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Monthly Archives: April 2022
Biman Prasad calls out the Bainimarama government – indiannewslink.co.nz – Indian NewsLink
Posted: April 15, 2022 at 12:39 pm
Dr Biman Prasad with (from left) Retired Professor AUT Pacific Media Centre Dr David Robie, Est Papuan student leader Laurens Ikinia and Green MP Teanau Tuiono at the media conference in Auckland on April 13, 2022 (INL Photo)
The change is imminent in the November Election
Venkat RamanAuckland, April 15, 2022
National Federation Party Leader and Fijis Member of Parliament Dr Biman Prasad is confident that the incumbent Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama government will be defeated in this years general election, because, as he said, People have had enough; they want a change.
Speaking to the media in Auckland on Wednesday (April 13, 2022) he said that Fiji is suffering from an economic downturn, inept policies and an unfriendly government.
Bainimarama does not hold any hope for our people. His government has been in power since December 5, 2006, when he ousted a democratically elected coalition government. Since then, Fiji has been sliding on the economic scale. We are in dire straits, he said.
Describing the Constitution of Fiji, adopted in 2013 as draconian, he said that several provisions of the document are detrimental to human rights and freedom of speech.
There are human rights breaches, media cannot operate freely and even the Opposition is also allowed to function as per democratic standards, he said.
Fijis electoral system
Fiji follows a Single, Nationwide Constituency method of electing members to its Parliament through the Open List Proportion with an electoral threshold of 5%. The House had 50 Seats that are allocated using the DHondt method. Also known as the Jefferson Method or the Greatest Divisors Method, it allows for the allocation of seats in Parliaments among federal states or in the Party-List Proportional Representation system. It belongs to the class of Highest Average Methods.
The method was first described in 1972 by future US President Thomas Jefferson and was reinvented in 1878 by Belgian Mathematician Victor DHont and hence the name.
The Election Office in Fiji has not set the date for this years election but said in an announcement on March 17, 2022, that it will be held during November this year. Candidates can begin campaigning on April 26, 2022, but must conclude two days before the polling date.
The first general election was held in September 2014 with the Parliamentary term set at four years. Mr Bainimarama and his close friend Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum established the FijiFirst Party, which won 32 seats, followed by the Social Democratic Liberal Party (SODELPA) (15 seats) and NFP (3).
However, in the 2018 election, FijiFirst won only 27 seats, with SODELPA gaining 21 seats, while NFP retained its three seats in the 51-Member House.
An accomplished academic
Dr Prasad, who served the University of South Pacific as a Lecturer and Professor for 28 years, gave up his academic career to enter politics. He was the Associate Editor of the Journal of Fijian Studies and Editor-in-Chief of the Journal of Pacific Studies, the Head of the School of Economics and later Dean of the Faculty of Business and Economics.
He said that the Fijian economy suffers from mismanagement and wasteful expenditure.
Poverty, which was placed at 29% of the population in 2019, has risen sharply since the Covid-19 pandemic hit the country. Today another 20% of our people are on the margin of poverty. The government received budget support of F$300 million from Australia and New Zealand. The total amount obtained in the last two years from various sources is F$1.3 billion. Covid has exposed the extent of mismanagement. Our growth has been negative for the past three years. The Agriculture and Sugarcane sectors have been neglected and all the money has been spent on Tourism. Our infrastructure is in a pathetic state, he said.
IMF expects contraction
According to the December 2021 Report of the International Monetary Fund, Fijis Real Gross Domestic Product contracted by an estimated 15.7% in 2021 and is projected to contract by another 4% in the fiscal year 20211-2022 in the wake of the Delta variant Covid outbreak.
The fiscal deficit reached a record 13.1% of GDP in the fiscal year 2020-2021 with an accompanying rise in public debt to 89.8$ of the GDP by March 2022. Year-on-year consumer price inflation reached -2.8% at the end of 2020. Increases in international commodity prices and local food prices are expected to drive consumer price inflation to 1.4% by end of 2021. Both lending and deposit rates have decreased, and private sector credit contracted by 3.1% in 2020 and is expected to shrink by a further 3.6% by the end of the 2021 financial year. Non-performing loans have risen to record levels, the IMF Report said.
Pact with Rabuka
Dr Prasad said that NFP will work with Sitiveni Rabuka, who is expected to emerge as a strong leader in the 2022 election, saying that he has changed and favours inclusive politics.
We will restore the rights of the people, including freedom of speech, and freedom of the media and repeal the draconian laws within the first 100 days in office. We will have a strong focus on social welfare and improve the availability of healthcare and medicines. Fiji wants a free government. As a politician, I was arrested more than once for speaking out against the Constitution, he said.
He is confident that the people of Fiji will elect the opposition parties to form the government later this year.
Our people want a good, accountable and transparent government. Our Constitution does not allow a collation government but we are confident of reaching an agreement with other parties. We have plenty of work to do, he said.
Dr Prasad ruled out another coup saying, Fijians will not tolerate any more of them.
Earlier, New Zealand Green Party MP Teanau Tuiono spoke about the plight of the West Papuan students who have been facing hardship since the Indonesian government stopped funding their scholarships at the beginning of this year.
He said that he has written to the Labour government asking for urgent financial support through the Scholarship Fund and including the affected students in the 2021 Pathway to Residency Programme.
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Biman Prasad calls out the Bainimarama government - indiannewslink.co.nz - Indian NewsLink
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Reality of Dreams: Post-Neoliberal Utopias in the Ecuadorian Amazon – NACLA
Posted: at 12:39 pm
When Rafael Correa was elected president of Ecuador in 2006, it seemed the Left had finally found a born political leader and orator. Correa began well, promoting Latin American unity, vowing to clean up the justice system, supporting workers rights, and closing a U.S. military base on the Ecuadorian Coast. This was the real thing, a left-wing president who was not for turning, a man to drag the country into the modern age.
But cracks began to appear. The president of the Constitutional Assembly, Alberto Acosta, was ousted for going too slowly and because his popularity rivaled that of Correa. Problems also began to mount with the Indigenous movement over mining and water, and more generally over its ability to mobilize large numbers of people in opposition to government policy. But as the oil money rolled in after the crash of 2008/2009, the regimes infrastructure planshospitals, schools, universities, and roadsbegan to take shape, and the problems appeared minor.
