Monthly Archives: August 2022

K.N. Balagopal, the Kerala finance minister, recently wrote a detailed letter to the Union finance minister Nirmala Sitharaman in the backdrop of the grave financial crisis that state governments are facing currently. The letter states that the Union Ministry of Finance has arbitrarily, in the name of off-budget borrowing, made a reduction of approximately Rs 4,000 crore in the net borrowing limits of the state.

According to Balagopal, in all, the Kerala government alone would have to contend with a reduction of Rs 23,000 crore in the financial resources available to it for financing the budget in the current financial year, which would seriously impact the governments ability to finance its welfare expenditure, including for targeted schemes for the poor, for housing, education, and healthcare.

The letter also raises some serious issues with respect to the governing dynamics of Centre-state federal relations when it comes to allowing autonomy to states like Kerala to manage their own fiscal position vis--vis the Centre, and with respect to the constitutional interpretation of clauses provided under Article 280, often referred to by the Finance Commissions for regulating sub-national borrowings.

Balagopals letter says:

Article 293(3) of the Constitution fetters the states power to raise loans. Under this provision, if there is still any part of a loan made to the State by the Government of India or in respect of which the Government of India has given a guarantee, State is forbidden from raising any loan without the consent of the Union Government. The words any loan in this chapter must be read in light of the accepted canons of Interpretation of Statutes.

In simple terms, the words any loan appearing in Article 293 (3) must be read as any loan advanced by the Union government. This was reasonably well settled in the 1987 Supreme Court judgment of Chandra Mohan vs State of UP (1966). Any different interpretation of the words any loan would cut at the root of the nations federalist core, which is part of the basic structure of the constitution.

More importantly, Article 293(3) can be legitimately used for imposing conditions related to a request for borrowing of a State Government. This cannot be used to control or administer the borrowing of the State Government. Under the Constitution, these are matters that exclusively remain in the domain of the State Government.

The Union governments coercive attitude remains consistent in its treatment and interpretation of clauses with other non-BJP ruled states too. Recently, the Telangana and Tamil Nadu governments too made similar observations about the need to preserve constitutionally safeguarded state-autonomy in being able to manage its fiscal priorities (including for borrowings made).

Article 283(2) confers on the states the powers of regulating its Public Account under law made by the legislature of the state. The Public Account of the states reflects its internal financial transactions where constitutionally the State plays the role of a banker to itself. As Balagopal rightly argues:

..Without a valid legal or financial basis, Government of India, by deciding to arbitrarily exclude amounts in the Public Account in assigning the net borrowing ceiling, has attempted to make serious inroads into the constitutional financial powers of the State Governments while at the same time seriously impairing the ability of the State to manage its liquidity from time to time.

This seems contemptible and is likely to lead to longer term conflicts in the federal relations between other BJP and non-BJP ruled states.

Another key bone of contention for state governments is the fact how the (Union) Ministry of Finance has now stipulated that along with balances maintained in the Public Account of a state government, all borrowings of state government entities receiving budgetary support from the state budget will also be taken into consideration while setting the borrowing limits of the respective state government.

While the Union government has failed to consistently share its outlay-ed plan of fiscal compensation (from GST and other sources) with most states, it is now imposing additional restrictions to minimise state-capacity to borrow to finance their needs, through differed interpretations of existing constitutional provisions. At the same time, it does not impose any such limits on its own borrowings by taking into account the borrowings of the agencies set up by it.

Further, the scope of Article 293(3) and (4) are limited to the state as defined under Article 1 (1) of the constitution. It cannot be extended to include the debt of government agencies, including companies and statutory bodies. It must also be emphasised how under the given federal-state financial architecture in the constitution, the constitutional structure for making any such recommendations is the Finance Commission.

Balagopal adds:

None of the previous fourteen Finance Commissions have made any such recommendation that could serve as the basis for the decision made by the Department of Expenditure. It would be (therefore) wrong to interpretatively and selectively use Article 293(3) to undermine the federal character of the Constitution.

Kerala finance minister K.N. Balagopal.

Protecting states fiscal space

To put into context, it must be realised that during most of the last two years, despite a pandemic wreaking havoc on almost all states fiscal positions, exacerbating the public debt levels of states and that of the Union government, the Modi government offered little direct support for the most affected state governments to meet their financial needs.

Any assistance offered was in the form of liquidity support with the opportunity to borrow through the RBI or Centre, if the need arises. As we see from Balagopals letter here too, the loss of (fiscal) autonomy to state governments is further likely to make state governments even more skeptical of any Union-offered support, which is unfortunate, given the troubling macro numbers available on Union and state-deficits, debt, and other liabilities (see below).

Source: Handbook of Statistics on Indian Economy (RBI) and Union Budget Documents, 2012-23

Source: Handbook of Statistics on Indian Economy (RBI) and Union Budget Documents, 2012-23

As Pinaki Chakraborty argues in EPW, on the fiscal consolidation story between 2020-21 (the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic) and 2022-23, the fiscal challenges for the Union-states have eased but remain present as they navigate economic recovery in uncertain times. The reasons are many.

First, it is difficult to predict the impact of the ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine on the fiscal situation as we move to the fiscal year 202223. Second, between 2020-21 and 2022-23 (BE), the reduction in the revenue deficit has been substantial, that is, from 7.3% to 3.8% of the GDP. Third, compositionally, revenue deficit continues to be more than 55% of the fiscal deficit and management of such a deficit has a few important considerations for revenue expenditure, that is (i) interest payments and (ii) allocation under various centrally sponsored and central sector schemes. In 2021-22 (RE), interest payment is 25.7% of the revenue expenditure and 39.14% of revenue receipts.

As a percentage of the GDP, it increased from 3.1% to 3.6% of the GDP during 2012-13 to 2022-23 (BE). This implies corresponding reduction in the fiscal space for primary expenditure for discretionary development spending. Within the discretionary development spending, changes in allocation within the centrally sponsored schemes (CSSs) basket receive a great deal of attention after every budget.

However, the fundamental point, as per Dr. Chakraborty, is that resources flow to the states in the form of CSSs are still substantial. Aggregate allocation under centrally sponsored and central sector schemes as per the 2022-23 (BE) is 3.83 lakh crore and the interest payment cost of the union government is 9.56 lakh crore. Beyond scheme-wise allocations, it is also important to consider the CSS allocation as an issue of macro-fiscal management at the union and state levels, especially when it is contributing to a high revenue deficit of the union government and binding state resources for matching contributions, thereby increasing states deficit.

