Summary
During the reporting period, many trends documented since the beginning of Burundis human rights crisis in April 2015 persisted. In late April 2015, public demonstrations broke out in response to the late president Pierre Nkurunzizas decision to seek a controversial third electoral term. The Burundian police used excessive force and shot demonstrators indiscriminately. After a failed coup by a group of military officers in May 2015, the Burundian government intensified its repression against suspected opponents and suspended most of the countrys independent radio stations. By mid-2015 almost all Burundis opposition party leaders, independent journalists, and civil society activists had fled the country after receiving repeated threats. Those who remained did so at great risk.
Despite accepting recommendations during its previous Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2018 related to ensuring security forces' respect for human rights and freedom of media and civil society[1], since then and during Nkurunzizas third and final term, independent civil society and media continued to be relentlessly attacked. There has been almost total impunity for these crimes. After a flawed electoral process and the sudden death of Nkurunziza, president variste Ndayishimiye took office in June 2020 and pledged to implement reforms and end impunity. However, since his election, all of the structural human rights issues documented under his predecessor remain in place. These include arbitrary arrests of political opponents or those perceived as such, acts of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, sexual and gender-based violence, and undue restrictions to the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association. Independent national and international human rights organizations are still unable to operate in Burundi. Several of the countrys most prominent human rights groups remain either suspended or outlawed since 2015.
Killings, Torture, and Other Abuses by Security Forces and Ruling Party Youths
Throughout the reporting period, extrajudicial executions, enforced disappearances, arbitrary arrests, and torture by security forces and ruling party youths continued unabated. Dead bodies of people killed in unknown circumstances were regularly found across the country, often rapidly buried by authorities without further investigation.
Pre-electoral period (2017-2020)
On December 12, 2017, Nkurunziza announced a referendum would take place to revise the constitution. Nkurunziza warned that those who dared to sabotage the project to revise the constitution by word or action would be crossing a red line. In the months leading up to the referendum, police, intelligence services, and members of the Imbonerakure killed, raped, abducted, beat, and intimidated suspected opponents of the ruling National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for the Defense of Democracy (Conseil national pour la dfense de la dmocratie-Forces de dfense de la dmocratie, CNDD-FDD).[2]
Political violence tied to the May 2018 referendum claimed at least 15 lives, but the actual number killed is likely much higher.[3] Numerous political opponents were arrested, intimidated, or held incommunicado in unknown locations, including members of the then-National Liberation Forces (Forces nationales de libration, FNL), the Movement for Solidarity and Democracy (Mouvement pour la solidarit et la dmocratie, MSD), and other opposition parties. Some were accused of having told their members to vote against the referendum.
As the 2020 elections neared, Burundianauthorities and ruling party youths carried out dozens of beatings, arbitrary arrests, disappearances, and killings against real and suspected political opposition members.[4] In a concerted campaign against people perceived to be against the ruling party, there appeared to have been an increase in abuses since the registration of a new opposition party in February 2019, the National Congress for Freedom (Congrs national pour la libert, CNL). The CNL was formerly known as the FNL.