These plans included the countrys Amazon region, often portrayed as backward and a place where dreams of a new development might be realized. And the Correa team included many dreamers. But here, as others before him, Correas ship of dreams foundered on the reality of the Amazons shifting sands, on his inability to bend heaven and earth to his will, and on the impossibility of changing the world in 10 years. In his book Reality of Dreams: Post-Neoliberal Utopias in the Ecuadorian Amazon, Japhy Wilson analyzes what went wrong for Correa and Ecuadors Amazon region. This discussion took place over email and has been edited for clarity and length.
Gerard Coffrey: Your book is about the failures of some of the grand plans Rafael Correa had for the Amazon. But this is not a straightforward critique; it seems youre trying to get to some deeper truth about the nature of dreams and how they are perverted by power and local/global realities.
Japhy Wilson: Yes, thats absolutely right. Im using the case of the Citizens Revolution to explore these broader and more fundamental questions. The book is about the reality of dreams in two senses of the term: the constitutive role of utopian fantasies in the production of social reality, and the distortion and inversion of these dreams in the process of their realization. The multiple modernizing megaprojects that were launched by the Correa administration in the Ecuadorian Amazonhighways, ports, airports, cities, universities and the post-neoliberal ideologies that they embodied all functioned as utopian fantasies that promised an escape from extractive capitalism. But they did so by concealing rather than addressing the material reality of the regimes continuing complicity with this form of capital accumulation. This material reality ended up distorting and inverting these utopias, both ensuring their failure and repurposing them as elements of the extractivist system they were supposedly intended to overthrow.
GC: Correa clearly did have plansfor example constructing roads and building hospitals and hydroelectric plantsbut you say that in the case of the Amazon, the plans for transformation were not plans at all, simply a desire for change that lead to an ad hockery and confusion, of which Correa may not even have been aware.
JW: I dont want to be dismissive of Correa or to deny the many real achievements of his administration. There is no question that Correa is a brilliant politician. He seized the unique historical opportunity opened by the confluence of an oil boom and the legitimacy crisis of neoliberalism in the country, launching himself into power, transforming the constitution, renegotiating oil contracts, and implementing a remarkably extensive series of policies and projects financed by oil wealth, many of which undoubtedly improved the lives of millions of Ecuadorians. But in the case of the iconic megaprojects that I researched in Ecuador together with my friend and colleague Manuel Bayn, I was repeatedly confronted with a barrage of apparently nonsensical scenarios and a seemingly endless litany of state dysfunction. This was primarily due, I think, to the subordinate position of Ecuador within the dynamics of global capitalism, essentially as a reserve of natural resources for the accumulation of capital in other parts of the world. The sudden influx of petrodollars during the oil boom allowed for the staging of spectacular infrastructural megaprojects, which are relatively easy to orchestrate if you happen to have the cash. But like most extractivist states, the Ecuadorian state had always been weak in institutional terms and had been systematically gutted by decades of neoliberal reforms prior to the arrival of the Citizens Revolution. It therefore lacked the capacity to integrate these material symbols of modernity into a deeper process of structural transformation.
When the boom came to an end in 2014, the illusion collapsed. But even prior to the oil crash, the distance between the celebratory discourses of the government and the realities on the ground was surreal in its immensity. And as you say, Correa and his accomplices at the heights of the state frequently appear to have had very little knowledge of these realities. The book documents several cases in which Correa was seemingly misled into believing in the success of his projects by those engaged in their failed implementation.
GC: In his first term, it became clear that Correa was trying to change the 200-year-old trajectory of the country in a few short years. He was supported by many people who seriously believed in a most beautiful utopia, while others warned that he was taking on too much. It appears the latter were right. Was this the reason any of these projects failed: trying to do too much too quickly, with the result that many spiraled out of control? Or was it Correas ego and sense of his own power that spiraled out of control?
JW: I think the two are very closely connected. When I spoke to people tasked by Correa with implementing his visions on the ground, they repeatedly commented on his unrealistic expectations for their rapid realization. Take for example the case of Ikiam, a biotechnology university constructed in the jungle. Correa had visited a so-called Knowledge City in South Korea, returning to Ecuador convinced that the country should immediately follow this recipe for the transformation of its economy from natural resource dependency to a knowledge economy. A specialist who Correa invited to participate in the project pointed out that South Koreas success in this regard was the fruit of decades of industrial development, which could not simply be leapt over in the space of a couple of years. But Correa dismissed his advice and blacklisted him.
The planning for the university began in 2012, with its inauguration scheduled for 2014. A team of international scientists was assembled for the planning phase and insisted that the timeframe was completely unrealistic. But in the words of one of the architects, the response from Correas team was There is no time! Build the fucking thing now! This was not just an expression of Correas ego; many others around him were similarly hubristic. At a deeper level I would say that it was symptomatic of the delusions of omnipotence that can grip anyone in charge of a state suddenly awash with petrodollars. The demand for rapid action is also a consequence, perhaps, of the awareness underlying such delusions that the boom could end at any moment and ruin everything. This is precisely what happened in the case of Ikiam: by the time of the hasty inauguration of the main campus in October 2014, the oil price had already begun its precipitous descent. The budget was repeatedly slashed as a result. Laboratories and entire campuses remained unbuilt, and scientists began appropriating Indigenous knowledge in the absence of facilities for conducting their own research. Meanwhile, budgetary shortfalls were being desperately compensated by an aggressive and increasingly privatized expansion of the primary commodity frontier. Needless to say, Correas dream of a knowledge economy did not come to fruition. This is only one of several such examples discussed in the book.
GC: You talk about the fragility of the state, no matter the government, and the inevitable desire to project stability onto policies that can only be partly influenced by those who are supposedly in control.
JW: This is a crucial point to emphasize. I am aware that my critique of the Citizens Revolution could be misinterpreted as a neoliberal dismissal of all state-led attempts to improve the human condition, in favor of the supposedly superior operations of the market. This is absolutely not my point. Capital is a wild beast, which must constantly expand to survive, and which blindly cannibalizes itself in an interminable series of self-engendered crises. It is the fate of the statebe it in neoliberal or post-neoliberal guiseto attempt to harness this beast, while simultaneously projecting a reassuring illusion of coherence and stability. This illusion is bound to break down at certain moments, which are of great danger for state and capital alike. The book addresses such moments, in the form of explosive uprisings launched in the Ecuadorian Amazon against transnational oil companies and their militarized state protection. In contrast to the utopian fantasies of the Citizens Revolution, I argue that these moments offer glimpses of an insurgent utopia, grounded in direct confrontation with the forces of capital that such state fantasies attempt to conceal, and directly staging the utopian ideal of egalitarian freedom. In such moments the fragility of the state, and the dependence of capital on state power, are powerfully revealed. This helps to explain the violence with which the state invariably responds to such events.