In managing the swelling fiscal deficit and public debt levels (including of fiscally weak states), the public expenditure composition and fiscal priorities must be more clearly understood, due to differed constitutional assignment of functions for the Union and state governments. Most redistributive expenditures critical for welfare outcomes are in the functional domain of states.

A contraction of such expenditure at the state level can have adverse distributional consequences, with a regression being already observed in performance outcomes state-level performance on access to education, healthcare, social security, particularly for the vulnerable and marginalised sections. Welfare driven expenditure needs arent part of revdi politics but more about securing a governments basic responsibility to its people and the larger citizenry.

Hence, state governments (irrespective of their party affiliation) need all the support they can get at this point to either borrow more freely under a mutually agreed fiscal roadmap for their developmental needs, or be otherwise supported to manage their finances on their own, or through borrowing financed support offered by the Union government.

In either of the scenarios, fiscal cooperation and transparent functioning is vital for protecting states fiscal space and enhancing macroeconomic stability. There is no room for an ad hoc arbitrary decision making mechanism, nor selective partisan constitutional interpretations, which might trigger more direct confrontation between State governments and the Union Ministry of Finance going forward.

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The Union Government Is Arbitrarily Squeezing States Fiscal Freedom To Borrow - The Wire

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EXCLUSIVE: The House Freedom Caucus is pressuring GOP leaders in the House and Senate to reject any "lame duck" government appropriations package as Congress prepares to put together a bill to fund the government ahead of the 2022 midterm elections.

In a letter first obtained by Fox News Digital to House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy and Senate Minority Leaders Mitch McConnell, the HFC members have three major asks of GOP leadership: reject any measure to fund the government that would prevent the next Congress from setting spending levels; reduce the fiscal year 2023 appropriations spending top line; and add language in appropriations bills to secure the southern border, lower energy prices and end COVID-19 vaccine mandates.

"The American people literally cannot afford another Democrat-led spending measure that would exacerbate inflation and continue to fund the very agencies waging war on their freedoms," write the House Republicans led by Rep. Scott Perry, R-Pa.

"So, we urge you to reject any attempt to pass a FY 2023 omnibus appropriations measure this Congress whether it is in response to the September 30th spending deadline or in the upcoming lame duck session and rule out any continuing resolution that does not extend funding to the 118th Congress," they continue.

REPUBLICANS PROMISE VOTE-A-RAMA 'HELL' AS MANCHIN, SINEMA ADVANCE DEM SOCIAL SPENDING AND TAX BILL

"The American people literally cannot afford another Democrat-led spending measure that would exacerbate inflation and continue to fund the very agencies waging war on their freedoms," write the House Republicans led by Rep. Scott Perry, R-Pa. (Photo By Bill Clark/CQ Roll Call)

Government funding is set to run out at the end of the fiscal year, on Sept. 30.

Republicans in the Senate have threatened to tank a continuing resolution as payback for the passage of Sen. Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., and Majority Leader Chuck Schumer's "Inflation Reduction Act."

"I will not vote for a continuing resolution that is part of a political payback scheme," Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., said earlier this month. "Sen. Manchin, if you think you're going to get 60 votes, to get to sweeteners that can't be done in reconciliation, you need to think long and hard about what you're doing."

Sen. Roger Marshall, R-Kan., also said he would oppose a continuing resolution on those grounds.

The Senate ended up passing the bill along party lines, with Vice President Kamala Harris casting a tie-breaking vote.

House Minority Whip Steve Scalise of La., left, House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy of Calif., and Rep. Elise Stefanik, R-N.Y., speak with reporters after watching a speech by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy live-streamed into the U.S. Capitol, in Washington, Wednesday, March 16, 2022. ((AP Photo/Alex Brandon))

The House Republicans write in their letter that they "strongly encourage" GOP leadership to support an FY 2023 appropriations package that would both reduce overall spending and include Republican policy priorities, including a Hyde Amendment provision to protect life.

"Finally, Republicans must fully repeal and defund the so-called Inflation Reduction Act as soon as possible. Reducing spending to pre-COVID-19 levels, adopting conservative policy riders, and repealing Democrats disastrous tax and spend reconciliation measure would curb inflation, while restricting the Biden administrations ability to inflict harm on the American people," the HFC Republicans write.

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The lawmakers also demand that appropriations include efforts to "unleash American energy" and bring down gas prices. In addition, they urge Republicans to reject any measure that "fails to make the policy changes necessary to secure the southern border."

Mitch McConnell asked Sen. John Cornyn to talk with Democrats about gun legislation, saying he was "hopeful" something would come out of it. AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)

They also ask that the GOP stands strong behind getting rid of any Biden administration-enforced "tyrannical" COVID-19 mandates, which they say is contributing to labor shortages.

McCarthy and McConnell did not immediately respond to requests for comment by Fox News Digital.

Fox News' Tyler Olson contributed to this report.

Kelly Laco is a politics editor for Fox News Digital. Story tips can be sent to Kelly.Laco@Fox.com and on Twitter: @kelly_laco.

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House Freedom Caucus calls on McCarthy, McConnell to reject 'lame duck' spending this fall - Fox News

Vermont Business Magazine JAG Productions, a Vermont and New York City-based company serving as an artistic sanctuary for Black creatives in the American theatre, announced its 2022/2023 line-up this week. JAGs exciting seventh season, including new play and musical development, a residency at New York Theatre Workshop, the return of the wildly popular Theatre on the Hill, and a fully realized production of a new Afro-surrealist dark comedy presented in Vermont and New York City, centers around themes of freedom and healing. The season is titled The Freedom Practice.

We are committed to practicing liberation through the creativity we produce and the community we foster here at JAG Productions, says JAG Producing Artistic Director Jarvis Green. JAG is making space for theatre artists to bring their varying Black cultures, queer expressions, and intersectional identities to the work for deep transformations to occur.

JAG begins the season with the highly anticipated Theatre on the Hill, featuring Tony Award winner Britton Smith and his funk liberation band Britton and The Sting. The JAG team will then travel to New York City for the first part of its groundbreaking residency at New York Theatre Workshop, where JAG will create new meaning and perspective for a well-known musical through decentralizing white aesthetics, approaches, and methods in the musical theatre process.

In the fall, JAG Juke Joint returns with a gorgeous feast featuring southern home cooking and performances by JAG artists. Then JAG will warm up the winter months with its seventh new works development festival, JAGfest 7.0, where emerging playwrights will be given the opportunity to develop their works and present staged readings in Vermont and New York City.

