Daily Archives: February 22, 2024

NASA’s Vision for the Future: A New Space Station by 2030 – Medriva

Posted: February 22, 2024 at 8:01 pm

With an ambitious vision for the future of space exploration, NASA plans to replace the International Space Station (ISS) by the end of 2030. The new space station will not only feature cutting-edge research facilities and a more adaptive infrastructure but also provide critical insights into the health impacts of space travel. The transition to a new space station marks a significant shift in NASAs strategy, allowing the agency to focus on deep space exploration while leveraging commercial entities for low-Earth orbit activities.

Launched in 1998, the ISS has been a pivotal part of space exploration, involving five space agencies in its assembly and maintenance. However, the ISS, designed in the 80s, has started to show its age. Structural limitations and outdated technology have made it increasingly costly to maintain. Additionally, security concerns have been raised due to cracks noted in one of the modules.

With the retirement of the ISS, NASA has turned its attention to commercial space stations. One example is Starlab, which has partnered with SpaceX to launch its entire space station, or at least the first module, into Low Earth Orbit in a single mission. This new station promises to have more than twice the useful space as the ISS, ready to host four crew members for microgravity research and advanced scientific discovery.

One of the significant aspects of the new space station will be its focus on health impacts of space travel. The lack of gravity in space leads to several health issues, including bone loss. The new station will provide a platform to conduct scientific research in various fields, addressing these health concerns and pushing the boundaries of our understanding of life in space.

The new space station marks the beginning of a new era in space exploration. It is expected to pave the way for human exploration deeper into space, with a focus on international cooperation. NASAs long-term goal is to put a station beyond low-Earth orbit, expanding the possibilities of what can be achieved in space.

However, as NASA transitions to commercial space stations, there are concerns that the US could fall behind in space research. China, for instance, has its own space station, Tiangong, with over 20 mini laboratories. By 2032, it is expected to host 1,000 experiments. Furthermore, China is leading in space patents, with its share tripling to 49% between 2010 and 2020. These dynamics underscore the importance of international cooperation in the future of space exploration.

The decision to replace the ISS with a new space station reflects a changing landscape in space exploration. As NASA shifts its focus to deep space and commercial entities take over low-Earth orbit activities, we stand on the precipice of a new era in space discovery. It remains to be seen how these changes will affect international cooperation and competition, but one thing is clear: the future of space exploration is brighter than ever.

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NASA's Vision for the Future: A New Space Station by 2030 - Medriva

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How antimatter engines could fly humans to other stars in just a few years – Business Insider Nederland

Posted: at 8:00 pm

Interstellar travel is only something humanity has achieved in science fiction like Star Trek's USS Enterprise, which used antimatter engines to travel across star systems.

But antimatter isn't just a sci-fi trope. Antimatter really exists.

Elon Musk has called antimatter power "the ticket for interstellar journeys," and physicists like Ryan Weed are exploring how to harness it.

Antimatter is made up of particles almost exactly like regular matter but with opposite electric charge. That means when antimatter contacts regular matter, they both annihilate and can produce enormous amounts of energy.

"Annihilation of antimatter and matter converts mass directly into energy," Weed, cofounder and CEO of Positron Dynamics, a company working to develop an antimatter propulsion system, told Business Insider.

Just one gram of antimatter could generate an explosion equivalent to a nuclear bomb. It's that kind of energy, some say, that could boldly take us where no one has gone before at record speed.

The benefit of all that energy is that it can be used to either accelerate or decelerate spacecraft at break-neck speeds.

For example, let's take a trip to our nearest star system, Proxima, about 4.2 light years away.

An antimatter engine could theoretically accelerate a spacecraft at 1g (9.8 meters per second squared) getting us to Proxima in just five years, Weed said in 2016. That's 8,000 times faster than it would take Voyager 1 one of the fastest spacecraft in history to travel about half the distance, according to NASA.

Even within our own solar system, an antimatter-powered spacecraft could reach Pluto in 3.5 weeks compared to the 9.5 years it took NASA's New Horizons probe to arrive, Weed said.