GC: In the context of the neoliberal governments of Moreno, and now Lasso, how do you see those early Correa years with their optimism and spectacular modernizing dreams?
JW: Despite the dramatic failure of the projects that I describe, it is difficult not to look back with nostalgia at this time, given the subsequent return to neoliberalism red in tooth and claw. But we should not forget the brutality with which Correa cracked down on dissent. This of course pales in comparison to Morenos repression of the October 2019 uprising. But unlike Moreno, Correa was leading a supposedly revolutionary project that claimed to be defending the poorest and most marginalized sectors of the Ecuadorian population against the power of capital. This adds a layer of profound hypocrisy to his violent repression of uprisings and resistances in places like El Pindo, Dayuma, and Playas de Cuyabeno, all of which were related to the depredations of extractive capitalism.
It is also important to emphasize that the Citizens Revolution was already shifting rapidly back towards neoliberalism before Moreno took over from Correa. This disavowed policy shift was arguably necessitated by the fiscal crisis resulting from the oil crash. But there is a sense in which it was inscribed into the project from the start. A careful reading of Correas first election manifesto, and many subsequent speeches and policy statements, reveals a consistent commitment to systemic competitiveness, a policy of adaptation to the logic of capital rather than a strategy for its subversion, which was more concerned with providing the infrastructures required by global capital accumulation than with breaking with its power. Such a break is of course no easy task. But despite Correas revolutionary rhetoric, this task was never attempted. The Citizens Revolution had an unprecedented historical opportunity to enact genuinely radical change. And it did not take it. This was its true failure, and the main reason why it should not be looked back on with nostalgia.
Gerard Coffey is the founder and director of the on-line political journal Lalineadefuego.info (Quito 2010). Born in Wallasey, UK, he has lived in Ecuador for more than 25 years; he has published in numerous journals in both English and Spanish.
Japhy Wilson is an Honorary Research Fellow in Politics at Manchester University. Between 2014 and 2016, he worked in Ecuador with CENEDET, a David Harvey led team sponsored by the Correa government. He was also a member of the National Centre of Strategies for the Right to Territory (CENEDET) in Ecuador, a research institute financed by the Correa government and directed by the British Marxist geographer David Harvey.
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Reality of Dreams: Post-Neoliberal Utopias in the Ecuadorian Amazon - NACLA
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Parliament protest: Jacinda Ardern came into contact with Covid-infected cops while thanking them – New Zealand Herald
Posted: at 12:38 pm
Defence force Hercules takes off, Ruapehu in its most active state in roughly 15-years and borders open to Australians, all in the latest New Zealand Herald headlines. Video / NZ Herald
The Prime Minister was exposed to Covid-19 when she personally thanked police officers during the Parliament protests in February, internal emails have revealed.
Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern publicly distanced herself from the operational matters of police activity throughout the Parliament protest, which came to a fiery end last month after a 23-day occupation.
Emails provided to the Herald under the Official Information Act state that a group of police officers were visited by the Prime Minister in their allocated "muster" room in Parliament, while she was "doing the rounds of Police contingents to thank them for their work."
The information was provided to public health officials because five of the police officers later tested positive for Covid-19, and had been infectious on February 16 when they were visited by the Prime Minister.
The exposure was later deemed to be a "casual contact".
A police spokesperson confirmed 92 police staff involved in work relating to the protest tested positive for Covid-19 during this period, although it is not possible to determine exactly where they contracted the virus.
An email on behalf of the Covid-IMT response manager on February 20 said Ardern was in the muster room with the infectious police officers for around 15 minutes, and "the extent of her interaction with the cases is being confirmed."
He also stressed the need for "keeping an air of calm about this event, especially re the nature of the contact with the PM".
The email read that positive test results were returned on February 19 for five police staff, with a sixth awaiting PCR results after a positive RAT.
The officers were part of a contingent that had flown from Auckland to Wellington to assist with the protest on February 14.
12 Apr, 2022 09:33 PMQuick Read
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Inquiries had indicated three of the staff were infectious prior to departing Auckland and two others had likely been infected by their colleagues.
The email also stated "the group interacted with crowds at the protest during their infectious period."
A earlier email from Regional Public Health Response manager Scott Martin said there had been no specific QR code for the room that could identify officers exposed, and there had been "initial reports of intermittent mask use".
"Mask use has since been reinforced and QR codes will be created for each room (in addition to entry to Parliament buildings)," the email read.
But he said when the Prime Minister visited, "mask use was adhered to and no case had close contact with the officials present."
An email later that afternoon from Regional Public Health said interviews with the positive cases had determined them only to be "casual contacts" with the Prime Minister.
A police spokesperson said staff associated with the protests were tested at approximately 72-hour intervals, or before returning to their usual districts.
"While a sustainable supply of RATs for all Police staff was secured, the distribution of RATs was prioritised for staff delivering priority essential work functions, major event staff and close contacts for critical workers," they said.
Throughout the 23-day occupation, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern disassociated herself from the police operation to manage protest activity.
On February 14, she said told Morning Report police "ultimately need to be able to make all of those operational decisions."
"It is absolutely for the police to determine how they manage any form of occupation or protests. And you can understand why that is a convention we will hold strongly to.
"I would hate to see in the future a situation where you have politicians seen to be instructing the police on how to manage any type of protest - and that extends to not passing judgement on operational decisions that are for them."
A spokesperson for the Prime Minister told the Herald Ardern had thanked frontline police twice during the parliamentary occupation once on February 16 and again on March 3, the day after the operation ended.
"On both occasions the purpose of the visit was to pass on her appreciation for their service and to check in with how police were holding up."
"Her comments were in line with that."
After the protest the Prime minister and Labour team bought blocks of Whittaker's chocolate as a thank you for police, but Ardern did not distribute this to them directly.
The spokesperson said thanking frontline officers for their service in no way impacts on the operational independence of Police.
"It is not uncommon for the Prime Minister, or other Members of Parliament, to thank and acknowledge frontline Police, for example she did so after the March 15 terrorist attack and post Whakaari/White Island as well."
Ardern was also deemed a close contact of a positive Covid-19 case and forced to self-isolate after an exposure event during a flight from Kerikeri to Auckland in January.
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The Front Page: Why neither Louisa Wall nor Jacinda Ardern look good in departure drama – New Zealand Herald
Posted: at 12:38 pm
Life under the orange traffic light setting, the big test for Wellington's Transmission Gully & major road closure for Easter all in the latest New Zealand Herald headlines. Video / NZ Herald
Labour member of parliament Louisa Wall did not go quietly.
