Daily Archives: September 21, 2019

Five candidates vie for open seat in House District 70 in East Baton Rouge – The Advocate

Posted: September 21, 2019 at 1:45 pm

Education, transportation and drainage are among the issues of thecandidates running to fill the open seat in House District 70.

The five contenders three Republicans, one Democrat, and one Libertarian are vying to succeed longtime GOP Rep. Franklin Foil, who is in his third four-year term and is now running for the state Senate in District 16.

District 70 extends from the edges of LSUs campus down to south Baton Rouge. Sixty-nine percent of its nearly 30,000 registered voters are white and 24 percent are black. Early voting will last from Sept. 28 to Oct. 5, except Sunday, Sept. 29. Election Day is Oct. 12.

An inordinate number of current and former state lawmakers are squaring off for seats in the Louisiana Senate in the Oct. 12 primary, putting

Democrats are hoping for a potential pickup of this district. Of the 22 contested House districts currently held by Republicans, District 70 is where President Donald Trump under-performed the most relative to Mitt Romney four years earlier, according to an analysis by Mike Henderson, an assistant professor who directs the Public Policy Research Lab at the LSU School of Mass Communication.

Three of the candidates in the District 70 race have separated themselves from the pack in fundraising upwards of $45,000: Barbara Freiberg, Michael DiResto and Belinda Davis. The two other candidates, Mallory Mayeux and Ricky Sheldon, have each reported raising less than $1,000.

Freiberg, 70, a Republican, has represented District 12 on the Metro Council since 2016. The retired educator pointed to her 30 years as a public school teacher and experience on the East Baton Rouge Parish School Board.

Neither of the two other major candidates has held elected office, though they both highlighted their extensive work in the public sector.

It may sound counterintuitive, said DiResto, but as a first-time candidate, Im running on my experience.

DiResto, 48, a Republican, spent nearly two decades in the public sector, first as press secretary for Congressman Richard Baker and later as assistant commissioner at the state Division of Administration. DiResto is now the executive vice president at the Baton Rouge Area Chamber.

The Advocates records show that DiResto was arrested twice for driving while intoxicated, first in 2008 and later in 2013. In an emailed statement, DiResto said he had made mistakes in his past and he took full responsibility for his actions.

In the years since then, I have been all the more focused on strengthening my faith and working hard to make a positive difference in our community, he wrote.

The sole Democrat in the race, Davis, 48, is an LSU political science professor whose research focuses on evaluating the effectiveness of public policy.

DiResto and Davis said part of what motivated them to run is the desire to make Baton Rouge a better place for their children. DiResto said hed work to make the state friendlier to businesses, while Davis said shed focus on increasing state investment in education.

A portion of District 70 extends into the boundaries proposed for the city of St. George which, if approved, would convert a large part of southeastern East Baton Rouge into the parish's fifth municipality, with a population of more than 86,000. DiResto and Davis both said they were personally opposed to the incorporation. Freiberg would not offer an opinion for or against the measure.

Education topped the agenda for these three candidates. Freiberg said she would work to expand industry based certification programs and college-credit programs in high schools. DiResto, who helped champion the BASIS Baton Rouge charter school while at BRAC, said hed work to make sure that state government has sustainable funding for higher education.

Davis, who heads up the One Community, One School District public education advocacy group, said she would work to reduce reliance on standardized testing and increase state education investment.

She emphasized her commitment to the issue by pointing to testimony she gave at the legislature for teacher pay raises. Im doing that as a mom in my free time. Think of what could be accomplished if I was in the legislature, Davis said.

The three major candidates also all said transportation is a top priority, citing Baton Rouges infamously bad congestion. Freiberg and DiResto both said they would work to identify funding for a new bridge over the Mississippi River. Davis said she would focus on policies that lower insurance rates and invest in infrastructure.

DiResto highlighted his role in establishing CRISIS the Capital Region Industry for Sustainable Infrastructure Solutions a business-led coalition that has advocated for congestion-relief projects.

Both Freiberg and DiResto also said they want to focus on reforms that allow greater flexibility in how the states budget is allocated.

The race also features two less prominent first-time candidates. Mallory Mayeux, 34, a Libertarian, said shes running to give a voice to the third party. The HR manager said shed focus on lowering taxes, which she said are too high and unfair for what we get.

Ricky Sheldon, 28, who describes himself as a progressive Republican, said he decided to run because hes dissatisfied with the partys national leadership in President Trump. The LSU graduate student said hes mainly interested in improving the states healthcare policies.

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Five candidates vie for open seat in House District 70 in East Baton Rouge - The Advocate

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New laws in 2 Southern states make it more difficult to deny occupational licenses for past crimes – ABA Journal

Posted: at 1:45 pm

Legislation & Lobbying

By Debra Cassens Weiss

September 20, 2019, 4:55 pm CDT

Two Southern states passed occupational licensing reforms during the 2019 legislative session with procedural protections that make it more difficult to deny licenses based on criminal history.

The laws passed in North Carolina and Mississippi have several similarities, according to the Collateral Consequences Resource Center.

Both laws:

Eliminate vague good moral character criteria for obtaining a license.

Bar denial of licenses for crimes unless they are directly related to the license.

Require written reasons when a license is denied.

Provide for a preliminary determination on whether an applicant will be favorably considered.

Both laws are influenced by a model law developed by the Institute for Justice, a libertarian public interest law firm that has filed suits challenging occupational licensing requirements.

Eight other states also enacted new restrictions on the licensing process in 2019.

See also:

ABA Journal: Movement to let the formerly incarcerated cut hair and drive taxis is gaining ground

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The Rand Paul-Liz Cheney foreign policy feud is the latest battle in a decades-old GOP civil war – Washington Examiner

Posted: at 1:45 pm

Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky and Rep. Liz Cheney of Wyoming continued their verbal war on Sunday over the direction of Republican foreign policy. Dont expect this ongoing debate between the libertarian senator and the hawkish congresswoman to end anytime soon because they didnt start it.

Back when George W. Bush ran for president in 2000, he believed the United States should be humble on the world stage, warned against nation-building, and even said, Im not so sure its the role of the United States to go around saying this is the way its gotta be.

Yes, this is the same George W. Bush who later launched the Iraq War.