The reason we don't have antimatter engines, despite their tremendous capabilities, comes down to cost, not tech.

Gerald Jackson, an accelerator physicist who worked on antimatter projects at Fermilab, told Forbes in 2016 that with enough funding, we could have an antimatter spacecraft prototype within a decade.

The basic technology is there. Physicists armed with the world's most powerful particle accelerators have made antiprotons and antihydrogen atoms.

The issue is that this type of antimatter is incredibly expensive to make. It's considered the most expensive substance on Earth. Jackson gave us an idea of just how much an antimatter machine would cost to build and maintain.

Jackson is the founder, president, and CEO of Hbar Technologies, which is working on a concept for an antimatter space sail to decelerate spacecraft traveling 1% to 10% the speed of light a useful design for entering into orbit around a distant star, planet, or moon that you want to study.

Jackson said he's designed an asymmetric proton collider that could produce 20 grams of antimatter per year.

"For a 10-kilogram scientific package traveling at 2% of the speed of light, 35 grams of antimatter is needed to decelerate the spacecraft down and inject it into orbit around Proxima Centauri," Jackson told BI.

He said it would take $8 billion to build a solar power plant for the enormous energy needs of antimatter production and cost $670 million per year to operate.

The idea is just that, for now. "There is currently no serious funding for advanced space propulsion concepts," Jackson said.

However, there are other ways to produce antimatter. That's where Weed focused his work.

Weed's concept involves positrons, the antimatter version of an electron.

Positrons "are several thousand times lighter than antiprotons and don't pack quite as much punch when annihilating," Weed said.

The advantage, however, is that they occur naturally and don't need a giant accelerator and billions of dollars to make.

Weed's antimatter propulsion system is designed to use krypton-79 a form of the element krypton that naturally emits positrons.

The engine system would first gather high-energy positrons from krypton-79 and then direct them toward a layer of regular matter, producing annihilation energy. That energy would then trigger a powerful fusion reaction to generate thrust for the spacecraft.

While positrons may be less expensive to obtain than more powerful forms of antimatter, they are difficult to harness because they are highly energetic and need to be slowed down, or "moderated." So building a prototype to test in space is still beyond reach, cost-wise, Weed said.

Such is the case for all antimatter propulsion designs. Over the decades, scientists have proposed dozens of concepts, none of which have come to fruition.

For example, in 1953, Austrian physicist Eugen Snger proposed a "photon rocket" that would run on positron annihilation energy. And since the '80s, there's been talk of thermal antimatter engines, which would use antimatter to heat liquid, gas, or plasma to provide thrust.

"It's not sci-fi, but we aren't going to see it flying until there is a significant 'mission-pull,'" Weed said about his engine concept.

To build Weed's concept at the scale of a starship, "the devil's in the engineering details," Paul M. Sutter, an astrophysicist and host of "Ask a Spaceman" podcast, told BI.

"We're talking about a device that harnesses truly enormous amounts of energy, requiring exquisite balance and control," Sutter said.

That enormous energy is another obstacle holding us back from revolutionizing space travel. Because during testing, "if something goes wrong, these are big explosions," Steve Howe, a physicist who worked on antimatter concepts with NASA in the '90s, told BI.

"So we need an ability to test high energy density systems somewhere that don't threaten the biosphere, but still allow us to develop them," said Howe, who thinks the moon would make a good testing base. "And if something goes wrong, you melted a piece of the moon," and not Earth, he added.

Antimatter tends to bring out the imagination in everyone who works on them. "But, we need crazy but plausible ideas to make it further into space, so it's worth looking into," Sutter said.

Weed echoes the sentiment, saying "until there is a compelling reason to get to the Kuiper Belt, the Solar Gravitational Lens, or Alpha Centauri really quickly or perhaps we are trying to return large asteroids for mining progress will continue to be slow in this area."