The media blitz after her resignation carried claims that Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern did not want Wall in her cabinet or caucus.
These were quickly picked up in the media cycle, spreading across news publications.
Speaking to The Front Page podcast today, NZ Herald political editor Claire Trevett says that neither Wall nor the Prime Minister have come out of this situation looking great.
Follow the Front Page podcast here.
"In the short term it does reflect badly, but I don't necessarily think it will last," says Trevett.
Given that Wall presented her disappointment without resorting to vicious personal attacks, Trevett believes this uproar won't be a lasting stain on the Ardern or the outgoing politician.
Trevett also said that Wall likely wouldn't take things further when giving her valedictory speech this evening, with the politician earlier saying that she'd prefer to focus on her electorate and the work she'd done.
Asked whether the fallout would affect Ardern's perception as a leader who prioritises the idea of kindness, Trevett explained that this balance is always tricky for a Prime Minister.
"The kindness thing is a rod that the Prime Minister made for her own back," says Trevett.
14 Apr, 2022 04:00 AMQuick Read
"It can't always apply in politics or in any workplace when you're the boss. There are always decisions you have to make that aren't kind to people.
"She sacked Iain Lees-Galloway, for example, because of a workplace affair. Not many ministers would get sacked for that. They'd get told off. She's demoted ministers for what wouldn't be considered major underperformance. I don't think it's a matter of being unkind. It's just a part of being PM."
The fallout from the Wall saga did, however, carry a lesson in the value of dealing with disgruntled employees quietly and not allowing it to play out in the public.
"John Key was a master at it," says Trevett.
"He dispatched his ministers very quietly and the reason is that when you're a dominant Prime Minister in the polls, then there's no way a single MP can buck that. The rest of the caucus is always going to take the Prime Minister's side and MPs learn that they either accept that or go out looking like an egg."
On the topic of Key's party, it is notable that the opposition has been relatively quiet as Wall's story has run its course.
"There's been a little bit of commentary on social media by some MPs. I think Chris Bishop has tweeted a couple of things, but not really getting into the stoush around it.
"It's mainly about Louisa because they all worked quite well with her. There's certainly the element of the personal relationship with Louisa.
"But also, remember when National was going through all its troubles, Labour kept their noses out of it. The Prime Minister made a decision and instructed her MPs not to wade in and kick them while they're going through all this because we've been through it ourselves in the past and we know how horrible it is."
Another interesting observation to be gleaned from Wall's departure is that maverick politicians with fierce convictions tend to face challenges operating within the structures of large political parties.
"We are definitely better off having MPs who want to rock the boat and stand up for their communities, but we can't have too many rocking the boat that would be slightly perilous," says Trevett.
"I don't know how a Government would function if there were too many of them because stability in Government is very important and you can't just have MPs willy-nilly refusing to vote for something because they think it goes against their principles."
Trevett said there are very few MPs who are genuinely and totally principle-driven.
"Wall is one and the others are former Greens MP Sue Bradford and the former Mori Party co-leader Tariana Turia, who crossed the floor, left the Labour Party and set up the Mori Party.
"They all put their principles above personal and career gain and New Zealand is better off for all of them having done it."
The Front Page is a daily news podcast from the New Zealand Herald, available to listen to every weekday from 5am.
You can follow the podcast at nzherald.co.nz, iHeartRadio, Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you get your podcasts.
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Government blocks National Party bid to grill IPCA over occupation investigation – Stuff
Posted: at 12:38 pm
David Unwin/Stuff
Protesters look on in disbelief as police undertake a major operation at the Parliament occupation site (file photo).
The National Party is concerned the government is trying to cover up any part ministers might have played in the response to the occupation of Parliament in February and March.
A request to bring the Independent Police Conduct Authority (IPCA) before the justice select committee to discuss the terms of reference for its investigation into the Parliament occupation was denied by the Government.
And there is no sign of the Government launching its own independent review of the response, weeks after Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern incorrectly suggested the IPCA could look into the actions of Speaker Trevor Mallard.
It comes as a February 12 email to residents at the Kate Sheppard Apartments, opposite Parliament, suggested deputy Prime Minister Grant Robertson was aware of tactics to play loud music and health messages all night from Parliament's speakers, in an attempt to deter protesters.
READ MORE:* Parliament occupation: Trevor Mallard will face scrutiny over protest reaction* Covid-19 NZ: Christopher Luxon says wider inquiry of occupation protest needed* Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern backs Labour MPs who blocked Parliament protest hearing, saying police watchdog should review
In seeking to grill the IPCA over its terms of reference, National wanted to determine once and for all whether the actions of the Speaker, and ministers, would be within the investigations scope.
The letter sent to residents said tonight there will be loudspeakers going thru the night telling people they are trespassing and to move on and also loud health messages.
Our local MP, Grant Robertson, has phoned and apologised for the disruptions that there will be and has offered any help needed.
The email was sent at 4.21pm on February 12, roughly two hours before the loudspeakers were turned on.
Ross Giblin/Stuff
The aftermath of dismantled and burnt tents in parliament grounds.
National Party justice spokesperson Paul Goldsmith said the email suggests senior ministers were aware of the Speakers tactics before they happened.
That's a clear conclusion that you draw from the email, Goldsmith said. They were fairly aggressive tactics implemented by the Speaker, and it seems obvious that there were conversations had between the speaker and senior government ministers before that.
These are the questions wed like to ask. All we get at the moment is a wall of silence.
Goldsmith said the purpose of asking to speak to the IPCA at a justice select committee was to better understand the scope of its investigation.
Ginny Andersen, chair of the justice select committee, defended the Governments move to block a hearing.
Its inappropriate for the IPCA to be investigated while they are undertaking an investigation, Andersen said.
If [National] have a problem with it, they should just go to the IPCA and say they don't like the terms of reference. I don't understand why the justice committee is the vehicle to do that.
Goldsmith said the committee wouldnt be investigating the IPCA, but getting clarity over its review. He also said the justice select committee is the appropriate committee to make that request.
ROBERT KITCHIN/Stuff
Paul Goldsmith says there is no clarity over whether ministers or the speaker will be subject to a review of the Parliament protest.
He believes there has been a concerted effort from the Government to block moves to investigate its own part in the occupation and protest.
All were doing is getting them to be available to answer our questions on what is and isnt included in the terms of reference, because, and only because, the Prime Ministers statements have raised doubt about that.
Ardern had said Mallard and the Parliament grounds management teams actions would be within the IPCAs scope, but the terms of reference are sharply focused on police actions.