The Commission of Inquiry (CoI) on Burundi mandated by the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) confirmed new cases of summary execution, enforced disappearance, arbitrary arrest and detention, sexual violence, torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment in 2018. The CoI concluded that the perpetrators of these crimes the national intelligence service (Service National de Renseignement, SNR), the police, and the Imbonerakure operate in a climate of impunity perpetuated by the lack of an independent judiciary. The commission for the first time implicated Nkurunziza directly in recurring calls for hatred and violence.[5]
2020 elections
Although Nkurunziza said he would not contest the presidential election in 2020, tensions continued to rise. People were forced to contribute money to the elections scheduled for May 2020 and to the ruling party. Imbonerakure members and local authorities mainly responsible for collecting the contributions largely did so by using force and threats, often at informal roadblocks set up to verify proof of payment. Those who could not provide receipts or refused to contribute faced violent retribution and intimidation. In some cases, people reported being denied access to public services if they were unable to prove they had contributed. In some provinces, CNDD-FDD and Imbonerakure members forced people to join the construction of local CNDD-FDD offices, and threatened, beat, or detained those who refused to comply, which constitutes forced labor.[6]
The May 2020 elections took place inthe absence of any international observation mission[7]and, on election day, authorities blockedaccess to social media[8] and messagingappsthroughout the country, restricting independent reporting and information sharing. The CNLtold local mediathat over 600 of its members had been arrested during the campaigns and on election day, andBurundian rights organizations reportedmultiple abuses, including arbitrary arrests and beatings of CNL and other opposition party members.[9] Human Rights Watch spoke with several voters, journalists, and human rights defenders who said that in some rural locations, ruling party youths were present at polling places and had intimidated voters, while election officials and the police turned a blind eye to voter harassment and intimidation.[10]
variste Ndayishimiyes presidency (2020-2022)
After August 2020, security deteriorated and there were several reports of clashes between security forces and armed groups, as well as attacks by unidentified assailants, particularly in provinces bordering the Democratic Republic of Congo. In some of these attacks, Imbonerakure members supported the national army. Groups of unidentified armed men were also reported to be responsible for random attacks resulting in civilian casualties. The Burundian authorities denounced these as terrorist or criminal acts and committed abuses against alleged perpetrators and civilians.Fabien Banciryanino,[11] a former member of parliament and outspoken human rights advocate, was convicted of abusive security-related charges on May 7 and sentenced to a year in prison in addition to pay a fine of 100,000 Burundian Francs (US$51). He was released after time served on October 1, 2021.
According to thereport of the CoI, men suspected of belonging to, or assisting, armed groups were executed by police or national intelligence agents throughout 2021.[12] Dozens of real or suspected members of opposition groups have been victims of enforced disappearances. Many people were also detained by the SNR and allegedly subjected to severe torture, rape, and ill-treatment.
Local and international monitoring groups, including Human Rights Watch, documented cases of torture of people suspected of collaborating with armed groups. The CoI on Burundi documented cases where victims died in detention.
After he took power, Ndayishimiye made some efforts to rein in members of the Imbonerakure and their involvement in human rights abuse was less visibly apparent. However, Imbonerakure members have continued to arrest, beat, and kill suspected opponents, sometimes in collaboration with or with the support of local administrative officials, police, or intelligence agents. Rvrien Ndikuriyo, Secretary General of the CNDD-FDD and a hardliner within the party, made several incendiary speeches during gatherings of CNDD-FDD members and Imbonerakure. In August 2022, he called on the Imbonerakure to continue night patrols and to kill any troublemakers[13] and attacked international human rights organizations. Throughout 2022, Imbonerakure members followed training programs on patriotism across the country.[14]
On June 27, 2022, the National Assembly enacted a law on the Burundian national defense forces, which created a new reserve force, the Reserve and Development Support Force (Force de rserve et dappui au dveloppement, FRAD).[15] Its duties include organizing paramilitary trainings, supporting other components in protecting the integrity of the national territory, but also conceiving and implementing development projects, and operationalizing national and international partnerships.
Throughout 2022, the Burundian army conducted operations in neighboring Congo, targeting the Resistance Movement for the Rule of Law-Tabara (Mouvement de la rsistance pour un tat de droit-Tabara, RED-Tabara), an armed group that has launched attacks in Burundi in recent years. Members of the Imbonerakure supported the operations. According to rights groups and media reports, little or no explanation was given to the families of those who died on the battlefield.[16] In August, Burundian troops officially entered Congo as the first deployment of an East African regional force agreed upon by the East African Community (EAC) in April.[17]
Recommendations to the government of Burundi:
Civil Society and Media
Most leading civil society activists and many independent journalists remain in exile, after repeated government threats in 2015 and arrest warrants against several of them. In October 2017, the Interior Minister banned or suspended 10 civil society organizations that had spoken out against government abuses.
Under Nkurunzizas final term, space for civil society and media shrunk significantly. In March 2018, three members of Parole et Action pour le Rveil des Consciences et lvolution des Mentalits (PARCEM), were sentenced to 10 years in prison for having prepared actions likely to disrupt security. The activists were arrested in 2017 while organizing a workshop on arbitrary arrests. They were acquitted upon appeal in December 2018 and released on March 21, 2019.