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Lebanese Pro-Federalism Activist Alfred Riachi: Prior To October 7, The Standard Of Living In Gaza Was Pretty … – Middle East Media Research…

Posted: at 8:00 pm

Lebanese lobbyist Alfred Riachi, secretary-general of the Continual Federal Congress, discussed in a February 12, 2024 interview on OTV [Lebanon] the ramifications of Hamass October 7 attack. He said that prior to October 7, the standard of living in Gaza "seemed very reasonable." Riachi said that Hamas does not believe in pluralism and coexistence and that it is not that much better than ISIS. He stated that Israel has never attacked Lebanon unprovoked.

To view the clip of Lebanese pro-federalism activist Alfred Riachi, click here or below:

"Israel, Which You Refer To As 'Satan', Has Never Initiated An Attack Against Lebanon Without Us Giving It A Pretext First"

Alfred Riachi: "The State of Israel, which you refer to as 'Satan', has never initiated an attack against Lebanon, without us giving it a pretext first.

[...]

"What Hamas did... They entered Israel and killed 1,200 people. What did they gain from this? Did they expect Israel to welcome them with rice and flowers?"

Interviewer: "Hold on a minute. You make it sound as if Israel was peaceful, and out of nowhere Hamas entered, and how terrible what they did these innocent Israelis... These people were being killed, under siege, without water, medicine, or food for years and years. They were living in a big prison, on their own land."

Riachi: " I don't know... I watched many shows [about Gaza], and the standard living there seemed very reasonable.

[...]

"Hamas Do Not Believe In Pluralism And In Co-Existing With The Other... For Me Hamas Is Not Much Better Than ISIS"

"I view Hamas as an organization with religious ideology of exclusion. They do not believe in pluralism and in co-existing with the other. Regardless, of whether their cause is justified or not, for me Hamas is not much better than ISIS."

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The Potential Impact of ‘Disease X’ on Federalism in the U.S. – Medriva

Posted: at 8:00 pm

When the World Health Organization (WHO) introduced the term Disease X into their blueprint of diseases in February 2018, they were prophetically acknowledging the potential of an unknown pathogen causing a serious international epidemic. Fast forward to today, COVID-19, caused by an unknown etiology, perfectly fits the description of the first Disease X. This situation has sparked an intriguing discourse on the potential impact of a hypothetical Disease X on the concept of federalism in the United States. As we explore this thoughtful narrative, we will delve into the challenges posed by a nationwide health crisis to the federalist system, with particular emphasis on state autonomy, public health policy, and the role of the federal government.

The concept of Disease X represents the understanding that a severe global epidemic could be triggered by an unknown pathogen. This idea has been cemented by the COVID-19 pandemic. Programs like the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations (CEPI), with its 3.5 billion 5-year plan, and the US National Institutes of Allergies and Infectious Diseases (NIAID) Pandemic Preparedness Plan, are aimed at shortening vaccine development timelines and preparing for potential pandemics. The Disease X Act of 2023 further expands priorities to include viral threats that could cause a pandemic.

The federalist design of US laws is a considerable impediment to implementing nationwide community mitigation measures for pandemics, according to a Stanford Law analysis. This structure presents a significant challenge during a nationwide health crisis. State autonomy and the division of power between state and federal governments can potentially hinder the coordination of a unified response to Disease X. This challenge is further complicated by legal reforms adopted by states, which imposed substantive and procedural restrictions on public health authority, such as prohibiting vaccines, mask mandates, and restricting religious gatherings.

The role of the federal government during a major health emergency is crucial. The U.S. CDC vaccine advisory committee, for instance, develops recommendations for U.S. immunizations. However, the applicability of these recommendations largely depends on the states once published in the CDCs MMWR. This dependency on state decisions underscores the delicate balance between state and federal authority during a health crisis. The impact of systematic racism, economic inequality, mass incarceration, and labor market inequalities on COVID-19 disparities further complicates this balance.

As we contemplate the future, the adoption of crisis communication strategies by local governments during pandemics is key. Factors such as school and business closures, efficacy beliefs, and community vulnerability significantly shape these efforts. Furthermore, funding from measures like the CARES Act can enhance local governments capacity to implement these strategies.

