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Monthly Archives: May 2017
The Fourth Circuit Remands Wikimedia’s Suit Against the NSA Back … – Lawfare (blog)
Posted: May 28, 2017 at 7:23 am
In March of 2015, the Wikimedia foundation joined together with eight other non-profits in a challenge to NSAs mass surveillance program. This week, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit permitted the suit to move forward, but in the process, peeled off all plaintiffs other than Wikimedia itself.
The case comes to the Fourth Circuit as an appeal from the the U.S. District Court of Maryland. In October 2015, the District Court dismissed the case for lack of standing, basing its decision on Supreme Courts 2013 ruling in Clapper v. Amnesty International USA. In Clapper, the Court upheld the dismissal of a similar challenge from human rights groups because their complaint was speculative, alleging only a reasonable likelihood that their communications would be intercepted, not actual or imminent injury. Lacking concrete information about government programs, the Clapper plaintiffs failed to properly plead an injury in fact, and so lacked Article III standing. The same logic, held Judge Ellis of the Maryland District Court, should apply to Wikimedias challenge. This week, however, the Fourth Circuit rejected this comparison. Unlike Clapper, the court explained, the injuries alleged by the plaintiffs in this case are not speculative, but current, actual, and based on particularized allegations.
But the Fourth Circuit didnt stop there and just vacate the entirety of Judge Ellis judgement. Instead, it distinguished between Wikimedias claim of injury and those of the other plaintiffs: Because Wikimedias claim of injury by NSAs Upstream collection is based on particularized facts and sound inferences--construed in the light most favorable to Wikimedia for the purpose of the motion--it survives a motion to dismiss. By contrast, because the other plaintiffs allegation of injury (based on the allegation that NSA is intercepting, copying, and reviewing substantially all textbased communications entering and leaving the United States, including their own) is unsupported by enough well-pleaded facts, the District Courts dismissal was proper.
Below, we first summarize the Fourth Circuits reasoning with respect to Wikimedia, and then turn to its analysis of the other eight plaintiffs claim of injury.
The Wikimedia Allegation: Not Speculative,and Well-pleaded
The factual assertions in the Wikimedia Allegation are based on a combination of public information about the operation of Section 702, PCLOB reports about what NSA is doing, as well as technical analysis how NSA must be accomplishing what PCLOB reports.
Under Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, the government is permitted to target for surveillance non-US persons reasonably believe to be outside the United States. The procedures for making such determinations are reviewed and approved by the FISC. According to the plaintiffs, NSA conducts this surveillance by installing surveillance devices on at least some of the 49 international submarine cables that carry communication in and out of the United States which comprise the internet backbone. NSA, the plaintiffs suggest, lacks the technical capability to sift the communication prior to collection. It therefore must collect and copy substantially all international text-based communicationsand many domestic ones as they flow across this backbone in the United States. Only after this initial collection, can NSA attempt[] to filter out and discard some wholly domestic communications, and then review and retain only those copied communications for that contain targeted selectors (such as specific IP or email addresses).
The essence of the Wikimedia allegation is that because of the technical realities of this Upstream collection, and because of the sheer volume of Wikimedias communications, the NSA has almost certainly collected at least some of the organizations communications. Wikimedia reasons that because Upstream surveillance requires the NSA to copy even wholly domestic communications before filtering them out and discarding them, and because Wikimedia engages in more than one trillion international communications each year, with individuals who are located in virtually every country on earth, the NSA must necessarily be intercepting, copying, and reviewing some of Wikimedias communications.
Declassified documents show that a single service provider facilitates upstream surveillance at seven major international chokepoints in the United States. But given the quantity of its communication, even if the NSA is only collecting communication from a single Internet backbone link, Wikimedia asserts its communications must have been intercepted. Thus, Wikimedias acute privacy interest in its communications, are implicated by NSA programs.
The Fourth Circuit largely accepted Wikimedias arguments for the purpose of the motion. In order to establish Article III standing, a plaintiff must show an injury in fact. And in order to survive a motion to dismiss, a complaint must have sufficient factual matter in the complaint, such that the contents were accepted as true, it would state a claim of relief that is plausible on its face. Following the Third Circuits decision in Schuchardt v. President of the United States, the Fourth Circuit analyzed plaintiffs claims in two steps: first, it analyzed whether the allegations were sufficiently particularized to satisfy the injury-in-fact requirement and second, it analyzed whether the allegations contain sufficient detail to be credited as true for the purpose of resolving a facial challenge to a complaint. Wikimedias claims, ruled the Court, met both criteria.