In April 2018, rights activist Germain Rukuki, a member of Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture (ACAT), was sentenced to 32 years in prison on charges of rebellion, threatening state security, participation in an insurrectional movement, and attacks on the head of state. In August 2018, activist Nestor Nibitanga, an observer for the Association for the Protection of Human Rights and Detained Persons (Association pour la protection des droits humains et des personnes dtenues, APRODH), was sentenced to five years for threatening state security. Nibitanga was pardoned and released on April 27, 2021. The conviction of Rukuki, was overturned on appeal in June 2021 and he was released.
In early May 2018, the National Communication Council (Conseil National de la Communication, CNC) suspended the BBC for six months for violating press laws and unprofessional conduct after inviting a leading Burundian human rights activist, Pierre Claver Mbonimpa, to its program on March 12 of the same year. At the same time, the CNC also banned Voice of America (VOA), also for six months, for the technical reason that it was using a banned frequency.[18] Although the ban on the BBC was lifted in March 2022, the ban on VOA remains in place at time of writing.
On October 1, 2019, authorities suspended the activities of foreign nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) for three months to force them to reregister, including by submitting new documentation stating the ethnicity of their Burundian employees. In May 2020, the Supreme Court president ordered that the property of several high profile exiled Burundian human rights defenders and journalists be seized.
Media were heavily restricted in their coverage of the May 2020 presidential elections. The2018 amended press law[19]and a newCode of Conduct for Media and Journalistsin the election period required journalists to provide balanced information or face criminal prosecution, and prevented them from publishing information about the elections that did not come from the national electoral commission.
TheJanuary30, 2020 conviction after a flawed trialof fourIwacujournalists who werearrested while going to report on fightingbetween security forces and therebel group RED-Tabarain October 2019 underscored the dangers of investigating security incidents.[20] Their conviction was upheld on appeal in June, but they were pardoned in December 2020.
Although Ndayishmiyes government lifted some restrictions, including the suspension of the anti-corruption organization PARCEM, and released some detained rights defenders and journalists, the authorities continued to exercise undue interference in and oversight over the operations of civil society and the media.
A lawyer and former human rights defender, Tony Germain Nkina, was sentenced to five years in prison in June 2021, likely due to his past human rights work. On September 29, his conviction was maintained on appeal.[21] He remains in jail at time of writing.
On February 2, 2021, Burundis Supreme Court published the guilty verdictdated June 23, 2020in the case against 34 people accused of participating in a May 2015 coup attempt, including 12 human rights defenders and journalists in exile. After a trial, during which thedefendants were absent and did not have legal representation, the group was found guilty of attacks on the authority of the State, assassinations, and destruction.[22]
On February 11, 2021, the CNClifted the ban on public commentson Iwacu, which had been in place since April 2018, andpledgedto restore access to the website in Burundi. On February 22, the CNC lifted the ban on Bonesha FM, which was required to sign an agreement similar to one Isanganiro, a private radio station, and Rema FM, a pro-ruling party station, signed when they resumed broadcasts in February 2016. On April 21, the CNCauthorizedseveral new radio and television channels to begin operating.[23]
Recommendations to the government of Burundi:
Non-Compliance with United Nations mechanisms on Burundi
In September 2016, the UNHRC adopted a resolution to establish the CoI, mandated to investigatehuman rights violations perpetrated in Burundi since April 2015, and to determine whether they may constitute international crimes. Burundian officials refused to work with the CoI. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) closed its country office in February 2019 at the request of the government of Burundi. In its last report, the CoIconcludedon September 16, 2021, that grave human rights violations continued to be committed in Burundi and that no structural reform has been undertaken to durably improve the situation.[24]
Despite these findings, the European Union delegation in Geneva tabled a resolution at the September 2021 session of the UNHRC, adopted by a vote, which ended the mandate of the CoI and instead created a special rapporteur mandate. The Burundian government has repeatedly rejected the mandate and announced it would never give the mandate holder access to the country. The mandate was extended for a year in October 2022.
Recommendations to the government of Burundi:
[9] Ligue Iteka, Bulletin bimensuel sur le processus lectoral de 2020 au Burundi, May 18, 2020.
Excerpt from:
Human Rights Watch Submission to the Universal Periodic Review of Burundi - Human Rights Watch
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