Monthly Archives: July 2021

Legendary actor Dilip Kumar passed away on Wednesday morning. He breathed his last in a Mumbai hospital. The legendary actor was 98 and passed away due to age-related issues. Dilip Kumars last rites took place on Wednesday, during the evening hours of the day. His wife, Saira Banu, actors Amitabh Bachchan, Abhishek Bachchan, family and friends bid farewell to Dilip Saab. He was laid to rest at the Juhu Qabrastan in Santacruz. Now, in a post on social media, actor Aamir Khan paid tribute to the late legendary actor.

Aamir Khan issued a statement through his production company Aamir Khan Productions. The note read: Thank you Yusuf Sahab for the invaluable, priceless and unique gift you have given all of us through your work. For me you have always been and always will be the greatest ever. Salaam. Love. Aamir. The actor thanked Dilip Saab for the invaluable, priceless and unique gift he has given everyone through his work during his 50-year-long career. Aamir further said that Kumar Saab has always been and will be the greatest ever for him.

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Dilip Kumar is survived by his wife, actress Saira Banu. They had married in 1966.

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Dilip Kumars Demise: Aamir Khan Pays A Tribute To The Legendary Actor; Says For Me You Have Always Been And Always Will Be The Greatest Ever -...

Malcolm Gladwell defined a tipping point as the moment of critical mass, the threshold, the boiling point. In 2011 scientists atNew Yorks Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute concluded a tipping point for a political trend could be as low as 10% of the population. This is maddening: why does it take years, decades, sometimes centuries, for meaningful change to occur, even when the voices crying out are loud and clear?

In recent years there has been a spurt of analyses attempting to explain the post-truth world, why tribal belonging is more powerful than truth. Frantz Fanon figured this out almost 70 years ago: Sometimes people hold a core belief that is very strong. When they are presented with evidence that works against that belief, the new evidence cannot be accepted And because it is so important to protect the core belief, they will rationalise, ignore and even deny anything that doesnt fit in with the core belief, he wrote in Black Skin, White Masks.

More presciently, in his withering 1961 dissection of colonialism, Fanon predicted that the basic confrontation which seemed to be colonialism versus anticolonialism, indeed capitalism versus socialism, is already losing its importance. What matters today, the issue which blocks the horizon, is the need for a redistribution of wealth. Humanity will have to address this question, no matter how devastating the consequences may be.

Why is it that white South Africans celebrated Nelson Mandelas 1994 inauguration speech (The time for the healing of the wounds has come The moment to bridge the chasms that divide us has come never, never and never again shall it be that this beautiful land will again experience the oppression of one by another.), but were utterly deaf to his emotional four-hour Rivonia trial plea 30 years earlier? (I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against Black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons will live together in harmony and with equal opportunities if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.)

One of the key messages in Seven Votes, the new book by South African historian Richard Steyn, is that opportunities are forfeited when we dont listen.

There was an unheeded warning in the aftermath of South Africas crossroads 1948 elections: South Africa has chosen the road to national suicide, railed ANC leader AB Xuma. Steyn tries to reimagine the countrys abnormal past: History teaches us the stupidity in shutting doors, as [Jan] Smuts did to Xuma in the late 1940s. If we had cultivated the essence of democratic politics into the broad population, then, what a difference that may have made.

Further north in Africa, a different nightmare was unfolding. Nigeria was formally colonised in 1899, sold by the Royal Niger Company to the British government for 865000. The company had traded palm oil for 30 years, a crucial industrial lubricant for machinery. Chinua Achebes Things Fall Apart, set in that time, was a harbinger of the looming disaster for the people of the Niger delta. The novel conveys the entitlement, the brutal arrogance threatening the indigenous people. It was published in 1958, the same year Shell first exported oil from the region.

The books recognition and awards stacked up in proportion to the upscaling of destruction in the delta. By 1995, despite millions of copies sold, colonialism and exploitative capitalism had wreaked havoc, and nine activists including Ken Saro-Wiwa were executed for their protests. Earlier this year, Dutch and British courts ruled that Shell may be held accountable for compensation for its environmental destruction in Nigeria. Too late: Achebe had warned that the centre wouldnt hold. At the end of the novel, the District Commissioner clarifies his plans to write a notable paragraph on the tragedy of the main character, Okonkwo. Hes decided the title of his book: The Pacification of the Primitive Tribes of the Lower Niger.