But in 2000, after almost eight years of President Bill Clinton and his adventures in Somalia and Yugoslavia, many Republicans had soured on U.S. intervention abroad. Four years earlier, Pat Buchanan had enthralled the conservative base in the 1996 GOP primaries running explicitly as an anti-war Republican. Buchanan even won the New Hampshire primary, before frenzied GOP elites worked overtime to secure the nomination for Bob Dole. Still, given the climate of his party, Bush had good reason at the time to make himself out as the anti-war candidate.

It wasnt to last, unfortunately.

A year after his election, President Bush would kickoff Americas longest war in Afghanistan, followed by arguably the worst mistake in U.S. foreign policy history: the invasion of Iraq. The tragedy of 9/11 gave the hawks that lined Bushs cabinet a justified reason for routing the Taliban in Afghanistan, but playing on Americans fear, they also dishonestly finagled the country into Iraq, a long-time goal of the neoconservative movement.

Bush might have been president, but the premiere hawk of that era was Vice President Dick Cheney. Support for his War on Terror defined the Republican Party for most of the Bush era. During that time, the national debt more than doubled and the federal government exploded. But nobody cared it was all about war.

So much so that the conservative establishment tried to push the small band of anti-war libertarians and paleoconservatives such as Buchanan out of the movement. Bush speechwriter David Frum even denounced them as Unpatriotic Conservatives in the pages of National Review. Frums goal was to use war fever to establish neoconservatism as conservatism proper. Frump wrote, War is a great clarifier. It forces people to take sides.

The paleoconservatives have chosen and the rest of us must choose too, Frum declared. In a time of danger, they have turned their backs on their country. Now we turn our backs on them.

Frums message was clear: Being a conservative meant being pro-war, period. If you disagreed, hawks like Frum wanted you out of the movement. And back then, unfortunately, few Republicans disagreed with their assessment.

This rigid orthodoxy wasnt challenged in any significant way within the party until former Rep. Ron Pauls Republican primary presidential campaign caught fire in 2008. Like Buchanan before him, the libertarian-leaning Paul was a strident anti-war candidate who took on Republican hawks in no uncertain terms.

When Paul tussled with hawkish candidate Rudy Giuliani over 9/11 during a debate, it was the beginning of Giulianis campaigns implosion, and helped Paul attract fans by the thousands. Giuliani dropped out after the Florida primary and received less than 600,000 votes. Meanwhile, Paul got over one million votes, and even millions more in dollars donated.

That night, however, Paul was roundly booed and Giuliani was cheered. Possibly for his foreign policy heresy, Paul was even excluded from the next debate. As Barack Obamas popularity grew as the anti-war Democrat, the GOP doubled down on its war identity, a brand the partys selection of a perpetually hawkish presidential nominee that year, the late Sen. John McCain of Arizona, only reinforced.

When McCain lost in 2008, the Obama era was also the beginning of the Tea Party movement, where the conservative grassroots began turning its focus away from war and toward runaway spending. A 2010 poll found Tea Party members split between Ron Paul as their leader, while many others admired McCains former running mate, former Alaska Governor Sarah Palin, who was not uniformly hawkish.

2010 was also the same year Ron Pauls son, Rand Paul, was elected to the Senate, but not before two high-profile Republican hawks injected themselves into the Kentucky GOP primary in an attempt to stop him Dick Cheney and Rudy Giuliani. Meanwhile, Palin broke ranks and endorsed Paul.

Despite hawks efforts, Paul trounced his hawk-backed primary opponent 59% to 35%. In response, Frum lamented, How is it that the GOP has lost its antibodies against a candidate like Rand Paul? The old, Bush-Cheney pro-war GOP was beginning to stumble. In 2016, conservatives would abandon them completely, and eventually turn their full attention to Donald Trump.

Trump is as popular today with his base as Bush was in 2003, however, Trump has not only denounced the Iraq War, but once even called Bush and Cheney liars for starting the conflict. Trump has openly mocked the hawks in his midst, and has said he wants to end the war in Afghanistan.

Trumps foreign policy impulses are clearly closer to Rand Pauls, even if his policy has been a mixed bag. This bothers Cheney so much that he needled Vice President Mike Pence in March for the Trump administrations apparently insufficient hawkishness.

Its ironic, then, that the son of Ron Paul and daughter of Dick Cheney are now battling it out over foreign policy, much of it hinging on who truly stands with President Trump. Various pundits have mocked them for going out of their way to prove whos Trumpier or who loves Trump more.

But Paul and Cheney do this for a reason: It matters to Republican voters.

When David Frum sought to excommunicate anti-war conservatives from the movement 16 years ago, he did so through the narrative of standing with George W. Bush. Similarly, neoconservatives have long tried to appropriate Ronald Reagan for their own agenda because of his enduring cache with the GOP base, despite the fact that hawks in Reagans day came to loathe him for reaching out to the Soviet Union.

Frum employed this method because it works standing with the president of their own party matters to most Republicans. But now, what they stand for has changed.

Today, it is the neoconservatives and camp Cheney who are on the outs with the current commander-in-chief. A Rand Paul might not have been elected in the Bush era, and he certainly wouldnt have the clout the senator has with Trump today if we had a President Jeb Bush, Marco Rubio, or any of the other hawkish candidates that ran in 2016.

The Cheneys are used to being in the drivers seat when it comes to Republican foreign policy. Pauls are accustomed to being on the outside looking in.

This has reversed, a shift that was always going to lead to conflict.

"If theres a better metaphor for the GOPs current foreign policy transformation and crossroads, its tough to do better than a Paul scion feuding with a Cheney scion, observed the Washington Posts Aaron Blake, adding, (I)ts clearly the Paul-ite, noninterventionist approach that is ascendant in the Trump administration."

The decades-old debate between anti-war conservatives and ideological hawks endures as arguably the greatest divide on the Right. Fighting over the GOPs future is Rand Paul and Liz Cheney, who both claim to stand with Trump on foreign policy.

Yet only one of them is actually in line with the president, and this time, it isnt a Cheney.

Jack Hunter (@jackhunter74) is a contributor to the Washington Examiner's Beltway Confidential blog. He is the former political editor of Rare.us and co-authored the 2011 book The Tea Party Goes to Washington with Sen. Rand Paul.