In conclusion, the potential impact of a hypothetical Disease X on the federalist system in the U.S. poses thought-provoking questions about state autonomy, public health policy, and the role of the federal government. While our current federalist system presents challenges, it also provides opportunities for adaptive strategies that can help the nation better prepare for future health emergencies.

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‘People’s Charter’ Puts Federalism at The Heart of Myanmar’s Democratic Future – The Irrawaddy

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The Peoples Representatives Committee for Federalism (PRCF) published its constitution for a federal democracy on Feb. 12.

The committee comprises 12 political parties: the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, Arakan League for Democracy, Karen National Party, Zomi Congress for Democracy, Democratic Party for a New Society, United Nationalities Democracy Party, Danu Nationalities Democracy Party, Daingnet National Development Party, Mro National Democracy Party, Karen National Party, Shan State Kokang Democratic Party and Mon Affairs Association.

Previously known as the PRF, the committee changed its name to PRCF in March 2021.

Sai Kyaw Nyunt, a joint secretary of the Shan Nationalities League for Democracy, recently spoke with The Irrawaddy about the objectives of the constitution and its most important features.

What is the intention of publishing a constitution?

It has been nearly two years since we drafted the constitution in 2022. So, we decided that it was time to publish it.

What is the PRCF?

The PRCF was formed after the 2021 coup. It comprises primarily members of the United Nationalities Alliance and their partners.

The PRCF mentioned three main tasks in its statement about publishing its constitution. Can you elaborate on them?

We cant accept any form of dictatorship, either military dictatorship or civilian dictatorship. The conflict in our country since independence is deeply connected to the constitution. The 1974 constitution did not meet the wishes of the people and the same is true of the 2008 constitution.

In our view, federalism is the best [form of government] for this highly diverse and multi-ethnic country. But federalism alone is not enough. There must also be democracy. So, there is a need for a federal, democratic constitution. But again, a constitution alone is not enough. Peaceful co-existence is also critically important for us to come together to form and maintain a union.

How do you see the current political landscape in Myanmar?

Myanmar is at war now. We are politicians so we dont know much about military affairs. Military solutions alone cant solve problems in a country. Space for politics is necessary. It is more powerful than military action in terms of fulfilling the wishes of the people. We want things handled peacefully.

So, your political parties prefer non-violence?

We dont want to say which is right and which is wrong. I am only talking about our tendency. By political means, I mean you dont necessarily have to establish a party and contest the election. You may oppose the voting, and release statements about your views. These are all political means. Dialogue is also a political means. This is what we believe.

What drove the PRCF to design a constitution?

Eleven of the 12 organizations in the PRCF are political parties. We believe certain conditions must be met for our country to have greater peace and stability. So, we have designed the constitution, outlining the conditions that we think are necessary to have peace and stability. Those parties have won votes and support from people in their respective constituencies. So, we designed the constitution to convey our idea about an ideal union.

What are the salient points about your constitution?

We refer to four documents: the fundamental principles of the PRCF, the fundamental principles in a federal democracy charter, the constitution from the Federal Constitution Drafting and Coordinating Committee, and the constitution from the UNA and allies. Our constitution touches upon new topics, such as financial matters, relations between government agencies, and administration and public services.

So, is it fair to say the constitution drafted by the PRFC is one that reflects the federal democracy charter declared by anti-regime political forces?

We cant say so. Many organizations, including ethnic armed organizations, were involved in designing the federal democracy charter. Our constitution was drafted solely by PRCF members, but it can be used as a draft for all the stakeholders to discuss in the future.

Will you accept recommendations, if there are any, to your constitution?

We are willing to accept any recommendation that does not go against our principles.

The military regime upholds the 2008 Constitution. What will you say if they say they dont accept your constitution?

We represent people to a certain extent, and we live among the people. So, the constitution represents our view of what this country should be like. Everyone is aware that one group or organization representing all the others was not successful. We need to try to write a constitution that is acceptable to all by negotiating between all stakeholders.