Nobel literature laureate Toni Morrison took inspiration from Achebe: African literature is incomplete and unthinkable without the works of Chinua Achebe. She was expressly interested in exploring how language separates or unites, celebrates or quashes. Her focus was on the individual, but for Morrison the personal was always the political, and so her novels symbolise individual pain as representative of broader suffering. Her lesser-known first novel, The Bluest Eye, conceptualised in 1965, holds up self-worth and then shatters it, savagely. The protagonist, Pecola Breedlove, is a young Black girl rather than a man but Morrisons summary of Pecolas tragedy in the novels afterword applies to George Floyds murder: My book showed how the demonisation of an entire race is a consequence of casual racial contempt.

The book ends with Pecolas insanity, a broad parallel to the warnings by experts that Floyds murder could spark a mental health crisis. The child literally fell apart, writes Morrison in the afterword. Grotesquely, so too did a part of humanity on 25 May 2020.

Why did America, and the world, hear George Floyds dying words, but paid no attention a decade earlier when 27-year-old unarmed Steven Washington was shot and killed in Los Angeles? Or to the circumstances of almost all the 1944 Black people killed by police in America between 2013 and 2019 alone?

The complex human psychology underpinning blinkeredness and deafness to the cause of social justice is epitomised in our responses to the voices of musicians. Dont you know / Theyre talking about a revolution? / It sounds like a whisper, sang Tracy Chapman in Talkin About a Revolution, from her eponymous debut album in 1988. The following year came Why?, from the album Crossroads: But somebodys gonna have to answer / The time is coming soon / When the blind remove their blinders / And the speechless speak the truth.

These were huge global hits. In South Africa too years before democracy we sang along to the catchy slogans, shuffled to the rhythms. But we didnt pay attention to the cry against domestic violence, damaged dignity, social discord and inequality.

John Bergers voice was multifaceted. He wrote prolifically on a vast range of topics, including memory, imagery, art, political philosophy, and how artists can motivate and direct political protest. He is probably best known for Ways of Seeing, published in 1972, a landmark treatise on humanitys conditioning, how the images we see do not always present the real world. It is seeing which establishes our place in the surrounding world, he narrated but complex issues are hidden in plain sight.

Berger pointed out the moral shock of the contrast in mainstream media when horrifying reports or images of war or deprivation blend with aspirational articles and utopian advertising. His deeper point was that for centuries Western culture has remained oblivious to this shock. Cynical, manipulative establishment and media forces have perpetuated an us-and-them conditioning.

Having opened our eyes, Berger wanted us to explore further, to interrogate and question the historical narrative. Confronting reality, perhaps, was what Berger was urging, most. There is too much suffering in the world, he showed us, but our empathy and compassion was lost in the whirlwind of capitalist consumerism and a patriarchal, colonial cultural mindset. He tried to talk us out of our lethargy. Was his voice, too, lost in the wind?

Societys culture the values, mores, beliefs and practices that weave through current times are also at play. In sport, too. Almost 50 years before Colin Kaepernick took a knee and was promptly exiled from Americas National Football League (NFL), two athletes gave a clenched-fist Black Power salute during the 200m medal ceremony at the 1968 Mexico Olympics. They stood on the podium with a human rights logo on their tracksuit, in black socks without shoes, to represent the poverty of many Black Americans and to express solidarity against injustice and racism.

The NFL has apologised for not heeding, earlier, players concerns about racism. But not directly to Kaepernick, who has remained in the football wilderness, his career curtailed in his prime. As for Olympians Tommie Smith and John Carlos, their seismic statement was largely ignored, and they paid the price: the International Olympic Committee expelled them from the rest of the Games, they were castigated by the mainstream media, and they returned home to widespread opprobrium.

It was a cry for freedom and for human rights, said Smith in a 2008 interview. We had to be seen because we couldnt be heard. Carlos, in the same interview and referring to that current decade, 40 years on, said, Whats going on is wrong.

Marvin Gaye phrased this as a question, just after those Olympics. Whats Going On? asked the anthemic song on the 1971 album of the same name. Gaye no longer felt able to croon the ballads that had made him famous. In 1969 or 1970, I began to re-evaluate my whole concept of what I wanted my music to say I was very much affected by letters my brother was sending me from Vietnam, as well as the social situation here at home. I realised that I had to put my own fantasies behind me if I wanted to write songs that would reach the souls of people. I wanted them to take a look at what was happening in the world.