In the spring, JAG will wrap up its season with Keelay Gipsons dark surrealist comedy demons. directed by Steph Paul, which Gipson developed at a previous JAGfest and at New York Stage and Film. JAG Productions, co-producing with New Yorks The Bushwick Starr, will be mounting a fully realized production of demons. in both Vermont and New York City.

As JAGs seventh season begins, they are thrilled to be working with talented new team members, including Associate Artistic Director Sideeq Heard and Development Associate Parker Silver. Heard, an emerging multi-hyphenate theatre artist with national and international experience, will bring his keen aesthetic sensibilities to the creative team. Silvers many talents and experience as arts administrator, curator, artist and performer will be a great benefit to JAGs development endeavors. Together, their efforts will increase overall capacity for the company, allowing it to expand its programming and offer additional opportunities for Black storytellers to develop their work.

Whats more, JAGs Board of Directors has approved an annual budget of $1.1 million for the 2022/2023 fiscal year. This budget doubles JAGs 2021/2022 annual budget. With this significantly larger budget, JAG will continue to grow its staff, expand its programming, and foster the development of theatre that brings a 21st century Black aesthetic to the American stage.

Newest board members Laura Gillespie and William Cheng are bringing even more vibrancy and diversity to JAG. Gillespie joined the Upper Valley Haven in 2016 as its Director Of Development & Communications, after ten years at The Aloha Foundation. She is VP of the Lifecare Board of Alice Peck Day Hospital, and coaches high school rowing with Upper Valley Rowing Foundation. Cheng is an Ethnomusicologist who has contributed op-eds and features to Washington Post, Slate, TIME, Huffington Post, and more. Cheng is also an elected Member of the American Musicological Society's Ethics Committee, and an Ambassador for WISE, an organization seeking to end gender-based violence in the Upper Valley and beyond.

JAGs board chair Vincent Mack remarks about the two new board members, Laura brings lots of non-profit experience, and will guide us in finance, donor development, and our organizational governance efforts. Will has great energy and enthusiasm and is open to guidance and to being tasked in ways he can contribute. Will further contributes to the diversity of the board, both as a human, as an artist, and as an academic.

More information about JAGs 2022-2023 season and tickets available at http://www.jagproductionsvt.com.

ABOUT JAG PRODUCTIONS

At the confluence of the White and Connecticut Rivers, which separate Abenaki land into the states of Vermont and New Hampshire, JAG has nurtured and sustained a multi-generational and multi-racial theatre company with Black artists and community organizers at its center. JAGs mission is to bring more compassion, empathy, and love into the world by telling stories that challenge hierarchies of race, gender, class, and sexuality. These stories are written and produced by and for Black, Brown, Queer, and Trans folx and the people that love them. JAG strives to tell these crucial stories and provide an artistic sanctuary for creatives seeking rejuvenation, time for reflection, and a space in nature to develop art that will change the world. Since its founding, JAG has curated, produced, and directed contemporary and classical Black theatre to engage and sustain individual and collective transformations that unsettle hierarchies of race, gender, and sexuality. JAGs primary programming includes: JAGfest, an annual new playwrights festival; Theatre on the Hill, five weekends of workshops, concerts, burlesque, and staged readings hosted on the gorgeously picturesque lawn at King Arthur Baking Company in Norwich, VT; and the JAG Musical Theatre Lab, a multi-year lab that offers audiences a new vision of American musical theater storytelling. JAG is committed to expanding its artistic development and presence in New York City as part of its strategic vision to establish greater ties with New York-based theatres and the artist community. Today, JAG Productions offers productions throughout the year, bringing in nearly 5,000 people each season to experience dynamic artists and education programming just five minutes from Dartmouth College.

WHITE RIVER JUNCTION, VT - July 15, 2022 - JAG Productions

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JAGs 7th and most ambitious season yet is titled 'The Freedom Practice' - Vermont Biz

Are you a nurse or health care worker at Michigan Medicine?Contact the WSWS Health Care Workers Newsletterusing the form at the end of this article. What are the main issues you face at your workplace? What do you think needs to be done? All submissions will be kept anonymous.

More than 6,000 Michigan Medicine nurses at University of Michigan Hospital have been working without a contract since July 1. Over the past six weeks, the Michigan Nurses Association-University of Michigan Professional Nurse Council (MNA-UMPNC), has conducted three rallies at which union bureaucrats and Democratic Party politicians have promised to stand with the nurses.

The unions idea of standing with the nurses, however, has consisted of making polite appeals to the profit-hungry University of Michigan Board of Regents and keeping nurses in the dark regarding the contract negotiations with Michigan Medicine. At no point in this long process has any union bureaucrat uttered the word strike except to warn the rank-and-file that it is illegal for public sector workers to strike.

The World Socialist Web Site has recently written on this issue, demonstrating that public sector workers can and do strike. In fact, as we pointed out, the year 1989 saw a determined strike by nurses at the University of Michigan. After 13 days, that strike was broken by means of an injunction overseen by the governor at the time, Democrat James Blanchard.

In the 2018 contract struggle, the nurses again voted overwhelmingly to strike, but the MNA-UMPNC never called a walkout.

By preventing strikes, the union keeps from workers the only leverage they have against management, the ability to withhold their labor. The result for Michigan Medicine nurses, as for all workers represented by todays unions, has been a long string of concessions contracts.

Now the union wants to tell nurses how they may and may not speak.

On August 9, Renee Curtis, President of the MNA-UMPNC, issued an edict for all Michigan Medicine nurses on the unions official Facebook page. In response to a post by a rank-and-file nurse urging that nurses consider refusing to volunteer for overtime to put more pressure on the university during contract talks, Curtis moved quickly to pour water on that spark.

In a post under the heading DO and DONTs of POSTING ON FACEBOOK, Curtis took it upon herself to gag the membership. Her post reads, in part:

We CANNOT engage or promote a work stoppage of any kind without proper cause or notification. This also means members cannot make posts that encourage any action of this nature.

These claims are nonsense, and nurses must not be intimidated by the unions scare tactics. Curtis can no more forbid nurses from posting what they want on Facebook than she can tell them what they may and may not talk about in the break rooms.

Curtiss post raises the fundamental issue of freedom of speech. It is worth quoting the First Amendment to the Constitution in full:

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.

While technically the amendment restricts the actions of the government, the principle in this case is the same. The union bureaucracy is blatantly seeking to abridge nurses freedom of speech.