The court lays out what it sees as three presumptively key facts from Wikimedias allegation:
Taken together, these three points indicate that Wikimedia has plausibly alleged that its communications travel all of the roads that a communication can take, and that the NSA seizes all the communications along at least one of those roads, and therefore may have violated Wikimedias Fourth Amendment rights. Its allegations are thus predicated on specific asserted facts and directly implicate the potential interests of Wikimedia in a concrete and particularized manner.
Unlike the speculation and guesswork of Clapper, Wikimedias combination of technical assertions and government documents amounted to a properly pleaded complaint. And unlike Clapper, the Wikimedia case concerns a motion to dismiss rather than a motion for summary judgment, dictating greater deference to complainant's account of facts.
While acknowledging that Wikimedias probability calculation (even if one assumes a 0.00000001% chance . . . of the NSA copying and reviewing any particular communication, the odds of the government copying and reviewing one of Wikimedias communication in a one year period would be greater than 99.999999999%), was incomplete and riddled with assumptions, the court concluded that it wasnt relevant for standing purposes. Importantly, given the motion to dismiss stage, the court also declined to consider the governments evidence (in the form of expert affidavits) disputing plaintiffs technical statements about NSA must operate. Without the opportunity to dispute the factual basis of the expert dispute, the government had little leg to stand on.
The Dragnet Allegation: Speculative, and Not Well-Pleaded
The other eight plaintiffs joined with Wikimedia in making the second allegation, which the court terms the Dragnet Allegation. The plaintiffs alleged that in the course of conducting Upstream surveillance the NSA is intercepting, copying, and reviewing substantially all text-based communications entering and leaving the United States, including their own. The core of the allegation is the assertion that due to the technical functionality of the internet, the NSA must be intercepting, copying, and reviewing information from most backbone chokepoints in order to engage effectively in Upstream collection. And if NSA is surveilling most backbone chokepoints, then it is likely that the plaintiffs communications have been examined. The plaintiffs allege that they have had to take burdensome and sometimes costly measures to protect themselves from this surveillance.
As with the Wikimedia Allegation, the district court dismissed the Dragnet Allegation under Clapper. The circuit court affirmed the dismissal, but on a different rationale, departing from the district courts reliance on Clapper for the reasons expressed above.
While the court writes that its analysis of standing for the Wikimedia Allegation applies also to the Dragnet Allegation as far as the presence of a particularized and cognizable ongoing injury, traceability, and redressability go (hence why Clapper is not controlling), it ultimately finds that the plaintiffs lack standing due to their failure to plausibly state a claim. The court considers the Wikimedia Allegation plausible, but the broader claims made in the Dragnet Allegation are harder for it to swallow:
In the Dragnet Allegation, Plaintiffs must plausibly establish that the NSA is intercepting substantially all text-based communications entering and leaving the United States, whereas its sufficient for purposes of the Wikimedia Allegation to show that the NSA is conducting Upstream surveillance on a single backbone link.
The plaintiffs pointed to the same evidence for the Dragnet Allegation as they do for the Wikimedia Allegation, with the addition of one New York Times article on Upstream surveillance: in other words, the mechanical details of how the internet functions and the NSAs stated goals of using Upstream collection to acquire information to, from, and about targets. But in the Wikimedia Allegation, the plaintiffs used that information to speculate about the way the NSA does what we know it to be doing (that is, engaging in Upstream collection). In contrast, in the Dragnet Allegation, the plaintiffs are using technical information and guesswork about NSAs incentives to speculate about the scope of NSA activities. Furthermore, the allegations fall short of the level of detail in Schuchardt, in which the Third Circuit found that the plaintiffs had demonstrated the sheer scale of the collection suggested a dragnet
This is a bridge too far for the court, which finds this claim implausible and therefore holds that the plaintiffs lack standing on Fourth Amendment grounds. Following this logic, the court also dismisses the plaintiffs First Amendment claims of chilled speech and their effort to establish standing on the grounds of their burdensome efforts to avoid surveillance, finding that in the absence of a plausible claim, these concerns constitute fears of hypothetical future harm such as are inadequate to provide standing under Clapper.
The plaintiffs creatively cite Fourth Circuit precedent in the form of a two-year-old antitrust case, SD3, LLC v. Black & Decker, as evidence that motive is an important factor in establishing standingpointing to NSAs alleged incentive to establish a dragnet. The court dismisses this assertion, saying that while it should come as not surprise that motive is an important factor in establishing an antitrust conspiracy, that the court had never intended to have the case stand for the broad proposition that motivation is always of special significance in plausibly pleading an injury. The court also distinguishes SD3 based on the level of detail provided by the plaintiffs on the existence of the boycott, which the court concludes were by and large absent, from the plaintiffs complaint here.