Gaye was facing up to reality, and wanted us to do the same. He died in 1984. He would have been dismayed to know that 50 years after he asked, there are still so few answers. Its an album that still sounds revolutionary 50 years after it was recorded, notes Rolling Stone magazine. Its intended as a compliment and therein lies the shame.

The conflation of terror, tragedies and historical injustice throughout the Middle East has been the subject of decades of reporting and calls for change from the journalist Robert Fisk, who died last year. Search for him on the Independent UK website and hundreds of articles appear under the Voices section.

They bristle with warnings of endless cycles of bloodshed, in large part attributable to biased if not blind policymaking, shocking levels of US and UK arms exports into the region, and reedy and unreliable government narratives that too few other journalists have challenged. Fisk believed in seeing for himself: A story should be told from the viewpoint of the victim whose blood is being spilled. During the time of the slave trade, Id have interviewed the slaves, not the captain of the slave ship. During World War II, I wouldnt have interviewed an SS spokesman, Id have talked to the Jews.

The Economist described him as one of the most influential columnists on Middle East affairs since World War II. Pity the politicians shaping policy have not heard the hysteria, felt the earth shake, grasped the truths in his passionate missives.

We can only look forward to when we justly reframe the past. And so it is the newer voices we must receive, now. American teacher and poet Caroline Randall Williams condenses slavery in America, the Civil War and the Jim Crow Confederate legacy in a way that must surely shake definitions to the core: I have rape-coloured skin. My light-brown-blackness is a living testament to the rules, the practices, the causes of the Old South. If there are those who want to remember the legacy of the Confederacy, if they want monuments, well, then, my body is a monument.

The full text is some of the most powerful, deeply shocking prose you will ever read.

There is no greater existentialist threat than global warming. Kim Stanley Robinson has been writing and lecturing about this for decades, sagely showing the cause-and-effect links between the Anthropocene, rapacious capitalism and social inequality. The New Yorker salutes him as one of the great science fiction writers, but he is also a sociopolitical thinker, challenging capitalisms monocultural construct that stifles motivations and ideas for change.

His new book, The Ministry for the Future, is a litany of concepts to build a new political economy, to harness technology for societal good, to transform capitalism to a more inclusive humanism to save ourselves. Its also a chilling vision of what will occur if we dont. It should be mandatory reading for every corporate, government and educational leader, worldwide.

These artists are a tiny sample of those who urged us to wake up, writing powerful, eloquent, angry words. But Toni Morrison was sceptical we would do the work. As a matter of fact, literature will not save us at all, she wrote in an essay in Mouth Full of Blood. It was a plea for us as readers to participate, to find what she called the invisible ink; we have to tune in, interpret and take responsibility.

Writers and artists have a role a duty, perhaps in using culture as a voice to push the conversation, to elevate awareness, to help bend Martin Luther King Jrs arc towards moral justice. Its incumbent upon us to listen.

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Sharp Read | Heed the word - newframe.com

Swapnil Joshi's blockbuster web series "Samantar" has been creating a lot of buzz since its release in 2020. The series's second season just got released and the short clips have been going viral on the Internet and the actors also have been teasing fans by posting small glimpses from "Samantar 2".

Now the latest is that Swapnil Joshi who is the lead of the web series recently shared a behind-the-scenes video from Samantar 2. In the video, Swapnil Joshi was splendidly seen acting with his co-star and asked his fans from which episode the uploaded video is. The fans of the series were debating on the question, some were saying the scene is from the first season of Samantar while some were saying the scene is from the second season but it has been deleted. Some fans were even seen ignoring the question and just appreciating Swapnil Joshi's acting.

Samantar web series which is based on the novel of the same name by Suhas Shirwalkar explores the unrealistic story of two men who share the same path. The interesting and thrilling story has caught the eyes of many viewers and continues to become more exciting.

Samantar 2 is a sequel to the famous mini-series, Samantar. The web series is currently available on MX Player.

Image Source: Instagram/swwapnil_joshi, imdb

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Samantar 2 Sneak A Peek: Swapnil Joshi Teases Fans With A Glimpse In The Nerve-Wracking Thriller On Social Media - SpotboyE

Northern Kenya is the embodiment of the precariousness of a post-colonial nation-state.Both the colonial and the post-independence governments neglected the region, leaving it completely underdeveloped compared to the rest of Kenya, a situation American writer Negley Farson described as one half of Kenya, about which the other half knows nothing and seems to care even less [about].