What we want to get to the bottom of is, what involvement did government ministers have in the whole management of [the protest], Goldsmith said.
Theyve consistently said it was a police matter. We're not getting involved. And then when the Speaker did something, oh, that's a matter for the Speaker. We werent involved.
We don't think thats the case. And now theyve effectively shut down anybody from finding out.
Grant Robertsons office has been approached for comment.
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Departments of Cognitive Poker? Competitiveness and Philosophy (guest post) – Daily Nous
Posted: at 12:37 pm
Is philosophy an especially competitive discipline? How? Is its competitiveness a problem? If so, what might we do about it? In the following guest post*, Christina Easton, British Academy Postdoctoral Fellow at the University of Warwick, takes up these and related questions.
[Sybil Andrews, Sledgehammers]
In his memoir The Making of a Philosopher (2003), Colin McGinn describes his experiences of philosophical debate as involving
a clashing of analytically honed intellects, with pulsing egos attached to them Philosophical discussion can be a kind of intellectual blood-sport, in which egos get bruised and buckled, even impaled Plain showing-off is also a feature of philosophical life.
Commenting on this in her own memoir The Owl of Minerva (2007), Mary Midgley criticises this competitive conception of philosophy, joking that (since, in her view, it might be detrimental to the core enterprise of philosophy) these activities might be practised apart from philosophy, in Departments of Cognitive Poker, or Institutes of One-Upmanship.
To what extent is this competitive conception of philosophy still dominant today? And what place ought competition to occupy in philosophy? (These questions are tackled in a new, open access Special Issue on the topic in the Journal of Philosophy in Schools.)
There is one obvious sense in which philosophy is highly competitive, and thats in the sense in which academia, in general, is highly competitive: we compete against each other for scholarships, jobs, funding, etc. It may be that philosophy stands out as more competitive than other disciplines here, due to factors such as lesser availability of funding and more people looking exclusively for academic jobs following a PhD. But what about the practice of doing academic philosophy? Do the norms and practices of philosophy stand out from other disciplines as being especially competitive?
One increasingly well-discussed way in which philosophy might stand out as being competitive is with its focus on combative dialogue. This is highlighted by the language of competition and fighting that we use to describe what goes on at, for example, Q&As following research talks. We attack, target and demolish an opponent (Haslanger). Arguments suffer from fatal flaws and get shot down by counter-arguments (Rooney).
When combative dialogue in philosophy gets highlighted as problematic, note that its not usually the adversarial method itself that is under attack. Given the distinct subject matter of philosophy as addressing particularly intractable questions that are often unresolved by empirical evidence, presenting arguments and having people identify ways that such arguments go wrong is part and parcel of what it is to do philosophy. Rather, the issue is more with the manner in which this feedback on arguments is given. Counter-arguments are often presented in a nit-picking, competitive manner, so as to give the impression that the speaker is stupid and the interlocuter superior. Post-presentation Q&A can involve relentless attacks on the case just presented by the speaker, with the primary goal of audience members being to find flawsany flaws, however minorin what was just said, in order to prove that the speaker is wrong. These competitive attacks are unending (Friedman); the back and forth of argument is expected to continue until one member surrenders, at which point, someone has won and someone has lost.
If there is a competitive atmosphere in philosophy, why might it be problematic?
First, there is Midgleys worry that competitive behaviours might get in the way of what philosophy is really about. If we think that philosophy is a search for wisdom or the pursuit of truth, then we might worry that research seminars dominated by verbal smackdowns between competing individuals gets in the way of this. Competition encourages epistemically vicious modes of conduct; for example, grandstanding and one-upmanship can draw focus away from the search for truth and onto the individuals making arguments.
Second, and as I argue in a recently published open access article, competitive norms might be bad for philosophy by contributing to a lack of gender diversity within the discipline. One major reason is because competitive norms may lead to women performing less well in philosophy than they might otherwise do. Research indicates that performing a task as part of a competition tends to make men perform better than they would have done had the task been non-competitive, whereas it tends to make women perform worse. Women also tend to have more negative attitudes towards competitionpartly mediated by their tendency towards lower confidence (something which I think is, independently, an explanatory factor in the gender gap in philosophy). If women tend to enjoy competition less, then this might (for some women) lead to them viewing research talk Q&As as ordeals to be endured rather than as an enjoyable game or contest.
Yet even if the research is wrong and in fact these gender differences do not exist, stereotypes that say that women are non-competitive can have pernicious effects. First, they may lead to backlash effects against women who exhibit counter-stereotypical traits. Women who enjoy and show skill at intellectual blood-sportand maybe even engage in some showing-offmay be the subject of hostility, resulting in fewer opportunities and less enjoyment of participation in philosophy. Second, competitive norms in philosophy combined with gender stereotypes relating to competitiveness may result in people developing conflicting schemas (sets of implicit and often unarticulated expectations) for philosopher and women. This may contribute to women feeling that they do not belong in the discipline and consequently choosing not to continue (or begin) philosophy.
If this is right and there are major downsides to a competitive atmosphere in philosophy, what might we do to make competition a less dominant feature of the practice of academic philosophy?
One thing we might do is to improve the manner in which we engage in dialogue with each other, for example by working to eliminate norms where its acceptable to relentlessly attack a presenter or to nit-pick for the sake of proving someone wrong. (This might be especially helpful for the gender diversity issue just discussed, since research indicates that the gender gap is largest in competitions that reward stereotypically male traits such as aggression.) In this area, philosophy has already improved: people are less rude, and dominating a discussion tends to be frowned upon. As Helen Beebee writes in her recent assessment of whats changed in philosophy in the last decade, People are just nicer to each other.
But note that being nicer to each other doesnt fully resolve the problems flagged with competition above. Even where comments are delivered in a polite manner, alongside smiles and compliments about the paper, the competitive element remains. To borrow some words from Joseph Trullinger, it just makes it more of a gentlemanly duel as opposed to an unsportsmanlike war. The notion that one stands up in front of an audience and defends ones view in an attempt for it to win out amid the criticisms of the crowd is still very much alive.
Is that competitive, duelling element just inherent to philosophy? After all, examining arguments is key to philosophy (at least, in its dominant practice in todays academy), and arguments can be won or lost. Perhaps then it is the pulsing egos attached to the arguments that are the problem. Its our tendency to own an opinion or argument, to see them as things to be defended at all costs on pain of ones honour, that is problematic. If instead, we re-focused on our shared mission of uncovering truth or wisdom, then that competitive element might lessenwed delight in being proved wrong.