How did stakeholders in the country respond to your constitution?

No one has yet strongly responded to our constitution. It was only published recently, and perhaps stakeholders are still studying it. Our constitution is largely based on documents of ethnic armed organizations, ethnic political organizations and ethnic Bamar organizations. So, there wont be much difference between ours and theirs.

There might be differences in the way we operate, but I dont think there will be much disagreement regarding policies. The policies of the regime and the military, however, can be markedly different from ours. In the future, we will have to accept what is best for the people.

What is the PRCFs next step?

We established political parties to do our share for the country. So, we will continue to work in our way to restore peace and build a country that all citizens want to see.

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Siddaramaiah vs Modi: The ‘cess-y’ mess in fiscal federalism – Deccan Herald

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Something unique and rare in Indian political history happened recently. Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, Deputy Chief Minister D K Shivakumar, and many senior cabinet ministers went to Delhi and sat in a dharna for a My State My Tax protest. They were joined by ministers and leaders from the other southern states of Kerala and Tamil Nadu and supported in spirit by Telangana. It was an extraordinary development where democratically elected heads of Indias states were forced to go to Delhi to demand their share of tax revenues and taxation rights. No taxation without representation was the slogan for the American independence struggle against the British. Southern states in India are now protesting against Representation without taxation!

With the southern states protests and the Supreme Courts recent ruling, the late BJP finance minister Arun Jaitleys contribution of the phrases cooperative federalism and electoral bonds to Indias political lexicon have been rendered dubious and hollow by the Modi government.

Elected governments across the world rely on direct and indirect taxes for revenues to implement schemes and fulfil their electoral promises. As per the Constitution, state governments in India do not have powers to levy direct income and corporate taxes, unlike in other federal nations. After GST, state governments lost their exclusive powers for indirect taxes, too. They are only left with powers to tax sin goods, fuel, property, electricity, and agriculture, which constitute a small slice of overall tax revenues. To put it simply, post-GST, democratically elected state governments in India are forced to be almost entirely dependent on the Union government for resources.

To make matters worse, the Modi government, true to its governance style, has politicised Indias federalism through duplicitous means of cesses and surcharges to garner greater share of tax revenues for itself and minimise states share.

When a Karnataka resident buys a certain good or service and pays Rs 100 as central taxes on it, the Union government keeps Rs 58 of it and shares Rs 42 with the states. But for the same transaction, if Rs 100 is charged as cess by the Union government, then it gets to keep all of it and not have to share it with the states. This is a quirk and a relic of Indias historical taxation laws. So, a cooperative federalism-minded Union government will try to minimise cess and maximise tax revenues which can be shared with state governments for their governance. Unsurprisingly, the Modi government did the exact opposite in its decade-long tenure.

Cesses and surcharges have nearly doubled as a share of revenues from 12% to 20% of overall tax revenues during Modis tenure. In 2014, overall tax revenues collected by both the Union and state governments was Rs 18 lakh crore, which rose to about Rs 46 lakh crore by 2023. But a whopping 10% of this increase came from cesses and surcharges, depriving state governments of nearly Rs 3 lakh crore. This is a huge amount, and hence state governments are crying foul. This has impacted every state government but because of the extreme high-command culture and imposition of their will on BJP-ruled states, BJP Chief Ministers can only grumble in private rather than join Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Bengal and Telangana in an overt protest. The Modi governments cess mess has stained Indias fabric of federalism.

This deceit by the Modi government is what has angered the high tax-contributing southern states and prompted them to question the transfer of their tax revenues to poorer northern states. The average person in Karnataka or Tamil Nadu pays Rs 20,000 annually in taxes while the average person in Madhya Pradesh or Uttar Pradesh pays just Rs 4,500. But the average person in Bihar, UP or Madhya Pradesh get back Rs 260 for every Rs 100 they pay in taxes, while the average Kannadiga gets back only Rs 40. Over the course of Modis tenure, this gap has only widened, and little progress has been made in bridging either the fiscal or the development gap between the richer and poorer states. Now, the contributing states are questioning the need for such an extreme skew in the distribution of tax revenues.