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Points to Consider before Opting for Debt Consolidation – The Libertarian Republic

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Debt consolidation is a commonly used term in the world of finance that refers to combining multiple debts into a single payment. Individuals with high debt are often overwhelmed and confused because of their financial turmoil. Debt consolidation is one of the many options they may consider to get out of their present condition. However, before accepting a debt consolidation offer, there are several factors they must consider.

Like any other financial decision, an individual may or may not pursue debt consolidation based on his her financial context. However, there are certain common factors to look into while considering debt consolidation.

Better Interest Rates: Oftentimes, people go for debt consolidation because it allows them to make a single monthly payment for all their debts. However, this is not the core objective of debt consolidation. The primary objective is to reduce the amount they pay as interest in their debts. If fact, the interest rate should be the foremost deciding factor while choosing your debt consolidation loan provider. Many of you would be surprised to know that it is possible to find out debt consolidation options with interest rates as low as 5%. On the other hand, some others may come with hefty interest rates of above 30%. However, most of them fall between these two extremes.

Problems with Multiple Payments: If you have a number of debts to different lenders, it can be extremely difficult and stressful to keep up with numerous minimum monthly payments. The consequence of failing to keep so many amounts and dates straight on a monthly basis can be quite devastating. Debt consolidation can be a good option for individuals suffering from this problem. With just a single monthly payment, there is no need to worry about many different payment dates and amounts.

The Last Alternative: Before taking a debt consolidation loan, please be completely sure that you have already tried out everything that you could have done to get rid of the debt. If you havent done anything of that sort, before thinking of debt consolidation, make a sincere attempt to pay off all the debts you have.

The first step towards paying off your debts is to make a budget. Allocate a part of the leftover money at the end of the month for this purpose. Your next step is to create a strategy for debt repayment. The debt avalanche and debt snowball are two excellent strategies focused on the faster payment of specific debts. According to the snowball, your extra fundsshould be spent on the debt that has the lowest total balance. On the other hand, the avalanche strategy focuses on the highest interest debt first.

If you try these techniques, but fail to make any headway, or dont have adequate earning to pay off the debt strategically, then you may seriously start exploring debt consolidation options.

Understanding Your Debt: Before taking a debt consolidation loan, it is important that the borrower clearly understands why and how he or she ended up in a debt. .This awareness is extremely important because debt consolidationis only helpful to borrowers that are prepared to lead a financially responsible lifestyle without relying on credit. Unfortunately, individuals that cant hold themselves back from excessive spending end up in even worse debtafter seeking debt consolidation.

Finally, if you really feel that debt consolidation is the solution to your financial troubles; make sure to conduct detailed research to find out a legitimate vendor. Instead of relying on just any provider, it makes sense to put your trust in renowned companies such as National Debt Relief or any other provider of similar stature.

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Points to Consider before Opting for Debt Consolidation - The Libertarian Republic

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Mayoral candidates talk about neighborhood issues at public forum – Indianapolis Business Journal

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Indianapolis residents were able to express concerns about their neighborhoods Thursday night and ask candidates for mayor how they would address them over the next four years.

Democratic incumbent Joe Hogsett, Republican state Sen. Jim Merritt and Libertarian Doug McNaughton participated in a mayoral forum organized by Historic Urban Neighborhoods of Indianapolis and Indiana Landmarks and answered questions from the audience for about an hour after each giving opening statements.

Mayoral candidates (from left to right), Republican Jim Merritt, Libertarian Doug McNaughton and Democratic incumbent Joe Hogsett participate in a public forum Sept. 19.

Several residents asked how the citys neighborhoods can be safe, clean and grow in a way that benefits all residents. Several people specifically wondered why some citizens werent experiencing the prosperity that others are enjoying.

And, of course, there was a question about fixing potholes and a question about the scooters.

Some of the attendees directly asked about vacant properties, litter piling up and food deserts, while others were more general, broadly addressing economic development.

Merritt said he wanted to keep neighborhoods safe as a way to help areas grow, but acknowledged that every area has its own challenges. He said he would personally spend time in low-income and minority neighborhoods to get to know residents and give them a voice.

We need to understand each and every different neighborhood, Merritt said.

On economic development, Hogsett repeatedly mentioned his administrations inclusive economic growth strategy, which includes requiring companies to offer jobs that pay at least $18 per hour in order to receive city incentives.

Hogsett also talked about how his administration has been trying to rid neighborhoods of blighted homes, but admitted hed like to do more.

Weve seen some success but often times the process is slow, Hogsett said.

McNaughton said he believes the citys zoning laws need to be streamlined in a way that makes it easier for businesses to open in neighborhoods, especially those that are low-income or minority.

Im all for putting all the resources the city has in those neighborhoods, McNaughton said.

On a question specifically about how the candidates would make sure renters could afford to stay in their neighborhoods as new developments are built and prices go up, Merritt said that issue is probably the hardest part of running the city.

He said he didnt have a solution yet, but he would bring people together to collaborate.

Ill tell you what Ill roll my sleeves up and find that solution, Merritt said.

Hogsett said he wants residents to be able to stay in their neighborhoods and thats why the city tries to work with developers to set aside a certain percentage of the housing units at below-market rates.

He also said among the various needs in the city, affordable housing ranks near the top.

One attendee specifically asked Merritt about his recently announced plan to fight violent crime that included a proposal to stop everyone in a neighborhood where a violent crime occurred.

Merritt said all he meant by that was there would be an all hands on deck strategy to finding the person who committed the crime.

The candidates kept the conversation civil throughout the forum. Merritt occasionally made comments about how the city had been doing better under Hogsetts predecessor, Republican Greg Ballard, but also on multiple occasions said he agreed with Hogsett.

One more debate is scheduled before Election Day, which is Nov. 5. The candidates will meet on Oct. 28 in Wayne Township for a debate sponsored by the West Side Chamber of Commerce and WXIN-TV Channel 59.