One practical means towards this change might be to use more group-orientated language when engaging in dialogue. For example: Perhaps it might help us work this out if we attended to Or: In light of X, we might need to revise our thinking on Y
We might also endeavour to place less emphasis on the need to pick a side. When we ask undergraduates to state their thesis as they introduce their paper, we could emphasise that this thesis need not be that a particular side of the debate has won out. Instead, it could identify which argument is the biggest threat to a theory, for example. When we review for journals, we could be more open to papers that dont defend a particular point of view, but instead shed new light on an issue and acknowledge its complexity, before raising some questions that arise from the reflections.
On this last point we can take a lesson from Elizabeth Anscombe, about whom Bernard Williams recalled:
she impressed upon one that being clever wasnt enough. Oxford philosophy, and this is still true to a certain extent, had a great tendency to be clever. there was a lot of competitive dialectical exchange, and showing that other people were wrong. I was quite good at all that. But Elisabeth conveyed a strong sense of the seriousness of the subject, and how the subject was difficult in ways that simply being clever wasnt going to get round.
Perhaps if, like Anscombe, we were to take philosophy a bit more seriously, as a genuine attempt to try and better our understanding, then we wouldnt be so inclined to slip into rough play, for philosophy wouldnt be a game at all. If its about trying to dig deeper into important but difficult questions, then theres no need to own an opinion and stick by it. Instead, we should happily relinquish a view when we find that the weight of argument takes us elsewhere, and we should not feel ashamed at that. If more of us could have that attitudesomething that unfortunately modern academic practices pushes againstthat would reduce the emphasis on individual competition and individual accomplishment.
I would be very interested to hear in the comments what people think. Does philosophy stand out in academia as having a competitive atmosphere? If yes, is this a problem? Ive focused here on competitions downsides, but are there upsides to competition and competitive atmospheres that might mean that overall, its a good thing? If it is problematic, what might we do to improve things?
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Best poker sites in 2022; where to play real money poker online – WISH TV Indianapolis, IN
Posted: at 12:37 pm
If youre a fellow fan of poker, youve come to the right article. Weve done the heavy lifting and compiled a list of the best poker sites.
Lets face it we all know its difficult to find a safe and reputable online casino that also offers an excellent variety of poker games. Weve made the process easier by thoroughly researching and testing out hundreds of casinos. Then, we ranked the best of the best in our top ten list for your convenience.
Our number one choice is Slots Empire, but read on below to find out what other casinos made the cut. Were confident youll find a real money poker site thats right for you!
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If youre a poker fan who prefers games against other players, we suggest going with Ignition. Youll thoroughly enjoy the weekly, daily, and annual tournaments that run on software with several unique features.
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If youre a poker fan who also enjoys playing live casino games, Super Slots is the best option for you. We did note that the casino didnt include any poker options in this category, but thats pretty common throughout the gaming industry.
This poker site only has about 11 poker games, which is a bit disappointing. With fewer titles, you might grow bored quicker than you would with a competing casino.
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Wild Casino shines above competing sites because it offers incredible poker variety. Other casinos forego this option, instead favoring blackjack or roulette varieties. Our favorite was Bonus Texas Hold em, but youll also find Tri Card, Oasis, Pai Gow, and more.
However, Wild Casino doesnt have a very significant poker lobby in terms of quantity there are only 11 titles. The site makes up for this with the variety and a massive casino library, though.
In fact, it offers the most games out of every option on our list, which means youll have plenty of alternatives to turn to. Every player will be satisfied with the 358+ slots, rummy, craps, and more to enjoy.
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This poker site is 100% secure. It uses SSL encryption technology to keep your data safe.
If aesthetics are a crucial part of your gaming experience, we suggest checking out El Royale. This poker site has a unique design that recreates the energy of the Roaring 20s, leaving you feeling elegant and sophisticated.
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Las Atlantis is fantastic for poker players looking to pad their bankroll, as each bonus has low wagering requirements, and there are plenty to choose from. The site offers 17 poker options and a significant casino library to ensure players have fun.
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Slots.lv is perfect for poker fans who favor playing table games against a computer. It offers the most games in this category out of all ten top poker sites. Plus, it has a rich casino lobby to keep the fun going.
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Its not the combination we see every day, but we know that there may be some poker and bingo enthusiasts out there. And Cafe Casino is an incredible option for bingo fans.
In addition to several other casino games, it has seven bingo titles, which is quite the selection for a poker site.
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Poker Games:
The number one aspect to consider when looking for a top poker site is how many games it offers. After all, a casino isnt exciting to a poker fan if it only has one or two titles in this category.
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Other Casino Titles:
The best poker sites should have other casino games as well. Most players dont want to be restricted to one game all the time. We look for casinos that offer a wide variety of titles to keep you entertained no matter what youre in the mood for.
Banking:
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Related: Best Ethereum casinos
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There are many different variations of poker, which is great news since variety is the spice of life dont you agree?
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Texas Holdem is arguably the most loved poker game in the world. In this version of the game, every player receives two cards, face-down. After a standard round of betting, checking, and folding, the dealer places three cards face-up on the middle of the table.
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DISCLAIMER: The information on this site is for entertainment purposes only. Gambling comes with its fair share of risks and its important to recognize that when using online gambling sites.
While we review different gambling sites, you should check with local laws in your area before gambling online. Also, all gambling sites and our guides are rated 18+ only. We may receive compensation from the sites we recommended in our guides, but our reviews remain independent and reader-supported.
If you have a gambling addiction problem or anyone you know does, call the National Gambling Helpline at 1-800-522-4700. In addition, the following free gambling addiction resources can be of help:
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Varcoe: Alberta’s turn to ante up in carbon capture ‘poker game’ with Ottawa – Calgary Herald
Posted: at 12:37 pm
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'I really see this as a conversation, as a collaborative approach,' federal Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland said diplomatically
Publishing date:
A bitterly cold wind swept through southeast Calgary on Thursday afternoon as federal Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland stopped in the citys industrial area on a post-budget tour.
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She visited the Alberta Carbon Conversion Technology Centre, which demonstrates various carbon capture and utilization initiatives in the province.
While cold weather dominated Thursdays news conference, a little heat has been sparked in recent days by the federal governments suggestion Alberta could provide its own incentives if it wants to see carbon capture, utilization and storage (CCUS) projects move ahead in the province.
In last weeks budget, Freeland unveiled details of a new federal investment tax credit for such developments.
Its seen as a pivotal step to kick-start projects that will help the countrys oil and gas sector get to net-zero by 2050, capturing carbon dioxide emissions and burying them underground or using them in various industrial processes.