The colonialists referred to the inhabitants as the hostile tribes and as the relationship between the rest of Kenya and the north became fraught, the region attempted to secede immediately after Kenyas independence, a step that set the tone for the way the area was governed post-independence closed and ignored.

Independent Kenya adopted the methods of the colonial administration and continued to enact restrictive legislation.Where the colonial administration had passed The Outlying District Ordinance of 1902 and The Special District Ordinance of 1934, the Jomo Kenyatta administration passed the Preservation of Public Security Act of 1964, hot on the heels of the Shifta War. In 1970, the government passed the Indemnity Act that applied to North-Eastern Province (Garissa, Wajir and Mandera) and Isiolo, Marsabit, Tana River and Lamu Districts. The Act immunised the government against any claims for compensation for human rights abuses committed between the 25th of December 1963 and the 1st of December 1967.

The securitisation of the region led to egregious human rights violations by state security agencies. Massacres were committed in Wagalla (Wajir), Malka Mari (Mandera) and Daaba (Isiolo), and people and livestock were confined to restricted areas as part of the strategy to counter the Shifta insurgency. Today, high poverty levels among the Waso Borana are attributed to these events, with communities narrating that any livestock found outside the designated areas was either killed or confiscated and taken away by the military.

Thousands of families escaped to Somalia, only returning in the early 1990s and settling in lower Garbatulla in Isiolo County. To date, some of these people have no Kenyan identification documents, which are vital for access to services such as opening a bank account, MPESA (mobile money) transactions, admission to tertiary education, and travel from rural villages to Isiolo town.

The securitisation of the region led to egregious human rights violations by state security agencies.

Government policy changed with the adoption of Sessional Paper No.8 of 2012 on the National Policy for the Sustainable Development of Northern Kenya and other Arid Lands, which aims to address development imbalances, reduce poverty, manage violent conflict and ethnic strife, address climate challenges and make investments in the livestock markets sector among others.

Isiolo County is referred to as the gateway to northern Kenya. Situated about 285Km from Nairobi, this once sleepy and dusty county now finds itself at the centre of Kenyas development plans.In effect, the government has placed Isiolo at the heart of Kenyas Vision 2030, the countrys new development blueprint for transforming Kenya into a newly industrialised, middle-income country providing a high quality of life for all its citizens by the year 2030.

Vision 2030 is perhaps an antidote to Sessional Paper no. 10 of 1965 on African Socialism and its Application to Planning in Kenya. This first post-independence development plan created a dichotomy of low potential and high potential regions, a logic that placed northern Kenya in the low potential region, with the result that it received little in the form of investment from the government.

The key pillars of Vision 2030 are mega-infrastructure projects, some of which are national and some of which are regional and involve Isiolo County. The county has been selected to host one of the three resort cities planned for northern Kenya and destined to become industrial, economic and tourist hubs. The other two cities will be in Lamu and Turkana. Other flagship projects are the proposed multi-billion-shilling Crocodile Jaw dam on Ewaso Ngiro River on the Laikipia-Isiolo border, which is facing stiff resistance from the local communities and environmentalists due to fears that it will negatively affect over 3.5 million people and wildlife downstream. Other already completed projects are the Isiolo International Airport and the Isiolo-Moyale highway.

Isiolos strategic location makes it a regional transport hub linking northern Kenya to the rest of Kenya and to Sudan, Ethiopia, and Somalia through the multi-billion-shilling Lamu Port-South Sudan-Ethiopia-Transport (LAPSSET) corridor.

While these developments will undoubtedly spur Isiolos growth, they risk causing more conflict unless judiciously executed; the region already experiences ethnic strife, cattle rustling, cross-border conflict, land and boundary conflicts between Isiolo and the neighbouring counties of Meru, Garissa and Wajir, and there is a new simmering boundary tension with Marsabit and Laikipia counties.

The benefits expected to accrue from these investments have heightened tensions between Isiolo and the neighbouring Garissa and Meru counties, with each county laying claim to a road or an area. The likelihood of border conflict is therefore high with the planned construction of the US$750 million (KSh81 billion) Horn of Africa Gateway Development Project (HOAGD) formerly the Northern-Eastern Transport Improvement Project (NETIP) which is set to begin this year. Once completed, the road will link Isiolo to Garissa, Wajir and Mandera.

