third most of any state behind Michigan and Wisconsin.

According to campaign finance records, A Stronger Nevada was registered with the state on April 5, and listed two operatives linked to the Democratic Party Andrew Whalen and Jillian Edelman as the PACs officers.

The registration date came just five days after the end of Nevadas first quarter fundraising deadline, meaning that specific details about whos funding the PAC (and how much theyre spending) wont be available until July 15 almost a month after the June primary election.

A Stronger Nevada isnt the only group attempting to meddle in the final weeks of the Republican primary. Another PAC from an individual with ties to a pro-gun control lawmaker appears to be trying reverse psychology to convince Republican primary voters that Lombardo is weak on the Second Amendment.

The Nevada Independent obtained images of a bright orange political mail piece highlighting Lombardos record on guns, saying the sheriff stood with gun control groups and supported universal background checks on gun sales, while also attacking his stance on ammo magazine limits and opposition to constitutional carry a policy adopted in other states that allow residents to carry concealed handguns without a permit.

Titled the 2022 Nevada Voter Guide on Gun Rights, the mailer is paid for a group called Patriot Freedom Fund. That PAC was registered with the secretary of states office on May 6, which again means it wont have to reveal contributions or spending until nearly a month after the primary.

The PACs only listed officer is Truman Fleming, a Las Vegas-based real estate agent linked to Democratic Assemblywoman Sandra Jauregui a survivor of the 1 October mass shooting who has become one of the Legislatures most prominent gun control advocates. Jauregui said in a text message after this story was published that she was unaware of the PAC and its political activities.

Several other PACs have also taken advantage of the loophole in Nevada law and registered after the first filing deadline.

Those include:

Meddling in another partys primary is not a new trend. Former U.S. Sen. Harry Reids campaign successfully brought down more moderate Republican Sue Lowden to clear the way for the more radical Sharron Angle in the 2010 primary, and the 2018 U.S. Senate race saw a Democratic Super PAC launch last-minute digital ads attacking then-Sen. Dean Heller for insufficient conservative bonafides.

Editors Note: This story appears in Indy 2022, The Nevada Independents newsletter dedicated to comprehensive coverage of the 2022 election. Sign up for the newsletter here.

Updated on 5/17/2022 to correct the opponent to Assembly candidate Angie Taylor.

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Democratic groups spend millions to meddle in GOP governor primary The Nevada Independent - The Nevada Independent

Manchin, on the other hand, is a literal coal baron and the fossil fuel industrys inside man. If hes supposed to be a centrist, what exactly is he in the middle of? Nazis on the one side and people who (checks notes) want a livable future on the other? Theres no way to label Joe Manchin a centrist without validating folks who believe in actual lizard people as a legitimate side of the political spectrum. In his enthusiastic and unquestioning support for a clearly violent industry, Joe Manchin is nobodys centrist. He is a fossil fuel hawk, and we should call him that.

But, the story goes, we have to support Joe Manchin because he is the best Democrat we can possibly get out of West Virginia. As a Southerner, I find that notion offensive. It seems clear to me that the reason we cant get a more progressive Democrat in West Virginia is because the Democratic Party has disinvested from the South since the 1970s. Its quite apparent when you look down the ballots and notice that so many Republican candidates run in the South unopposed. When Democrats do compete in the races, their strategy is simply to meet voters where they are, but once elected, they never take them anywhere else. No wonder so many citizens in these districts fall victim to misinformation that tells them climate change is a hoax and the election was stolen.

The Democratic Party has given ground for decades then turned around to proclaim that our salvation lies in moderation. How much longer can we do the same thing and expect different results? In the face of the climate crisis, moderation is madness. There is no more time for pussyfooting and half measures. The science is clear, and the fire is getting hotter. If the Democrats believe the science, its time to act like it. We know what we need to do, and theres nothing moderate or centrist about it.

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Democrats Timidity Will Kill Us All - The New Republic