Are Michigan Medicine nurses obligedalong with handing over hundreds of hard-earned dollars every year to the union bureaucracy, or more precisely, having it automatically taken out of their paychecksto also forgo their basic democratic rights?

Consider the message Curtis has attempted to silence. The nurse in question did not even call for a strike, only for withholding labor related to volunteering for overtime upon the announcement of new incentives. The union bureaucracy is telling nurses they may not talk about not volunteering! Can this be considered the conduct of a democratic organization?

And what can Curtis possibly mean by proper cause or notification? Michigan Medicine nurses have been working for six weeks without a contract! That alone is cause enough, and nurses know that the time has come for a work stoppage. That the union bureaucracy is blocking such a move only exposes the MNA-UMPNCs complicity in the health system and the Board of Regents exploitation of nurses at Michigan Medicine.

As for posting on the union bureaucracys official Facebook page, the analogy would be to a meeting in a union hall. Here members should be in charge and should feel free to say whatever is on their minds. For many decades, however, union bureaucrats in all industries have strong-armed dissenting workers into silence at meetings by cutting off their microphones, shouting them down and carrying out reprisals against those workers who dare to speak up.

Curtis is no less arrogant in her attempt to silence nurses, who are becoming increasingly frustrated and vocal about the bureaucracys collusion with Michigan Medicine. In fact, Curtiss gag order represents clearly the anti-democratic nature of the union and the bureaucracys attitude toward the membership.

Why, for instance, have negotiations been kept behind closed doors? All negotiations should be live-streamed so that members can follow them with full knowledge of the proceedings. That is how a democratic organization would conduct its business.

Further, and critically, by reviewing the minutes of a Board of Regents meeting with the executive team of the MNA-UMPNC held on July 21 in the Upper Peninsula, the World Socialist Web Site learned that the Board of Regents reported as an Item of Information a request by the university for formal mediation with the MNA-UMPNC.

The union bureaucracy never shared this crucial information with the membership. Are the current negotiations between the union and the Board of Regents being held under mediation? Nurses have a right to know.

Such secretive and anti-democratic conduct on the part of the MNA-UMPNC drives home the point that nurses cannot trust the local executive team or the bureaucracy of the MNA. Democracy and transparency are hallmarks of a genuine workers organization, and they are utterly absent from the MNA-UMPNC.

As the WSWS wrote last Friday, todays unions bear no resemblance to the fighting organizations of an earlier era, when pitched battles and sit-down strikes, often led by socialists, won gains for organized workers in the form of higher wages, better working conditions and better hours. We said:

They [the unions] have been transformed into organizations that rob workers of billions of dollars in dues money in order to enrich bureaucrats who live comfortable lives in the richest 10 percent of American society. They suppress the class struggle and form a critical part of the Democratic Party and the imperialist state.

Unions today are the hollow shells of yesterdays workers organizations, controlled by bureaucratic parasites whose mission statement is To provide management with cheap labor, to suppress strikes and to collect dues. The dues money is the incentive for selling out the membership.

Michigan Medicine nurses, as we recently reported, pay $62.03 a month in dues to the MNA-UMPNC. This does not include the undisclosed amount nurses pay in dues to the local. We wrote:

Some $4,615,000 from 6,200 Michigan Medicine nurses paychecks go to the MNA each year in the form of dues.

Nurses have a right to ask: Where is this money going? Is the union using the money to fight for them? The answer is obvious, and nurses must draw the necessary conclusions.

A real workers organization would be fighting tooth and nail against a wealthy and avaricious employer. Michigan Medicine reported a $339.8 million operating margin (the system is technically not-for-profit) for 2021. Its parent company, the University of Michigan, is one of the nations wealthiest universities, with assets of $19.5 billion in fiscal year 2021. This wealth is in part due to billions in investments in hedge funds run by contributors to the university. This may be legal, but that does make it any less corrupt.

The union has consistently told its membership that it cannot call a strike absent an unfair labor practice on the part of Michigan Medicine. But according to the MNA-UMPNC website, Michigan Medicine is bargaining in bad faith. Under the National Labor Relations Act, this is grounds for a charge of unfair labor practices. Yet the union refuses to even call a strike vote.

The only way forward for Michigan Medicine nurses is to take their struggle into their own hands. It is certain that the MNA-UMPNC will not represent their interests in any way, and nurses must organize themselves independently of the union. The way to do this is to form a rank-and-file committee.

The rank-and-file committee, an independent and democratic body, should immediately demand a strike vote and a date certain to launch a strike, to continue until the demands of the nurses are met. The WSWS suggests that these demands include:

Nurses must join their struggle to that of all other employees at Michigan Medicine and to the struggles of health care workers throughout Michigan and across the country. They should broaden their struggle to link up with those of autoworkers, teachers, logistics workers and others who are likewise fighting against inflation, impossible hours and under-stafffing.

A strike by Michigan Medicine nurses, especially one led by a rank-and-file committee, would send a lightning bolt through the profit-driven health care industry. Health care workers everywhere would take courage from the nurses struggle. Such a strike would be the first step in the mobilization of the working class against a system that has proven it values profits over life.

Are you a health care worker with a story to tell? Make your voice heard! All submissions will be kept anonymous.

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Why is the Michigan Medicine nurses' union abridging freedom of speech? - WSWS

EAST CLEVELAND, OhioThe Cuyahoga County Board of Elections have certified a petition to recall the mayor of East Cleveland, Brandon King. Under East Clevelands charter, Mayor King has until Thursday to resign his position or face a recall election in November.

Elections officials certified last week that the petition to recall Mayor King had garnered 322 valid signatures. A total of 311 signatures was required to bring the issue to voters. Supporters of the recall effort, including city council members Korean Stevenson and Patricia Blochowiak, have alleged that Mayor King and his administration have mismanaged city resources and further exacerbated the citys fiscal emergency.

The City of East Cleveland residents must make a choice; a choice to continue down this path of destruction and ill-repute or turn and save what is left of our city, Stevenson said.

William Fambrough, one of the organizers of the recall initiative, filed a lawsuit against the city and Mayor King earlier this year, alleging that the mayor allowed East Cleveland police to abuse their power and suppress his freedom of speech. Fambrough specifically alleged that police towed a van that he was using to promote one of Kings opponents in the primary.

In a press conference outside city hall Monday, city council member Patricia Blochowiak alleged that Mayor King has routinely spent public money that had not yet been appropriated by the city council.