In his report LAPSSET The history and politics of an eastern African megaproject, Adrian J. Browne argues that Kenyas optimism about the LAPSSET project is based on conservative feasibility statistics. According to him, large-scale infrastructure projects could inject between 2% and 3% of GDP into the [Kenyan] economy and even yield higher growth rates of between 8 and 10 per cent of GDP when fully operational. Such growth would be a game-changer and could transition Kenya into a middle-income country.

However, these projects have a dual impact on the community. First, for the pastoral communities whose livelihoods depend on uninhibited mobility of livestock and humans, these projects will interfere with their migration corridors. Secondly, these projects are being undertaken on land that has been taken away from the pastoralist communities, in some cases, on land that pastoralists use for grazing in times of acute drought.

While these developments will undoubtedly spur Isiolos growth, they risk causing more conflict unless judiciously executed.

The 6,500 acres of land at Kipsing Gap sandwiched between Katim Hill and Ol Doinyo Degishu Hill about 20 kilometres west of Isiolo town, is where the multi-billion-shilling resort city will be established. However, the Kipsing Corridor is the area the communities fall back on during periods of drought.

Speculative land buying in anticipation of the large-scale infrastructure projects could potentially displace the local people. Large-scale infrastructure projects are also the source of fierce contestation between the local communities and even spiteful remarks between the countys political leaders, with each claiming a section of the area where they believe a project will be implemented. Isiolo leaders have also claimed that they have little or no information about the project.

The Northern Rangelands Trust (NRT)-led conservation model is a hotly and passionately debated issue in Isiolo. Supporters of wildlife conservation argue that conservancies attract tourism and create employment opportunities for community members, improve security, expand the livestock market, and preserve open green spaces to create world-class recreation facilities.

Those opposed to conservancies challenge the prominence given to wildlife over pastoralism, and express fears over bio-piracy and the loss of potential grazing land. They also cite the risk of increased conflict, and the replacement of traditional resource governance institutions such as Deedha with ineffective structures.

The influence of the conservation sector is so entrenched within the political leadership such that government officials from the criminal justice system to the interior ministry are appointed to the NRT board, a move that is designed to legitimise its operations. Noordin Haji, Kenyas Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) has been proposed to sit on the NRT board, which is also scouting for a representative from the Ministry of Interior and Coordination of National Government.

Other individuals proposed to sit on the NRT board are Mbuvi Ngunze, the former CEO and Group Managing Director of Kenya Airways, Dr Betty Addero Radier, CEO, Kenya Tourism Board (KTB); Dr Julius Kipngetich, former Director and CEO, Kenya Wildlife Services (KWS); and Jarso Mokku, a respected Elder from Isiolo and the current CEO of Drylands Learning and Capacity Building Initiative (DLCI).

Mathew Brown, Managing Director the Nature Conservancy, Africa Division; Flora and Fauna International senior Director Joana Elliot; Mike Watson, CEO Lewa Wildlife Conservancy; and Kenya Forest Service, CEO Julius Kamau have also been Proposed to sit on the NRT board.

To entrench its existence further, the NRT is also suspected of having sponsored a deformed bill, the Isiolo County Community Conservancies Bill 2021, which was hurriedly formulated and adopted without public participation.

The Kenya Wildlife Service (KWS) was established in 1989 to conserve and manage wildlife. However, the NRT has grown in influence, outstripping the KWS through donor funding; the organisation has taken the lead in shaping Kenyas wildlife conservation policies.

The NRT claims on its website to be a grassroots conservation outfit, building peace and conserving the natural environment. However, local communities in Isiolo blame the organisation for using the dreaded and well-trained 9-1 and 9-2 conservancy rangers to support Samburu raiders during inter-community conflict. An unpublished 2019 report produced by Waso Borana Professionals (WBP), Errant Natives and the Borana Council of Elders (BCE) provides details of documented gross human rights violations, unfulfilled promises, and compromised livelihoods due to loss of strategic water points and grazing lands.

Local communities in Isiolo blame the NRT for using the dreaded and well-trained 9-1 and 9-2 conservancy rangers to support Samburu raiders during inter-community conflict.

Deadly and violent conflict has been a feature of the region for decades, the feuding often driven by conflict over pasture and water and facilitated by easy access to Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW).

But the proposed mega-infrastructure projects have now shifted the focus of conflict to disputes over land and boundaries, an emotive issue that reinforces the deep-rooted sentiments of regional exclusion and inequality.

If Kenya is serious about its development ambitions, the government must walk the talk and redeem itself from the earlier missteps of Sessional Paper Number 10 of 1965, which relegated northern Kenya to the periphery.

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