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You cant see the excitement on my face because its a little bit frozen, so let me try hard to really smile . . . I really feel we are at the beginning of a new chapter for Alberta and Canada, Freeland said.
The federal government has come to the table. We have put together a powerful tax credit.
Under the federal plan, companies can receive a 50 per cent tax credit for investing in equipment to capture CO2 in such projects, and a 37.5 per cent credit for spending on equipment used for transportation and storage on CCUS.
But the budget also made a point of noting it will talk with relevant provinces in the expectation that they will further strengthen financial incentives to accelerate the adoption of CCUS technologies by industry.
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Let the squirming begin.
I really see this as a conversation, as a collaborative approach, Freeland said diplomatically.
One specific action that, from our perspective, the province could take that would be helpful would be to make provincial support stackable with federal support.
That means companies contemplating a big-budget CCUS investment could tap the federal incentive, along with existing provincial credits, programs or initiatives adopted by Alberta.
In some ways, its a tacit acknowledgment that what Ottawa brought out might not be enough to get some developments across the finish line.
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This puts Premier Jason Kenney and his government in a tight spot.
The province has been a major cheerleader seeking federal incentives for CCUS to help the energy sector decarbonize.
Last year, Kenney asked for $30 billion in federal assistance from the Liberal government over a 10-year period or $3 billion a year for carbon capture projects in Alberta.
It was, he said, a no brainer.
Instead, the price tag for the federal investment tax credit will slowly grow to a projected $1.5 billion annually, hitting that level in 2027.
Thats half of what Alberta was seeking.
Now, its the federal governments turn to put some heat on the province.
Asked Wednesday about the issue, Kenney noted the province has directly put $1.8 billion into carbon capture technology dating back more than a decade.
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And theres potentially more aid already on the table.
We will be making a very important fiscal commitment on top of the federal tax credit by providing for an offset in royalties payable by the oilsands companies for their capital costs associated with CCUS, Kenney told reporters.
If they put billions of dollars into . . . CCUS, that would be discounted from their royalty payments to the Alberta government in future years.
Kenney is apparently referring to the existing royalty system in place for oilsands projects.
To account for large initial investments, oilsands projects pay lower royalty rates until they hit payout the period when total project revenues exceed total capital and operating costs at which point the rate increases sharply.
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Spending large amounts of money on CCUS means associated oilsands projects would pay the lower royalty rate for longer, according to provincial officials.
Chris Severson-Baker of the Pembina Institute, which has supported the federal tax credit, called the lower royalty rate a huge benefit for oilsands producers pursuing carbon capture.
The province isnt putting all of its cards on the table, but doesnt seem particularly anxious to ante up more money.
Everyone is positioning. So its a poker game, said one oilpatch executive.
The poker game isnt around the fact Kenney and the feds arent going to pay they are definitely going to pay. Its a matter of the dollars that everybody is asking for.
All of this positioning is being spurred by the federal commitment that Canada reduces its emissions by up to 45 per cent by 2030. Carbon capture and storage is a proven technology, but it requires a huge upfront investment.
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Both levels of government want to see a number of projects move ahead. Industry wants to reduce emissions and produce low-carbon oil well into the future. A group of six major oilsands companies has already committed to reaching net-zero by 2050.
We are in an intense competition for global investment capital for CCUS projects with countries such as Norway, the Netherlands and the United States, who all invest generously with industry in CCUS technology, Kendall Dilling, interim director of Oil Sands Pathway to Net Zero Alliance, said Thursday.
Shell Canada president Susannah Pierce, who attended the finance ministers tour, said the federal measure will help remove uncertainty as the company considers a CCUS project.
At the end of the day, investors do have a choice, Pierce said. And if Alberta and the federal government come together and they work to develop a package to drive investment here, thats what we want to see.
Chris Varcoe is a Calgary Herald columnist.
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Varcoe: Alberta's turn to ante up in carbon capture 'poker game' with Ottawa - Calgary Herald
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Easter slot specials and blackjack prizes up for grabs this weekend at Everygame Poker – World Casino Directory
Posted: at 12:37 pm
The Easter weekend is upon us and in celebration, Everygame Poker is offering players a few holiday specials. Take part in casino spins on 7 Fortune Frenzy after taking advantage of spin deals on three popular online slot games. Special bonus codes can be used when depositing to score spins on Take the Bank, Super Sweets, and Wild Drops. On top of the slot action, the online gaming site provides blackjack specials with prizes worth up to $500.
Details on the Easter Slot Specials
From April 17-24, players can log in to Everygame Poker and use bonus codes when depositing to earn spins. Enter BUNNY1 and $25 to trigger 30 spins on Take the Bank. This game features a classic cop and robbers theme with wilds and special features.
Use the code BUNNY2 and a $35 deposit and 45 spins on Super Sweets are provided. This game features candy of course and offers sticky wilds that help create winning symbol combinations. Players can trigger the special candy surprise on the middle reels and access a re-spin or bonus round ticket.
The last code on offer is BUNNY3. With a $50 deposit, players earn 50 spins on Wild Drops. This online slot game offers cascading reels with the potential to trigger new combinations after a win. Collect hidden gold coins while you play to trigger casino spins.
All of these games are Betsoft titles and give you a chance to explore very different reel spinning. Once you have claimed all three deals, the online gaming site will provide you with 100 spins on 7 Fortune Frenzy. This game offers a three-reel experience and includes a fourth reel that can provide an 8x or 18x multiplier! Trigger a re-spin and earn 4x the wins!
Blackjack Prizes through Sunday
Now through Sunday, players can head over to Everygame Poker and take part in special blackjack prizes via the casino section of the site. Hit a suited blackjack, small suite, or big suite 21 and win a prize worth up to $500.
Play Blackjack 21, Perfect Pair, or Double Draw to compete in the blackjack contest. These games can be found at Everygame Poker under the Tangente tab. Players can log on for several days and take advantage of the blackjack options and access the spins deals at the same time. There are a few extra days for the slots deals, so players have time to activate all the spin promotions. Check out the deals this week at Everygame Poker!
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What Does Working in Retirement Mean, and How Do I Do It? – TheStreet
Posted: at 12:35 pm
By Will Gunlicks, CFP
As a financial planner and advisor, my goal is to help clients make important transitions from job to job, and from working to retirement. These transitions can often be difficult and stressful, but with a solid plan in place and a measured approach, its possible to find success in the long run.