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David Koch: kindhearted, caring citizen, obligated to share wealth – National Catholic Reporter

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David H. Koch Theatre, home of the New York City Ballet, is pictured July 12. The original New York State Theater was built state funds as part of New York State's participation in the 1964-1965 World's Fair. In July 2008, Koch pledged $100 million over 10 years for renovation and to fund an operating and maintenance endowment. (Wikimedia Commons/Ajay Suresh)

In 1980, American politics witnessed a candidate for national office who took visionary stands that should have had the hearts of progressives gratefully beating as rarely before. A sampling of the candidate's proposed reforms:

Which candidate was behind all that nearly 40 years ago? President Jimmy Carter? No. Sen. Ted Kennedy? No. Gov. Jerry Brown? Sen. Edmund Muskie? Gus Hall of the Communist Party of the United States of America? Barry Commoner of the Citizens Party?

No to all of them. It was David H. Koch, the vice-presidential running mate of Ed Clark on the Libertarian ticket, which earned 1.1 percent of the popular vote. Instead of a President Koch, the nation put into office the fog-headed Ronald Reagan, a one-time screen actor in forgettable films. With right-wing ideologues as his White House advisers, his military spending soared to new heights $1.6 trillion over five years by one estimate, or $34 million an hour, by another. His disdain for poverty programs like legal service aid and the Food Stamp Program matched his contempt for labor unions, as when he fired 11,000 striking air traffic controllers in 1981.

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At his death at 79 in late August, David Koch was scantly remembered for embracing policies that were part of the political gospel of the American left. Instead, critics remembered him as a conniving and greed-driven billionaire who, with his twin brother Charles, schemed to twin their wealth with stealth to move the Republican Party further to the right.

Trouble is, the brothers were Libertarians, not Republicans, and a different breed altogether that kept them from being seduced by the serial lies and hatefulness of Donald Trump to whom they donated not a nickel in 2016. In July last year, Trump, the ever addicted counter-puncher, called the brothers "a total joke in real Republican circles" and having a political network that was "highly overrated. I have beaten them at every turn."

Demonizing the Koch brothers reached a fever pitch in 2014 when Sen. Harry Reid blasted them by name 134 times on the Senate floor, including: "It's time that the American people spoke out against this terrible dishonesty of these two brothers who are about as un-American as anyone I can imagine."

It's a rare campaign speech in which Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders doesn't shout out: "Our great nation can no longer be hijacked by rightwing billionaires like the Koch brothers."

What rankles Reid, Sanders and other nattering Democrats is how Koch Industries, the Wichita-based multinational corporation with a workforce of 130,000 in 60 countries and annual revenues of $110 billion, lavished money on rightwing candidates as if members of the Senate past and current, like Robert Dole, Sam Brownback, Mitch McConnell, Mitt Romney and Joni Ernst, and such groups as Heritage Foundation, the Reason Foundation and Cato Institute are threats to the nation. Sorry, I'm not buying that one.

David H. Koch in 2015 (Wikimedia Commons/Gage Skidmore)

I've long admired the Koch brothers for their decadeslong support of causes and non-profits that I also see as worthy. Let's start with their opposition to American militarism. It was such pseudo-liberals as Sens. Joe Biden, John Kerry and Hillary Clinton who favored the invasion of Iraq in 2003, not David Koch, in what has become a shameless, endless war.

I've looked on David Koch as a kindhearted and caring citizen well aware of his obligations to share his wealth, said to be about $40 billion. In 1991, he came close to dying in an airplane crash in Los Angeles that killed 33 fellow passengers. "This may sound odd," he told a reporter for New York Magazine, "but I felt this experience was very spiritual. That I was saved when all those others died, I felt that the good Lord spared my life for a purpose. And since then, I've been busy doing all the good works I can think of."

His generosity saw the flow of billions in grants to non-profits in education, medical research, the arts and criminal justice reforms. He gave a total of $134 million to establish a cancer research institute at the Massachusetts Institute for Technology, from which he graduated. At a meeting once with professors and science researchers, it was asked what is needed to enhance the worksite. Mothers in the group answered: child care. Touched "I got a tear in my eye" Koch said of the moment it led him to donate $20 million to double the school's capacity for on-site child care.

As he did in 1980 in supporting prison reform efforts, Koch remained consistent on the issue. Much of it came about through the work ofMark Holden, who has worked in prisons and later became the general counsel of Koch Industries. In December 2018, hetold an intervieweron NPR's "All Things Considered" that "the whole criminal justice system needs to be revamped from beginning to end. In a lot of ways, it's really a poverty trap, and it disproportionately impacts people of color." That was when, with the support of the Koch brothers, The Formerly Incarcerated Reenter Society Transformed Safely Transitioning Every Person Act theFirst Step Act was signed into law.

In aspeech last monthin South Carolina, Sanders praised "the Koch brothers [for] getting involved in criminal justice for some of the right reasons. What the Koch brothers understand is that it costs a lot more money to send somebody to prison than to send them to the University of South Carolina."

The David H. Koch Institute for Integrative Cancer Research, or MIT Building 76, is pictured in August 2017 at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, Massachusetts. (Wikimedia Commons/Beyond My Ken)

Sanders hailing the Koch brothers can mean only that hell has finally frozen over. The ice was already thickening when, in July 2018,Sanders said: "Let me thank the Koch brothers, of all people, for sponsoring a study that shows that Medicare for all could save the American people $2 trillion over a 10-year period."

Aside from the Koch's donating to Republican politicians, a major rankle of the hate-Koch hordes is that the brothers' $110 billion industries, which market everything from textiles and processed crude oil to toilet paper and Dixie cups, are privately, not publicly, owned: They are secretive, therefore most likely dishonest, they say. How much can that really matter to the 130,000 workers getting paychecks from the Kochs?

The brothers' companies have made mistakes they were fined for and sought to rectify. Yet more than a few liberals' knees continue to jerk wildly at the mention of their names. A recent flail was in an August piece in The Nation headlined "Even David Koch's Philanthropy Was Toxic" and sub-headed with "Like other plutocrats from Andrew Carnegie to Jeff Bezos, the late billionaire used charity to legitimize inequality." It's one thing to go after David Koch for supporting pols and their voting records on deregulating environmental edicts or opposing climate change, but it's something else to accuse him, as The Nation article does, of using benevolence "a substitute for and a means of avoiding the necessity of a more just and equitable system and a fairer distribution of power."