Additionally, Blochowiak alleged that the city has routinely done business with contractors and businesses without having a signed and executed contract. Blochowiak said officials have passed the information along to state and federal law enforcement.

We have a situation where laws have been broken and we have a situation where we have major mismanagement, If this keeps going on, the city is going to fall apart entirely.

Under the city charter, King has until Aug. 18 to resign. If he does not resign, Kings position as mayor will again go to the voters on Nov. 8. King had just secured a second term in late 2021. If the voters opt to recall King, a run-off election must be held within 6 months.

News 5 has reached out to Mayor King multiple times since last week and a reporter stopped by his office Monday afternoon. One of the mayors assistants said he would not be available for the rest of the day.

This is our precipice. This is where the rubber meets the road, East Cleveland. Our choice on Nov. 8 will determine our future, if we are to have one, Stevenson said.

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Board of Elections certifies recall effort to oust East Cleveland's mayor - News 5 Cleveland WEWS

Dr. Atiur Rahman | Published: Sunday, 14 August 2022

Apparently gone are the days of great moderation of high growth and low inflation in today's world. The stagflation era with low growth and high inflation followed by a severe recession is looming large according to noted economist Nouriel Roubini. He predicts that the world is set to enter a 'dangerous and destabilising new regime'. Indeed, according to him, the world economy is 'undergoing a radical regime shift' precipitated by the fallouts of the unprecedented pandemic-related slowdown of the economy which has been lately accelerated by the disruptive Russia-Ukraine war. The sanctions and countersanctions have already put brakes on the benefits of globalisation where all countries including Russia and China were deeply engaged in the post-cold war era. The supply chains have been further disrupted leading to oil shocks that have pushed global inflation to a level that can be compared to some extent with that in the 1970s when OPEC showed its teeth to form a oil curtail. In response, the monetary policy was tightened, and the money supply was restrained. Bangladesh was no exception either and followed the global lead on both fiscal and monetary policies. Bangladesh, however, moved a step further by designing a more inclusive development strategy by providing additional support to agriculture through greater diversification and modernisation to cope with the challenge of rising food inflation. This indigenous policy drive was led by none other than Bangabandhu, our Father of the Nation, when newly-independent Bangladesh was struggling hard to come out of the ashes of the 1971 War of Liberation. His economic vision of investing in people defying all odds, global and local, laid the strong foundation of macroeconomic stability which has been still providing us the strength of sustainability even in this turbulent world. Agriculture remains our major source of strength in addition to the growth of manufacturing, particularly the textile sector. Here too human factors have been playing a crucial role with massive participation of the women labour force which received basic education supported by the state, again deriving strength from the farsighted policy strategy initiated by Bangabandhu and later bolstered by his daughter subsequently. Besides, he also initiated several policies like laying the foundation of energy security by buying the shares of eight units of the global gas company Shell, divesting some of the jute mills that were nationalised immediately after the liberation of the country, and developing barter trade with friendly countries with the provision of at least forty per cent export of non-traditional items. Also, he started negotiations with Japan for financing the Bangabandhu bridge to connect the northern part of the country with the mainstream. This infrastructural focus of Bangabandhu ultimately helped Bangladesh invest in transportation-related mega infrastructure projects including the recently-inaugurated Padma bridge that will take the country far ahead by adding substantial growth to the economy.

This comprehensive vision of economic freedom for all his people evolved gradually right from his school days. He was a great organiser and could enthuse energies among his followers with hope and inspiration even during disasters. Thus, he organised volunteers to run gruel kitchens during the 1943 Bengal famine when he was a student leader in Kolkata. He worked relentlessly to provide some food to the starving people who flocked to Kolkata by raising money in the party office and hostel premises. Similarly, he organised relief camps in Patna and Asansol in 1947 for the displaced people who were victims of the communal riots following the partition of India. He could fathom the level of deprivation among the masses while participating in such humanitarian activities and remained focused on the need for realising economic freedom. He participated in the Pakistan movement only to realise the freedom of the peasants who were victims of the Zamindari system so that their food security could be ensured if the system were abolished in an independent country. However, the newly-created Pakistan was to him a 'false dawn' as it was captured by the elites including the Zamindars who were reluctant to abolish the existing land system. He returned to Dhaka and got admitted to the Law Department of Dhaka University. He started organising the students and youths under the banner of the East Pakistan Muslim Student League and later Awami Muslim League to push the agenda of freedom for the downtrodden. In the meantime, he started leading the Language Movement as the Pakistani elites wanted to undermine the sanctity of Bengali as a language. He was arrested on 11th March 1948 along with his co-leaders for raising his voice against the government policy of excluding Bengali as a state language even though Bengalis were the majority. His support for the low-income employees of Dhaka University was also a reflection of his passion for equality, for which he was again arrested. This time he was also expelled from Dhaka University as he declined to beg an apology and pay a fine to the University authority. He continued to lead the Language Movement from jail and was freed only after a countrywide uprising following the martyrdom of a few of the students and activists on 21st February 1952. That he remained glued to the idea of economic freedom as a political leader was clear when he spoke in a big gathering at Armanitola Maidan on 21st February 1953. He said the Language Movement was not only a struggle for achieving the state language status for Bengali but was deeply embedded in the aspiration for economic emancipation of the people. And he pushed the agenda during the 1954 election campaign. He continued this drive during his short stints as a minister (served twice) in the cabinet of the East Bengal government when he tried to bring substantial policy reforms for helping the farmers and smaller entrepreneurs. He was jailed after the military took over the government and was alleged to have done corruption while working for small entrepreneurs. The court rightly dismissed this allegation and later set him free. Although kept under surveillance, he organised his party from the grassroots and gave the

six-point political programme which was essentially embedded in economic freedom decrying growing inequality between two parts of Pakistan. This political campaign gathered wide support from the masses, for which he was jailed for many years until he was freed by another mass uprising in 1969. The student leaders simply adored him and gave him the people's title 'Bangabandhu' which has become his namesake. He participated in the national election following the collapse of the Ayub regime. The new military government led by General Yahiya offered this election to calm the political environment which was highly heated. He grabbed this offer and made the 'six points' the anchor of his political campaign. The people rallied behind his call and Awami League was able to achieve an absolute majority to form the government in Pakistan. However, the Pakistani elites conspired to undo this overwhelming mandate of the people and Bangabandhu emerged as the legitimate leader to give a call for a non-cooperation movement against the authoritarian government of Pakistan. This movement further galvanised the unity of Bengalis who were by then ready to fight a war of liberation. Bangabandhu gave that call as the Pakistani army started the genocide. And, obviously, Bangabandhu was arrested but the Bengali nation rose to the occasion to fight an ethical war. Bangabandhu returned to his independent Bangladesh from captivity only to wage another war for economic freedom.