Will Gunlicks
A trend Ive seen in recent years involves the desire to work in retirement not at the same job, or even the same industry, and usually not at the same number of hours. People are deciding to leave their long-term job or career but theyre not leaving work entirely. Instead, theyre looking for something new, and perhaps, more fulfilling. While the global pandemic has helped influence this trend, research by Savant Wealth Management and Absolute Engagement found that the urge to work differently in retirement has been building for years. In the study, nearly 70% of respondents told us they would transition to a different kind of work or work on their own terms if they thought it was an option.
If youre considering working differently after your primary career, youre likely to meet plenty of peers in the same boat. But before you decide to be retired and working, I encourage you to consider these three questions:
An old saying, attributed to Alice in Wonderland author Lewis Carroll, reminds us that if we dont know where were going, any road will get us there. But what happens when you arrive to find that you dont like the destination?
To map out your desires and dislikes for your potential work in retirement, you need to start with your vision for the future. What are the goals that working would help you achieve in the short-term, or even in the long term? In your vision of the future, what are you doing and who are you with? How are you spending your time, on or off work? Perhaps youd like to turn a lifelong hobby into a paid position. For example, if you love golf, you might consider working at a golf course with colleagues that share similar interests. Your vision and goals will help narrow the universe of possibilities and help you identify the types of industries and/or jobs that seem most appropriate for your situation. Stating your goals in one or two written sentences can also help you start a firm blueprint for your next chapter.
Next, try jotting down your anti-vision of working in retirement. What do you not want your job to entail? What impact do you not want it to have on your life, or the lives of your loved ones? Mapping out the effect a poor choice could have on your time, money, relationships, and mental and physical wellness helps clarify what you do want. Your anti-vision can often translate into positive goals, such as making an impact in your local community, traveling more with your spouse or family, caring for an aging parent, or pursuing a hobby that fell by the wayside while you were too busy working.
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Once you determine your vision and goals, its time to focus on the financial implications of your potential transition to help ensure you can maintain your planned lifestyle through retirement. Your evaluation should include these five areas:
Understanding cash flow and expenses. While many people dont follow a budget throughout their lives, creating one now can help you understand if your transition plan will work. As part of this exercise, youll need to identify which expenses are fixed (such as your mortgage, car loans, utilities, etc.), and which are discretionary (dining out, entertainment, vacations, etc.).
Next, examine your sources of income in retirement. You may receive cash flow from a pension, Social Security, rental income, or your portfolio in addition to your planned work income. To feel truly confident about your finances in retirement, consider using a robust projection calculator, or working with a CERTIFIED FINANCIAL PLANNERTM professional to crunch the numbers and test your assumptions. This exercise can help you determine your level of financial independence as well as identify how much potential income you may need from your next job.
Healthcare coverage. The next key area involves planning for the healthcare coverage you will need prior to age 65, when Medicare will start. Several options can fill this gap, including COBRA insurance from your current employer, coverage from your spouse or partner, an Affordable Care Act policy, a private market policy, or even a part-time job that includes eligibility for health insurance benefits.
Reviewing retirement accounts and other benefits. The third item includes reviewing, in detail, your retirement accounts and existing employee benefits. Before you make any big changes, youll want to understand the critical milestones, ages, and vesting schedules you'll need to consider and coordinate into your overall plan. Your company retirement plan, such as a 401(k) or 403(b), likely comprises one of your largest financial assets. If you plan to tap into your retirement account, youll need to review the rules first. Up until age 59 1/2, any distributions you receive from retirement accounts could be taxed and subject to an additional 10% early-withdrawal penalty. However, a special provision allows you to avoid penalty if you separated from service after age 55 and those dollars remain in your 401(k). If you roll those funds to an IRA, you could lose penalty-free access.
Creating a tax strategy. Your fourth key action item is to develop a multi-year tax strategy for at least the first five years of your transition. Up to this point, you likely havent had much control over your taxable income if youve earned W-2 wages. Your tax return could look very different as you transition to your new chapter, and you may find yourself with a lot more control over the sources of your income, how much you earn, and when you receive it.
The period between the end of your traditional working life and age 70 (the latest age to begin collecting Social Security) represents your strategic tax window, because you will have much more control and more opportunities for tax savings. One popular technique to consider to help save on taxes during this strategic tax window includes converting pretax IRA dollars into a Roth IRA, especially if youre in a relatively low marginal tax bracket in a given year. The second popular strategy to consider is to trade out of concentrated positions, like company stock, or other positions that have high unrealized capital gains at low or even 0% rates, if you fall under certain tax thresholds.
Investment alignment. Your overall portfolio allocation and investment mix can make or break your entire transition plan. Youll need to test your overall risk level, or the mix of stocks and bonds in your portfolio, to ensure your future expected return is high enough to keep up with inflation and the growth you need within your nest egg. Youll also need to ensure the amount of risk you're taking in your portfolio doesnt stretch beyond your personal comfort level.
Another critical component of investment alignment is making sure you put the right assets in the right accounts to ensure your overall portfolio mix is tax efficient. Your traditional or Roth IRA, as well as any taxable brokerage investment accounts, often contain a variety of assets, such as stocks, bonds, or liquid real estate. Each involves a different tax treatment, so placing the right assets in the right accounts supports long-term tax efficiency.
The final step to create your retired and working plan is to figure out how to find that next job that fits perfectly with your vision, goals, and overall financial situation. Financial planners and advisors often help clients with the first two steps, but Ive found that also using a career coach for the final step can be a tremendous boost and benefit to making this plan a reality. Mary Ellen Ball, a career coach and owner of Open Delta group, shared her thoughts with me. According to Ball, the transition steps you take may appear simple on paper, but require thoughtful planning (financial and logistical), as well as deep accountability. Her recommendations include:
Transitioning into a retired and working phase in your life can prove to be very rewarding and satisfying when done with careful planning. Hiring professionals, such as a CERTIFIED FINANCIAL PLANNERTM professional and/or a career coach, could also potentially provide you with partners and a sounding board to make this the best transition possible. Best of luck in your retired and working journey!
William V. Gunlicks is a financial advisor and team lead at Savant Wealth Management, a fee-only, independent registered investment advisor. A CERTIFIED FINANCIAL PLANNERTM professional, Will has been involved in the financial services industry since 2003.
This is intended for educational purposes only and should not be construed as personalized investment or tax advice. Please consult your investment and tax professional(s) regarding your unique situation.
Certified Financial Planner Board of Standards Inc. (CFP Board) owns the certification marks CFP and CERTIFIED FINANCIAL PLANNER in the U.S., which it authorizes use of by individuals who successfully complete CFP Board's initial and ongoing certification requirements.
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What Does Working in Retirement Mean, and How Do I Do It? - TheStreet
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