It's a baseless accusation because it is based on judging David Koch's motive for his generosity. We are asked to believe that David Koch's motive for signing checks to groups like theUnited Negro College Fundis that the money will help "legitimize inequality."

Can't buy that one either.

[Colman McCarthy directs the Center for Teaching Peace in Washington, D.C. His new book isOpening Minds, Stirring Hearts.]

This story has been updated to correct the headline.

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How Far to Hope: A Review of Oslo at TimeLine Theatre Company and Broadway In Chicago – Newcity Stage

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When the world is in a state of complete disarray and chaos, the impulse to say Dont worry, things will get better, can come off as naive or privileged or foolish or just downright incorrect. Call it cynicism, call it rationalism, call it being just plain realistic. Seeking hope in a hopeless world just doesnt seem as possible these days.

Not impossible, mind you. Just less possible. Theres a difference.

Moving on, though: lets talk about historical fiction.

The creation and presentation of a work that reflects on a previous historical event has many intentional and unintentional purposes. It works as document of that event, especially if it is from a lesser-known historical perspective. It also works as a means of creating engagement with a history that otherwise might not have been: we are naturally drawn toward narrative and conflict. Finding a means to further inject these values into a piece of history only increases our engagement with the events.

But the unintendedor perhaps secretly intendedrepercussions of a historical drama can be to show how Not Good/Very Bad things used to be while highlighting Just How Far Weve Come since the event in question. Something like the movie Green Book, a recent example of how 1960s racism was a Much Worse Racism and shouldnt we be happy that things are So Much Better Now? I mean, things are better now, right?

Oslo, J.T. Rogers Tony Award-winning play about the backchannel negotiations of the Oslo Accords in 1993, isnt that naive. It is true that, in recounting the gripping events of how Norwegian diplomats Mona Juul (a superb Bri Sudia) and Terje Rd-Larsen (a charming Scott Parkinson) brought together representatives from the Israeli government and the Palestine Liberation Organization to begin peace discussions, you get the sense this is indeed going to be a play about a monumental event that shaped history and made everything Good, Again. But by the end of its almost three-hour running time, the play (and especially director Nick Bowlings production) is fully aware that, no, things are Not So Much Better Now. There is still a major Israeli-Palestinian conflict. There are still governments acting maliciously and innocent people being murdered and a conflict between two peoples being weaponized by external forces for political gain. And there is seemingly no end in sight to it all.

Again, seemingly. Not impossible. Just less possible.

The play, produced by TimeLine Theatre Company and Broadway In Chicago, arrives in Chicago in a practically seamless production, navigating a thirteen-actor ensemble through a cavalcade of scenes: mostly people talking in rooms or talking over the phone or talking outside in the snow. Theres a lot of talking. But the good kind! The kind that reminds you Yes, this is a play, and plays are about people talking, and the talking is engaging and good. Oslo navigates within the confines of what we have traditionally been told is a plays function to exceedingly excellent results. What it lacks in boundary-breaking format, it makes up for in detailed performances, sharp writing and expert craftsmanship.

Jeffrey Kmiecs barebones sey, combined with Mike Tutajs subtle projections, does a great job of transporting us to multiple locations. Christine Pascuals costumes are as dignified or as frumpy as the character wearing them warrants. Andre Pluess music is gripping and provides plenty of forward momentum. Jesse Klugs lights are specific and clear. Its a well-packaged clean production about an inherently messy topic. The dissonance is not lost.

Oslo stands as a beacon of possibility in a world where that is not always a guarantee. Its final momentscemented by Sudias reticence to accept a happy endingmay just bring you close to tears. This desire for hope within hopelessness is just one piece of the puzzle of our world. To see Oslo is certainly not an invitation to start and finish ones engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict then and there. Your work is never done, as well it shouldnt be. But it begs you to consider, in the smallest way, that peace is possible. That hope is possible.

We were not there in 1993. We are not there now.But the possibility. The possibility is there. Somewhere. Do you see it? (Ben Kaye)

TimeLine Theatre Company and Broadway In Chicago at Broadway Playhouse at Water Tower Place, 175 East Chestnut, broadwayinchicago.com, $35-$95. Through October 20.

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Hitler the Progressive | Peter Hitchens – First Things

Posted: at 1:44 pm

Has the mass murder of Europes Jews eclipsed the other significant horrors of Hitlers Germany? Does it matter? And is it possible to address this without being accused by the thought police of belittling the Holocaust? Let me try.

These questions are raised in the greatest film released in the past year, Never Look Away. Made by the aristocrat Florian von Donnersmarck, the director who created the masterpiece The Lives of Others, it has yet to attract the cult following rightly achieved by his first major work. I think it ought to.It is beautiful, immensely powerful, and packed with thoughts about goodness, the temptations of power and evil, and the nature of art.The films depictions of the morally complicated yet triumphant birth of a baby amid misery and ruin, and of the cynical use of abortion in a fathers evil attempt to end his daughters love affair, are firmly on the side of humanity, and should be treasured in their own right.

At the heart of the story is a Dickensian mystery of unrevealed guilt, quite unbelievable but based upon a true story. The original evil act destroys a beautiful young woman, suffering from some unknown mental illness, who is caught by Hitlers eugenics program. Even if you think you know about this sordid corner of National Socialism, which begins with steely pseudo-rationalism and ends in rank murder, the relatively gentle portrayal of this crime and the others happening alongside it will greatly shock and distress you.But it, and other elements of this film, ought also to waken the consciences of many on the self-described progressive left.

For these progressives, the Nazi era has been both a sort of moral scripture and a source of certainties.With increasing force since the 1970s, the left has managed to associate the Hitler period with the political and moral right. Here, they insist, is every aspect of conservatism in full power. Behold, they say, the evils which follow from conservative thought, from love of country and martial strength. See here how the ideas behind immigration controls or sexual conservatism also lead inescapably to the Yellow Star and the Pink Triangle, the death camp, the gas chamber, and the crematorium.

Above all, when it studies the mass murder of Europes Jews it can assert with relief that nothing of this kind stains our hygienic and enlightened society, which put an end to everything of this sort nearly eighty years ago. Indeed, we all can assert thiswhich is interesting given that many conservative European societies, whatever their faults, never engaged in racial mass murder and in many cases bravely resisted and frustrated it when it was imposed on them by occupying invaders.