The very idea of India as a Union of states is now precarious. There is a complete breakdown of trust and trustworthiness between the Union and states. This growing banyan tree of distrust between states was sown by the duplicitous fiscal approach of the Modi government, watered by the imposition of a one nation one policy framework, branched by the extreme politicisation of institutions such as ED, CBI, Income Tax, Election Commission, and tended by governor politics. It is no secret that most states harbour deep disenchantment with the Modi governments anti-federal style of governance. It so happens that the more developed southern states, which are not ruled by the BJP, are able to express their resentment more freely than their Maharashtra, Haryana and Gujarat counterparts.

Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman exemplifies this disdain for states, especially those that are governed by non-BJP parties, with her scornful public rebukes and shallow pomposity, evident in the white paper she released in parliament recently. It claimed that Indias economy and infrastructure have grown in the last decade, all due to the untiring efforts and the inordinate skills of Narendra Modi. It was like parents celebrating the growth in age of their child from 5 to 15 after a decade. Even if cricketer Ravindra Jadeja or actor Akshay Kumar had been Prime Minister in this period, GDP would have grown, more toilets and houses constructed, more airports, ports and highways built, and India would have been the Chair of the G-20. The real question is not whether the child has grown in age, which is largely inevitable, but how tall, healthy, and happy is the child for her age. Ask the states!

(Published 17 February 2024, 20:21 IST)

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Ideas Of India: Devendra Fadnavis To Take A Deep Dive Into Role Of Collaborative Federalism In Nation-Building – ABP Live

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Ideas Of India: Devendra Fadnavis To Take A Deep Dive Into Role Of Collaborative Federalism In Nation-Building  ABP Live

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Potential of federalism should be realized: PM Dahal – The Himalayan Times

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Potential of federalism should be realized: PM Dahal  The Himalayan Times

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Keyboard search warrants and the Fourth Amendment | Brookings – Brookings Institution

Posted: at 7:59 pm

Does a search warrant ordering Google to give law enforcement information regarding internet searches containing specific keywords made during a particular window of time violate the Fourth Amendment? This question was before the Colorado Supreme Court in 2023 and is now before the Pennsylvania Supreme Court.

The Fourth Amendment protects against unreasonable searches and seizures by the government. The government generally needs a warrant to perform a search that infringes a reasonable expectation of privacy.

As the Supreme Court explained in a 1981 decision, the Fourth Amendment was intended partly to protect against the abuses of the general warrants that had occurred under English rule prior to 1776. A general warrant specified only an offensetypically seditious libeland left to the discretion of the executing officials the decision as to which persons should be arrested and which places should be searched.

To guard against this sort of misuse of government investigative power, the Fourth Amendment provides that search warrants can only be issued upon probable cause and that they must describe with particularity the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. Probable cause and particularity in light of 21st century investigative technologies, such as keyword searches, raise novel and important questions that courts have only recently begun to consider.

The Colorado case, Colorado v. Seymour, arose from an investigation of a 2020 arson in which five people were killed. Police in Denver obtained a warrant requiring Google to provide the internet protocol (IP) addresses for devices, as well as a Google-assigned device identifier, for any Google accounts used to conduct searches for the homes address in the 15 days preceding the fire.

Given an IP address, it is often (though not always) straightforward to identify the specific electronic device involved and subsequently the person who was using that device. Using the information obtained pursuant to the warrant, police identified and charged a suspect with crimes including murder, arson, and burglary.

In an October 2023 ruling, the Colorado Supreme Court cast doubt on whether the Colorado suspect had a reasonable expectation of privacy under the Fourth Amendment for internet searches. However, the court found that the suspect had a reasonable expectation of privacy in his Google search history under article II, section 7 of the Colorado Constitution. While that portion of the Colorado Constitution has text very similar to the Fourth Amendment, the court cited Colorado case law stating that we are not bound by the United States Supreme Courts interpretation of the Fourth Amendment when determining the scope of state constitutional protections.