The key element of his vision for economic freedom was clearly reflected in his maiden speech at the Racecourse Maidan (now Suhrawardy Udyan) on 10 January after his return to independent Bangladesh. He said on that afternoon that political freedom would be meaningless if people were not able to eat and get employment. So started his new journey of reconstruction of war-ravaged Bangladesh to achieve that goal.

After returning to independent Bangladesh, Bangabandhu began the amazing journey of rebuilding the war-torn economy and society. His unique pro-people development philosophy originated from his life-long struggle for socio-economic emancipation of the ordinary people which was clearly reflected in the fundamental state principles of equality and justice in all spheres of life and livelihoods as enshrined in the constitution of the Republic. With a meagre resource base, he had to reconstruct the war-ravaged country's physical and social infrastructure, rehabilitate more than ten million war refugees, and restart most of the regulatory and other institutions amidst hostile natural and diplomatic environments. Yet, he relied heavily on agriculture which continues to give us sustenance and extra strength. Simultaneously, he decided to nationalise almost all the industrial units as these were left unattended by the Pakistani entrepreneurs who rushed to Pakistan during the last days of the war. Despite serious challenges arising out of adverse natural calamities and subsequent food insecurity, he kept on raising the bar of expectation of achieving a prosperous country with mobilisation of domestic resources including human resources. His emphasis on education and human resource development was certainly very strategic.

Defying the domestic and international political and diplomatic challenges, he was able to improve the per capita income of the country three times higher in just about four years. While it was 93 USD in 1972, the same went up to 272.75 USD in 1975. In his later years, he gradually liberalised the economy and raised the ceiling for private investment from 2.5 million Taka to 30 million Taka in the 1975-76 budget. His First Five Year Plan aspired to achieve economic growth of 5.5% which in fact went up substantially more than that by 1975. However, this fantastic journey of inclusive development was cut short by heinous intervention by the betrayers who killed Bangabandhu on August 15, 1975.

Bangabandhu was driving the country to self-reliance in food production which the country has now achieved under the prudent leadership of his daughter. She too walks on both legs encouraging both agriculture and industry to grow in tandem. Like her father, she is equally committed to the well-being of the disadvantaged and the extremely poor. As a result, today's Bangladesh has turned out to be one of the best performers in most development indices in Asia including per capita income defying all the odds of the ongoing pandemic, as indicated by global institutions like IMF and ADB. However, because of the global economic slowdown precipitated by first the pandemic and then the ongoing Ukraine-Russia war, Bangladesh today faces numerous challenges including a high rate of inflation and significant foreign exchange instability. Yet we remain optimistic and vigilant drawing inspiration from Bangabandhu who engraved a fighting spirit among the people of Bangladesh to turn challenges into opportunities. Fortunately, his daughter has further consolidated that inner strength. Surely, like the rest of the world, Bangladesh is also braving the odds imposed on her by the global economic crisis. The people of Bangladesh are confident that they will be able to overcome these challenges and continue their journey towards Bangabandhu's aspired 'Sonar Bangla' (Golden Bengal). His long-term vision for a prosperous Bangladesh was firmly footed by his confidence in the inner strength of the nation. This was aptly reflected in a significant speech he gave on 26 March 1975 at the Suhrawardy Udyan. He said, "This challenging phase of our nation will end soon. We have land, our dream to make our country a golden Bengal, and we have jute, gas, forest, fish, and livestock. If we can develop these resources, this difficult phase will end. We are victims of the global economic order. You raise shipping bills at your whims. You raise the price of imported goods as you like. And we are forced to buy these commodities at your chosen prices. The inflation is going up and our survival is at stake." He also spoke in a similar language at the UN General Assembly highlighting the contradictions prevailing in the global economic order and asking for a peaceful, poverty-free, and technologically robust new world. We can now feel how farsighted and on target Bangabandhu was seeing what is going on in today's turbulent world. He remains a beacon of hope for not only the people of Bangladesh but also the entire struggling millions of the world. Let's try our best to remain focused on his vision of economic freedom.

The author is a noted economist and former Governor of Bangladesh Bank. He can be reached at [emailprotected].

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Bangabandhu's thoughts on economic freedom are still relevant - The Financial Express

WASHINGTON

One year after the Taliban's return to power, the Islamist group's efforts to manage an economy already beset by drought, the COVID-19 pandemic, and waning confidence in the government it toppled, have largely proven fruitless.

In Afghanistan's final fiscal year before Ashraf Ghani's Western-backed coalition government collapsed 2020-21 75% of public expenditures from the country's $5.5 billion annual budget was drawn from foreign aid. But as the United States exited, international civilian and security aid was abruptly cut off and the new rulers were sanctioned.

The U.S. commandeered the majority of the country's foreign currency reserves, freezing about $7 billion held in the United States by Kabul's central bank, linking its release to improvement of womens rights and the formation of an inclusive government.

While the Taliban and numerous other countries have demanded release of the Afghan-owned reserves, aid initiatives that benefit the Afghan people directly have continued unabated, especially to alleviate suffering caused by food insecurity and natural disasters. Since April 2020, for example, the number of Afghans facing acute food shortages has nearly doubled to 20 million more than half of the countrys 38.9 million population.

USAID and other international donors have provided bridge funding in the short term to avoid a complete collapse of Afghanistans public health system.

The U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported that donors contributed $1.67 billion for Afghanistan humanitarian assistance programs in 2021, of which the United States contributed the largest amount, over $425 million. In January 2022, the White House announced an additional $308 million in U.S. humanitarian aid.

The Taliban, however, have proven surprisingly adept at revenue collection, raising $840 million between December 2021 and June 2022, a large share of which (56%) was from customs revenue collection, as well as through the export of coal and fruits to Pakistan.

According to The Economist, researcher David Mansfield, who has studied Afghanistans illicit economy for 25 years, estimates the group made between $27.5 million and $35 million annually by taxing the drug trade and about $245 million at checkpoints along main roads, where Taliban fighters extorted fees from truckers moving food and fuel.

As a result, the Talibans budget for the current fiscal year -- 2022-23 -- amounts to $2.6 billion.