This fact complicates the simple logic which has permitted so many liberals, for so long, to cry Fascist! at conservatives, and so silence and marginalize them. It might cause the more intelligent progressives to consider, with a little more care, what National Socialism actually was. If it was what they say it was, why was it so hostile to the Christian church, a body which modern liberals tend to see as a force for conservatism?And why did Nazis and Communists cooperate, most spectacularly in that great ignored spasm of cynicism, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact of August 1939the most astonishing political event of the twentieth century and the least known?

We are told that Stalin did it out of bitter necessity, to buy time, and that there was no true friendship or alliance in it.The awkward truth is that it was far warmer than that. There was a joint Nazi-Soviet victory parade in Brest Litovsk. Everyone in the pictures of this event looks happy (the unhappy people had already been shot or locked up). And the Soviet NKVD secret police, the essence of Communism, the sword and shield of the Communist Party,then staged a prisoner exchange with Hitlers Gestapo, likewise the very core of National Socialist fervor. If you admit these things, then you are in historical trouble, and it is trouble which the film Never Look Away helps to foment.

For some background it is worth turning to Julia Boyds fascinating Travellers in the Third Reich. This work is unusual in that it discusses just how similar Communism and National Socialism were, in some respects.She quotes Denis de Rougemont, a Christian Swiss writer and cultural theorist.De Rougemont began by thinkingthat Hitlers state was a regime of the right. But during a lengthy stay in Frankfurt as a visiting professor, he found himself involuntarily questioning this. What unsettled him, writes Boyd, was the fact that those who stood most naturally on the rightlawyers, doctors, industrialists and so onwere the very ones who most bitterly denounced National Socialism. Far from being a bulwark against Communism, they complained,it was itself communism in disguise [my emphasis].

De Rougemont recounted: They pointed out that only workers and peasants benefited from Nazi reforms, while their own values were being systematically destroyed by devious methods. They were taxed disproportionately, their family life had been irreparably harmed, parental authority sapped, religion stripped and education eliminated.

A lawyers wife complained to him, Every evening my two children are taken over by the Party. This experience was not all that different from what was happening at the same time to the children of Soviet parents.The Nazis, being utopian fanatics more concerned with the future than the present, were prepared to pay quite a high price for taking over the minds of the young. As Thomas Manns daughter Erika pointed out in her excoriating book on the subject, School for Barbarians, the quality of education was gravely damaged under the Hitler regime, which (as left-wing regimes also often do) promoted or protected bad but politically acceptable teachers, and polluted the teaching of all arts and historical subjects. It believed it was more urgent to teach the young what to think than to show them how to think.

Hitler himself taunted his opponents for their powerlessness against him. They might rage at him as much as they liked, but When an opponent declares I will not come over to your side I say calmly Your child belongs to us already . . . What are you? You will pass on. Your descendants, however, now stand in the new camp. In a short time they will know nothing but this new community. He was so nearly right.

As for the defeated left, a startling number of them came over to the new camp almost immediately. De Rougemont spoke to a renegade Communist who had switched sides and joined the Hitlerites, who said,

National Socialism was egalitarian and horribly modern. It sided with children against parents and (often) teachers. It built super-highways, gigantic holiday camps, space rockets, and jet engines. It planned to create mass car ownershipthough tanks, in the end, came first.In military matters it was open to the newest ideas and encouraged innovation and initiative. It poured resources into the movie industry, developed television, and sponsored a type of Godless modern architecture which can still be seen in the Berlin Olympic Stadium and the remnants of the Nuremberg parade grounds.Its leaders embraced sexual freedom.

And then there were Hitlers eugenics schemes, portrayed so heartbreakingly in Never Look Away. These were conducted in public at the beginning, and even endorsed by noisy propaganda campaigns in the media. And they were far from unique: Nazi Germany, in this case, was following the democracies.Hitlers eugenics squads began in ways that the rest of the world (at the time) could not easily object to. Compulsory sterilization of the supposedly mentally unfit was introduced in Germany a few months after National Socialism came to power. But several free and enlightened countriesincluding Canada, Sweden, Switzerland, and the U.S.had also permitted it in various forms, and would in some cases carry on doing so into our own era.

It was a progressive cause, embraced at the time by the progressives progressive, H. G. Wells. Marie Stopes, the great apostle of contraception in interwar Britain, was alsolike many among the progressives of the timea keen eugenicist.In 1935, she attended a Congress for Population Science in Nazi Berlin. In August 1939, she even sent Hitler a volume of her dreadful poems, accompanied by a treacly epistle about love. Yet all this has been forgotten amid continuing progressive admiration for Marie Stopess embrace ofwhat are nowadays known as reproductive rights. Marie Stopes International, a powerful and flourishing modern organization, still bears her name as it campaigns for and defends those reproductive rights.

Am I saying (someone will accuse me of this) that modern abortion and contraception campaigners are Nazis, or inheritors of Nazis?Certainly not. I regard any such claim as ridiculous rubbishas ridiculous as the claim that modern patriotic conservatives, skeptical about mass immigration, are Nazis or inheritors of Nazis.

My point is wholly different.It is that all ideas must be argued on their merits, and that all attempts to establish guilt by association should be regarded with suspicion. And that those who wish to use the Hitler era as a way of depriving others of legitimacy should understand that this period, precisely because it cast aside therestraints of Christian morality and duty, liberated many ideas from ancient, sometimes despised limits which turned out, in the end,to be wise and kind.

Peter Hitchensis a columnist for theMail on Sunday.

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Academic antisemitism returns – Religion News Service

Posted: at 1:44 pm

Jewish parents: be ready for your kids calling you from campus.

It might not be about please transfer money into my account.

It might be about something that you might not have expected.

On college campuses, there is a growing sense that the mood is turning not only anti-Israel, but anti-Jewish and anti-Judaism.

Earlier this year, that consortium hosted a conference on Gaza. One of the presenters at this high-profile conference was the Palestinian rapper Tamer Nafar. He told the audience that he wanted to sing them a song, but that he needed their help singing it, because I cannot be anti-Semitic alone.