Given that the search implicated a reasonable expectation of privacy, the next question is whether the warrant met the particularity and probable cause requirements of the Fourth Amendment. With respect to particularity, the court conclude[d] that the warrant at issue adequately particularized the place to be searched and the things to be seized.

The court sidestepped the question of probable cause, writing that because resolution of this issue doesnt affect the outcome, we simply assume without deciding that the warrant lacked probable cause and was thus constitutionally defective.

Often, the exclusionary rule blocks federal and state prosecutors from using evidence collected in a manner that violates the Fourth Amendment. But there is an exception: If a court finds that law enforcement acted in good faith, the evidence can be presented at trial despite the constitutional violation. Invoking this good faith exception, the Colorado Supreme Court declined to suppress the evidence obtained using the keyword search warrant, concluding that law enforcement obtained and executed the warrant in good faith.

In the Pennsylvania case, Commonwealth v. Kurtz, investigators pursuing a rape investigation used a keyword search warrant to requiring Google to identify Google searches of the address of the crime scene in the hours preceding the crime. In response, Google provided an IP address from which a Google search of the address had been conducted in the relevant time frame. This information was among the evidence used to identify and then to convict the suspect in an October 2020 trial. The suspect then appealed to the Superior Court of Pennsylvania.

In April 2023 the appeals court considered and rejected the suspects assertion that he had a reasonable expectation of privacy in his internet search history:

We conclude that Appellant lacked a reasonable expectation of privacy concerning his Google searches of [the crime scene] address and his IP address. By typing in his search query into the search engine and pressing enter, Appellant affirmatively turned over the contents of his search to Google, a third party, and voluntarily relinquished his privacy interest in the search.

The appeals court then turned to probable cause, writing that even if Appellant did have a constitutionally cognizable privacy interest in his searches of [the] address, we would also find that the Google warrant was supported by probable cause. The appeals court did not address the question of particularity.

The suspect then appealed to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, which in October 2023 agreed to consider 1) whether there is a reasonable expectation of privacy in internet search queries and the IP address from which those queries are sent, and 2) whether the search warrant met the probable cause requirement. Notably, the good faith exception applied in the Colorado case is not recognized in Pennsylvania state courts in relation to protections in the state constitution from government searches. Thus, if the Pennsylvania Supreme Court determines that the warrant was unconstitutional due to lack of probable cause, the associated evidence will be suppressed.

While Colorado and Pennsylvania appear to be the first states where the states highest court is considering the constitutionality of keyword search warrants, the power of this investigative technique guarantees that this issue will reach other state supreme courts as well. In addition, it will increasingly arise in in federal courts.

At root is the question of whether keyword search warrants are general warrants, and thus by definition unconstitutional. In an amicus brief filed in January with the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, the Electronic Frontier Foundation argues that the answer is yes:

A warrant purporting to authorize a reverse keyword search is a digital analog to a warrant that authorizes officers to search every house in an area of a townsimply on the chance that they might find written material connected to a crime. Like the general warrants and writs of assistance used in England and colonial America, this warrants lack of particularity and overbreadth invites the police to treat it as an excuse to conduct an unconstitutional general search.

Government investigators using keyword search warrants will of course take a different view. They will argue, for instance, that the specific nature of the keywords in the warrant, plus the fact that it is limited to searches conducted in a limited window of time, means that it satisfies the particularity requirement. Of course, identifying the IP addresses that did conduct a Google search using specific keywords also requires determining that a vastly larger number of people did not conduct such a search. Investigators will have to explain why the process of making those negative determinations doesnt render the warrant unconstitutional. Investigators will also argue that the likelihood that perpetrators performed an internet search of the crime scene is high enough to satisfy probable cause.

Eventually, the U.S. Supreme Court may hear a keyword search warrant case, and if so, the resulting ruling could provide important consistency and clarity. Until then, there will likely be a range of outcomes from the different courts that engage with this important set of constitutionality questions.

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