Education

Although U.S. and Taliban officials have exchanged proposals for the release of the billions of dollars frozen abroad into a trust fund, significant differences between the sides remain. One sticking point is the Taliban's commitment to secure Afghans' rights to education and free speech within parameters of Islamic law.

Immediately after taking over, the Taliban sought to assuage international concerns about the rights of Afghan women, insisting the Islamic Emirate is committed to the rights of women within the framework of sharia law.

The groups Ministry of Education promised that girls secondary schools from grades 7-12 would reopen at the start of the spring semester in March 2022. However, the Taliban abruptly shifted course on March 23, citing a need for additional planning time to designate gender-separated facilities. To date, secondary schoolgirls in most parts of the country are waiting for a decision, while boys schools reopened almost immediately after the fall of President Ghanis administration.

Some families, however, are managing to send their daughters to school. Even as girls high schools turned students away in Kabul, some were able to return to classes for the start of the spring semester in the northern cities of Kunduz and Mazar-i-Sharif. There were also reports from Nawabad in Ghazni province about lessons continuing at schools run by a Swedish NGO called the Swedish Committee for Afghanistan (SCA).

There are also several private undertakings aimed at subverting the governmental ban, such as secret schools run by activists like Pashtana Durrani, who told VOA, I hold four classes for 400 girls in four different regions in two languages.

These discrepancies seem indicative of what some observers describe as the new governments largely erratic policymaking as it struggles to adopt a uniform, nationwide approach to key issues, as well as divisions within the Taliban ranks.

When the Taliban were last in power around 5,000 Afghan girls were enrolled in school. By 2018, the number had jumped to 3.8 million.

There were also UNESCO reports of widespread corruption across the school sector.

Media, other freedoms

In their first press conference after seizing power in August 2021, the Taliban said it would welcome a free and independent press.

But over the following month, it issued a series of media directives that critics said, in some cases, amounted to prior censorship.

Female journalists are banned from working at state-run media and those in privately run media outlets can appear only with their faces covered; journalists in some provinces must seek permission from local officials before reporting; and with media companies banned from broadcasting music or popular soap operas and entertainment programs, and sources of advertising revenue cut off, many outlets closed.

Afghanistan dropped to 156 out of 180 countries on the RSF World Press Freedom Index, with Reporters Without Borders saying the return to power of the Taliban has had serious repercussions for the respect of press freedom and the safety of journalists, especially women.

Apart from media restrictions, a three-day conference of Taliban leadership decided in March that men who work at government jobs must wear beards and Islamic dress to work, that city parks must be gender segregated, and that woman may not travel by air without an accompanying male relative, or mehram. The Taliban also ordered shopkeepers to remove the heads of all mannequins, calling them un-Islamic.

The provincial branch of the Talibans Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice also banned women from bathhouses in Balkh and Herat provinces. For many of the women in these provinces, their only access to a bath were these hammams.

Foreign relations, internal security

Internally, the Talibans greatest threat comes from the Islamic State-Khorasan Province (ISIS-K) and al-Qaida.

While the number of bombings has dropped across the country since the Taliban seized power, a school bomb blast killed at least six people in April. There also was a string of bomb attacks in May 2022, some of which the Islamic State claimed responsibility. A Sikh temple was targeted in Kabul in June, killing two and injuring seven, and a bomb blast at a cricket match in Kabul in July left two dead.

On the international front, the Taliban has not been recognized by any country as yet, but the Taliban leadership was invited to an international conference in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, that included delegates from 30 other countries, including the EU, the U.S. and representatives of the United Nations.

Western governments, however, insist on seeing the Taliban improve its record on womens and human rights, as well as inclusivity in government, before they can engage in any meaningful way and give the Taliban official recognition.

China has maintained direct communication with the Taliban administration, and both sides have met on several occasions, bilaterally and internationally, to discuss plans for Afghanistans reconstruction. Beijing also has been active in various international, multilateral and bilateral talks on Afghan issues with regional governments and international powers.

International organizations like the Aga Khan Development Network continue their work on improving historical structures, parks and structural facilities.

This story originated in VOAs Urdu service.

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Overview: A Year of Taliban Rule in Afghanistan - Voice of America - VOA News

On any given day of the week last year, Rochester Police Officer Kevin Sizer put in a full shift as treasurer at the police union hall, then donned his department-issued blues and climbed into a cruiser for another shift patrolling the city.

By the end of any given week, police payroll records show, he logged an average of almost 92 hours on the clock. By the end of the year, he had racked up 2,448 hours of overtime and took home $255,760 in pay.

In doing so, Sizer joined an exclusive Rochester community that is poised to grow: The quarter-million-dollar-cop club.

The officers in the club and those knocking on its door are beneficiaries of a new era in policing in the city, one marked by rising crime, a labor shortage, and seemingly no shortage of opportunities for officers to pad their paychecks and pensions with overtime.

The quarter-million-dollar threshold was crossed two years ago when another officer, Albert Weech, logged 2,483 hours of overtime to triple his salary to $264,929, payroll records show. A third officer, Rickey Harris Jr., is on the cusp of the club. He took home $249,460 last year.

All three officers had base salaries of $86,331 and were among 11 officers who last year eclipsed $200,000 in wages, a figure that until 2020 was so astronomical as to be out of reach for rank-and-file officers.

But six officers last year earned more than $100,000 in overtime pay alone. Scores earned more than $50,000. While about one in five officers logged no overtime in the last fiscal year, those who did earned an average of $20,530, according to payroll records.

THE TOP 10 HIGHLY-PAID POLICE OFFICERS in FY 2022:

Off. Kevin Sizer: $255,760 (Base Salary: $86,331)

Off. Rickey Harris, Jr.: $249,462 (Base Salary: $86,331)

Inv. Robert OShaughnessy: $225,889 (Base Salary: $98,314)

Off. Ted Serinis: $221,332 (Base Salary: $83,010)

Lt. Robert Hill: $219,471 (Base Salary: $111,781)

Off. Angelo Mercone: $216,536 (Base Salary: $86,331)

Off. Kevin Radke: $216,307 (Base Salary: $83,010)

Off. Albert Weech: $210,233 (Base Salary: $86,331)

Capt. Frank Umbrino: 207,245 (Base Salary: $126,132)

Inv. Kevin Leckinger: $207,231 (Base Salary: $96,432)

Wow, said RPD spokesperson Lt. Greg Bello when presented with the data, which was obtained through a Freedom of Information Law request. I dont look at the numbers or approve overtime, but damn.