According to Bari Weiss (How To Fight Anti-Semitism) this is becoming the new normal on college campuses. Jewish students find that their core beliefs and very existence is under threat that the word Zionist itself has become a casual slur. Read her new book,

Because, in a world of uber-sensitivity and trigger warnings, there is one group that apparently does not deserve such sensitivity.

You got it.

Its the Jews.

I cannot say that this is new.

I encountered it myself, more than forty years ago, when I was a student on the college campus. The casual and vitriolic anti-Israelism, from both students and professors (and this, in the wake of the Yom Kippur War) was searing.

I do not often get nostalgic about my college days, but let me tell you this story.

One of my classmates actually told me something unbelievable.

She told me that Theodor Herzl had secret meetings with Adolph Hitler which proved that the Zionists had been in cahoots with the Nazis.

Which is interesting because when Herzl died in 1904, Hitler was fifteen years old.

Since the day that I graduated from college, many fads have come and gone.

Remember disco? Gone.

Remember leisure suits? Gone thank God.

Lava lamps? Gone.

There is one fad that is still around.

Anti-Israelism.

And I think anti-religion.

Even with the plethora and veritable explosion of Jewish studies programs on campus, I have a sneaking suspicion that in many academic settings, religion and faith claims should, well, know their place.

As well they should, perhaps. In places that value rationalism and evidence-based claims, we can understand why religious claims would not be entirely admissible. These are the fruits of the Enlightenment, now close to three hundred years old and it would be useless and unhelpful to try to reverse that history.

But, outright hostility?

Re-visit the experience of the young woman at Hofstra University who told her professor that she would be absent due to the coming Days of Awe.

Her professor told her that she should re-evaluate her religious beliefs.

What did he mean by that?

Did he mean that she should re-evaluate her religious beliefs as a Jew?

Or, did he mean that she should re-evaluate her religious beliefs because they were, in fact, religious beliefs?

Again, a moment from my own college days.

I will never forget something that happened during my first week in college in 1972.

It was in a psychology class. The professor had asked us to prepare statements on how our ideas had changed over the years in many different areas politics, culture, religion, etc.

In my statement, I said that I had evolved and changed in many ways but that if there was one thing that had remained strong, resolute, and even growing it was my religious faith as a Jew.

The professor asked me to meet him in his office.

This is what he said to me.

Jeff, I wanted to meet with you, because I am very worried about you.

What worries me about you is your absolute lack of rebellion against your religion.

By the way the professor was Jewish.

So, its not only about Israel, or Zionism.

It might be about having a particular, specific identity that is most often (erroneously) identified with being white and privileged.

It might be that identity politics on campus and in certain leftist circles are only valid if those identities are of the dis-empowered (forgetting, for the moment, all of Jewish history).

And, it might also be that having a religious identity or, at least, certain kinds of religious identities is simply, well

Not. Cool. For. School.

I am thinking about the book burnings on the grounds of Humboldt University in Berlin, in 1933.

This past July, my son and I visited the sobering memorial to those destroyed volumes.

Please remember: who gathered the books into massive bonfires?

The students themselves.

The only question I have: will our Jewish students be able to stand up for, and stand up against, and stand out?

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The lost architectural gems of Spains recent history – EL PAIS

Posted: at 1:43 pm

In Spain, a multitude of unique buildings of great architectural value have met the same tragic end: demolition. This has variously been due to land speculation, political motives, or because the building in question was conceived as a temporary structure; but whatever the reason for razing them, these architectural landmarks now no more than a memory in the popular imagination demand that their story be told and their legacy appreciated.

Antoni Rovira i Trias original building was just a small wooden structure that sold refreshments, coffee and water. Built in 1877, it was located on the upper stretch of the Rambla avenue, near the fountain of Canaletas, and it was part of a series of projects entrusted to the head of Barcelonas Buildings and Ornamentation Department to boost the development of the urban landscape and bring it in line with other European cities.

The kiosks first owner was Felix Pons, who had a refreshment stand near the Boquera market, further down the Rambla. But in 1901 it was taken over by Esteve Sala I Canyadell, who had a bar near the Barcelona FC soccer grounds. The kiosk prospered from 1901 to 1916 after Esteve noticed that soccer fans walking out after a game often gathered at the Canaletas section of the Rambla to discuss the match. To take advantage of this, he established communication with the bar to learn how Bara had played, and prepare his kiosk with extra food and drinks according to the mood.

Structurally, Esteve arranged for a series of extensions and redesigns to cater to his growing clientele. These included a project by architect Antonio Utrillo, who added a modernist twist that turned the kiosk into a city icon. Esteve began organizing debates at his kiosk and eventually his links with Bara were such that he became the clubs manager between 1931 and 1936.

The kiosk was torn down in 1951 on the orders of Mayor Antonio Mara Serrano. Some point to Esteves strong ties with Bara, and thus with Catalan nationalism, as the reasons behind the move, although the official line was that the authorities wanted to make the Rambla more attractive to pedestrians.

The 35th Eucharistic Congress was celebrated in Barcelona in the spring of 1952. It was the first to be held after the Second World War the previous one had been in 1938 in Budapest amidst rising pre-war tensions. The 1952 congress was Francos first international event and it was publicized with the slogan The Eucharist and Peace.

The altar was designed by Josep Maria Soteras in collaboration with fellow architects Vilaseca and Riudor and set up on Diagonal avenue then known as Generalsimo avenue. It was meant to be a temporary structure, but due to its unique design, it became something of an icon that should have been preserved.

The construction addressed two needs: one spiritual and the other practical regarding the distribution of facilities and space. The solution was a huge circle representing the sacrament of the Eucharist, with a canopy 25 meters in diameter held up by three supports: a 35-meter high cross and two braces representing faith, hope and charity in a bid to accentuate its spirituality.

These features used a pentagonal base rising five meters above street level, which could be entered from the back under the cross located in the last apex of the pentagon. The entrance led into the vestry as well as the area reserved for radio broadcasting, toilets, telephone booths, a storage room and an area for security forces and firefighters, all of which was hidden below the shadow of the canopy. The canopy, which resembled a vault, had a circular window that let natural light through during the day and artificial light by night.

This project was sponsored by the businessman Manuel Porres and designed by the young architect Francisco Javier Goerlich, 28, and rapidly made headlines due to its grand pretensions. Large enough to fit 1,500 people, it was built in a record seven months and inaugurated in 1914 on Pi y Margall street, which has since been renamed Paseo de Ruzafa.

Goerlich wanted the construction to be modernist in style and he decorated the faade with various sculptures. Within, the architect Luis Benlliure designed a hall in the style of Louis XIV with an imposing central staircase that led to the orchestra section and two side staircases going up to the first floor.

It was originally conceived as an auditorium offering plays and concerts, but some years later, due to financial difficulties, it was renamed Lrico Theater and used exclusively as a movie theater, making it the first Spanish cinema on that scale. It closed, however, in 1948 and there was no legislation in place to prevent it from being torn down.

This project was the brainchild of a stationery salesman who had become aware of the profits to be made from making writing materials. It was 1934 and, with the help of a group of partners who all lived in Ferrol, in the northwestern region of Galicia, he set up a pencil factory that he called Hispania S.L. using existing infrastructure within the city. Due to the companys success, however, a bespoke factory was built in 1938, which was designed by Nemesio Lpez Rodrguez using simple straight lines in the style of industrial rationalism, popular at the time. It also included touches of art dco, a style that had previously been used in Spain.

The factory started out with pencils and fountain pens but it also produced colored pencils, wax crayons and felt tip pens. During the 1950s, it was producing 50 million units a year and employing a staff of more than 400. But in the 1960s, the Spanish economy was in a critical situation following a prolonged period of autarchy, during which Franco had sought economic self-sufficiency. The regime adopted a number of austerity measures combined with some liberalizing policies that dealt a blow to certain industries, which now found themselves unable to compete on the international market.

After accepting that it could not win back the market share lost to China, Taiwan and Czechoslovakia, the company made a plan to wind up its business when its staff retired, with a date set for October 30, 1986. The factory was sold and the building was left empty, with a view to using the land for property development, despite a strong lobby arguing for it to be turned over to public use. It was eventually torn down in 2012.

This building should have been preserved at all costs, not just because of its appearance but also because of its purpose, which reflected a more leisurely age. Designed by the architect Jos de Azpiroz y Azpiroz in 1930, it featured rationalist lines that were softened at the buildings corners while the horizontal nature of its structure, which occupied almost an entire block, was emphasized by a thin white cornice that split the entrance.

The fact that it was low and gave onto two streets Espronceda and Fernndez de la Hoz allowed the sidewalks to be bathed in plenty of natural light, but it is the buildings use, rather than its design, that triggers nostalgia. Here, cars were pampered in a building so spacious that it housed a workshop, an administration area, a salesroom selling both new and second-hand vehicles, a gas station and a vast waiting area complete with a bar.

The gas station was located in the chamfer, which was decorated with a winged pilaster the company logo. Unfortunately, such a rambling structure was inevitably going to fall prey to speculators in a neighborhood like Chamber, where space is at a premium.

Olavide Market is possibly the starkest example of the loss of national architectural gems. Turning the area into a public square might have been a good option if it had somehow considered how this could work alongside architect Javier Ferrero Llusas design, which was one of the finest examples of rationalist architecture in Madrid. In fact, its demolition in 1974 was highly controversial.

The market had its origins in the second half of the 19th century, when a growing number of street stalls began to set up in the square. In 1934, Ferrero received the assignment from the government of the Second Republic as part of a wider urban-planning program, which aimed to solve the lack of infrastructure at the time.

Furnished with a supply area and ramp for vehicles, its octagonal shape conformed perfectly with the shape of the square itself the octagons went up in stages toward the center until reaching the central patio, which ventilated the whole.

The buildings demolition took place amid tension between city authorities, who considered the structure obsolete, and the local residents, entrepreneurs and architects who recognized its value.

In the Madrid district of Alameda de Osuna, there are still residents who remember this area as the Motocine. This recreational space was designed by the architect Fernando Chueca Goitia in collaboration with the engineer Bello Lasierra in 1959, an imitation of the successful US model of drive-in movie theaters. The US link was the reason for erecting the building close to the US military base in Torrejn de Ardoz.

It was the biggest drive-in cinema in Spain and the second biggest in Europe, managing to accommodate 700 vehicles which were expected to line up in front of the vast cement screen. There was also a protected seating area for bikers.

It was a simple building with modern touches evident in the entrance halls and in the efficiency of the facilities. But the project was either too ambitious or too nave, and it failed to match the success of such establishments on the other side of the pond. Even the US military personnel from the Torrejn de Ardoz base did not use it as often as projected, and it closed after just a few years.

Built between 1960 and 1962, the Monky Coffee Factory was demolished without warning by its new owners in 1991 a victim of property speculation. It was designed by Genaro Alas and Pedro Casariego and its transparent, expressionist features also doubled as a giant advertising campaign, as showing off the machinery within became part of its commercial strategy. It was a simple but effective tactic, which efficiently addressed industrial requirements and the aesthetics of its corporate image.

The building was designed to be seen from the road or, more specifically, from the N-II motorway connecting the capital with the airport. The main structure consisted of steel and glass, reflecting the basic principles of the Mies van der Rohe style of architecture, and seemed very modern for its day. It was this that allowed the 20-meter high stainless steel atomizer to be seen from the outside the main piece of machinery used for producing the instant coffee.

Another lower structure with the same features housed the extractors while other buildings of exposed brick were used as offices and storehouses, harmoniously completing the complex.

Despite its name, this building was not actually a laboratory but rather the headquarters of Standard Electrics Center for Research and Development. Built between 1966 and 1970, it was awarded the National Prize for Architecture in 1972.

Also located on Madrids route to the airport, on Avenida de Amrica, its high profile was due to its location on the side of the motorway and its double-armed shape, which anticipated future expansion.

Using traditional Spanish materials and designed to allow for plenty of natural light, the structure consisted of exposed brick and huge windows framed by iron latticework, in the Neo-Mudejar or Moorish revival style. Meanwhile, the turrets were obscured by a simpler lattice design.

However, changes in urban-planning legislation prompted the owners to demolish the building after just 30 years, to make way for a more land-efficient design with no consideration for its architectural value.

English version by Heather Galloway.

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