NOT A ONE-TIME EXPENSE

A review of police payroll found that the city spent a budget-busting, record-setting $11.8 million on police overtime in the last fiscal year, which concluded at the end of June. That amount represented a 27-percent hike from the previous year and almost doubled overtime costs two years earlier.

The departments extensive use of overtime is not a one-time expense. There are ancillary costs associated with police officers working beyond their scheduled shifts, some quantifiable and others more anecdotal.

TOTAL OVERTIME COSTS:

FY 2020: $6,848,784

FY 2021: $9,284,458

FY 2022: $11,846,066

Weech, for instance, retired from the Rochester Police Department in March after logging three successive years of wages of $210,233, $264,929, and $181,667. During that time, his base salary was $86,331.

Even if the argument can be made that paying overtime is less expensive than hiring new officers, as some police departments around the country grappling with overtime costs have suggested, there are public safety considerations to officers working so many hours.

Bello said the department is taking steps to rein in overtime, particularly scaling back on successive double shifts, which he called unsafe.

Were working towards limits, where someone cant be working over 16-hour shifts without some sort of approval from above, Bello said. So, if somebody works a double, which happens pretty frequently, officers can be forced to work a double, (limiting those) can be a safeguard.

A study of the Phoenix Police Department compared officers who worked 10-hour shifts with those who worked more than 13 hours. Researchers observed significant increases in reaction time, anticipatory errors, and filings of Professional Standards Bureau grievances among officers who worked the longer shifts.

This study indicates that there are no apparent advantages but considerable liabilities associated with 13-hour and 20-minute shifts for police officers, the study read.

Karen Amendola, a chief behavioral scientist with the National Policing Institute whose work delves into the potential public safety issues and health consequences linked to overworked cops, described overuse of overtime as a rampant problem.

She said it places officers at risk of short- and long-term health issues, and the public at risk of an exhausted officer making poor decisions.

(Exhaustion) can not only cost an officer their life, but can also result in a decision with a detrimental effect to the community, Amendola said.

TOTAL HOURS OF POLICE OVERTIME:

FY 2020: 100,882

FY 2021: 137,387

FY 2022: 175,540

Amendola calls for a hard limit of 12 hours for officer shifts. Having witnessed similar scenarios nationwide, she said the burden for solving the matter rests on many shoulders. City leaders have failed to adequately fund a regular staffing model, and unions and chiefs are at fault for allowing officers to work extreme hours, she said.

You cant just say, Im a tough guy, I can get through it, Amendola said. That has been the mentality for a long time of many police departments; macho, tough it out.

A SHRINKING RPD HEADCOUNT

There are fewer Rochester police officers today than in recent years, mirroring a national trend.

The officer headcount in police departments nationwide fell by 3.5 percent between 2020 and 2022, fueled by hiring cutbacks and sharp increases in resignations and retirements, according to the Police Executive Research Forum, a policy institute in Washington, D.C., that surveys law enforcement agencies around the country.

The decline here outpaces the national trend, but not by much. Last fiscal year, the RPD had a workforce of 705 officers, according to the departments payroll records. Two years earlier, the headcount was at 751. In May, city officials said there were 68 vacancies in the Police Department.

Everybody in every neighborhood of the city should be entitled to know that there is a police officer assigned to where they live, Mazzeo said. You talk about stress and supervision, but every boss, on every shift, the first thing theyre doing is calling and scrambling to try and get somebody to come in.

The Police Department is currently hiring and has an entrance exam slated for Sept. 17. The deadline to apply is Aug. 19. A recruitment poster asks prospective officers Do You Have What It Takes? and promises benefits such as generous retirement plans, excellent medical coverage, and a base salary of $83,010 after about four years on the job.

Indeed, two thirds of the force earned in excess of $100,000 last year, mostly due to working overtime. More than 100 officers cracked $150,000 in take-home pay.

Collectively, Rochester police officers logged 175,540 overtime hours last year, an average of 249 hours, or roughly six weeks, per officer. Two years earlier, officers collectively worked 100,882 hours, or 135 hours apiece, on average.

BUDGET-BUSTING, RECORD-BREAKING

The overtime last year busted the departments operational budget of $90.8 million, which city officials had trimmed by $4.3 million in response to a year of protests and intense scrutiny on policing practices. Paying for it required restoring more than half of the cut.

In June, the City Council approved emergency legislation that injected an additional $2.3 million into the department. The measure passed by a vote of 6-3.

A large number of sworn vacancies in the Police Department is responsible for the majority of increased expenditures in addition to the special event and private detail overtime, the legislation read.

TOTAL RPD PAYROLL:

FY 2020: $77,807,157

FY 2021: $78,002,344

FY 2022: $80,327,125

News outlets in the early 2000s reported that Rochester police were logging upward of 200,000 overtime hours a year when the city was enacting a crime-fighting initiative known at the time as Zero Tolerance.

For example, the Democrat and Chronicle in 2008 reported that 55 officers worked 500 or more extra hours that year, the height of the overtime surge in those days. Last year, 117 officers worked 500 or more overtime hours.

By 2010, the city had cut police overtime by about a third, aided by a drop in violent crime and a hiring spree that swelled the Police Department payroll.

When Malik Evans assumed the mayoralty in January, he took the helm of a city whose median annual household income the Census Bureau has pegged at $37,395. Against that backdrop, the quarter-million-dollar cop club caught the new mayors eye.

AVERAGE OVERTIME PAY PER OFFICER:

FY 2020: $9,132

FY 2021: $12,649

FY 2022: $16,827

AVERAGE RPD SALARY (INCLUDING OVERTIME):

FY 2020: $103,596

FY 2021: $106,999

FY 2022: $113,939

The release noted that Evans concluded that the city needed a new method for delivering such information after he examined a think tanks online database of municipal salaries and discovered that some Rochester police officers were making more than $200,000 a year.

His administration has yet to develop a new approach to conveying the data, but his spokesperson, Barbara Pierce, said doing so remained a priority.

In the news release, however, the mayor appeared to already have a handle on what was fueling the soaring salaries and the implications of them.

The primary driving factor behind these costs is the amount of overtime we are paying to an understaffed, overworked Police Department whose people are trying to protect and serve a community experiencing incredible levels of violent crime, Evans said in the release.

Some of our officers are working more than 80 hours a week, he went on, and thats not good for the officers or the community.

Gino Fanelli is a CITY staff writer. He can be reached at (585) 775-9692 or gino@rochester-citynews.com.

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Rochester enters the era of the $250,000 police officer - Rochester City Newspaper