The court concludes by addressing Judge Andre Daviss dissent in part, specifically his assertion that the court need not have separately considered the non-Wikimedia plaintiffs standing. Given that the complaint rests upon the premise that the NSA is seizing each Plaintiffs unique communications, the questions of standing and relief for the Wikimedia and non-Wikimedia plaintiffs are also individualized and must be considered separately.
Judge Andre Daviss Dissent-in-Part
Judge Davis, while concurring with courts finding that Clapper is not controlling and that Wikimedia has standing, dissented on the grounds that the non-Wikimedia plaintiffs do as well.
Davis explains that while he agrees with the majoritys decision to accept as plausible Wikimedias factual allegation, he disagrees with the majoritys assertion that the other plaintiffs have not plausibly alleged in the Dragnet Allegation that the NSA is surveilling most backbone links. He gives greater credence to the plaintiffs citation of the New York Times report to bolster their allegation, which the majority dismissed as essentially a restatement of the original allegation. More importantly, he argues that because of the technical functionality of the internet to which the plaintiffs point, NSA cannot know which link the communications it targets will traverse when they enter or leave the United States, and therefore the only way it can comprehensively acquire its targets communications is by surveilling virtually every backbone link. In his view, this allegation is a logical extension of the Wikimedia Allegation, and is therefore plausible as well.
In a footnote, Davis also criticizes the majoritys decision to assess the standing of the non-Wikimedia plaintiffs separate from that of Wikimedia. Quoting the Supreme Courts decision in Horne v. Flores, he argues that in all standing inquiries, the critical question is whether at least one petitioner has alleged such a personal stake in the outcome of the controversy as to warrant his invocation of federal-court jurisdiction.
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Did Admiral Mike Rogers tell the NSA that Trump colluded with the … – Raw Story
Posted: at 7:23 am
National Security Agency (NSA) Director Admiral Michael Rogers participates in a session at the third annual Intelligence and National Security Summit in Washington, U.S., September 8, 2016. REUTERS/Gary Cameron/File Photo
Reports surfaced on Friday that National Security Agency (NSA) chief Mike Rogers told NSA workers that there is evidence that President Donald Trump and his 2016 campaign colluded with the Russian government to defeat Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton in 2016.
Former NSA agent John Schindler wrote in the New York Observer Friday that Rogers addressed an agency-wide town hall meeting this week that was broadcast to all of the agencys facilities around the world. In it, Rogers purportedly confirmed reports that came out last week alleging that Trump asked him to speak out against the Russia investigation.
Rogers, according to current NSA agents with whom Schindler claims to have spoken who has a very dodgy reputation in some circles said that he has seen intelligence information regarding contacts between Trump and the Kremlin.
There is no question that we [meaning NSA] have evidence of election involvement and questionable contacts with the Russians, the director reportedly said.
NSA employees walked out of the town hall impressed by the directors forthright discussion of his interactions with the Trump administration, particularly with how Rogers insisted that he had no desire to politicize the situation beyond what the president has already done, Schindler said.
The House and Senate Intelligence Committees should subpoena Rogers, Schindler said, and find out what he knows with regard to Trump and the 2016 campaign.
Schindler is regarded by some people as a conspiracy theorist along the lines of former Heat Street editor Louise Mensch, with whom Schindler enjoys an amiable online relationship. The two publish scoops reinforcing each other and share a common enemy in those who declare that anti-Trumpists are dabbling in red-baiting and conspiracy mongering.
However, as a former agent, Schindler has deep ties at the NSA.
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Did Admiral Mike Rogers tell the NSA that Trump colluded with the ... - Raw Story
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Michael Flynn Invokes Fifth Amendment While Subpoenas Stack Up – WhoWhatWhy / RealNewsProject (blog)
Posted: at 7:22 am
Michael Flynn testifies before the House Armed Services Sub-Committee on Intelligence, Emerging Threats, and CapabilitiesPhoto credit:DIA
Michael Flynn had what amounts to the shortest tenure of any national security adviser in US history. He had not held the position for even one full month before being forced to resign on Feb. 13, 2017, after it was revealed that he gave incomplete information on the extent of his contact with Sergei Kislyak, the Russian Ambassador to the United States.
On May 10, the Senate Intelligence Committee ordered a subpoena for documents relating to the ongoing Russia investigation. Flynn responded on May 22 by invoking his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination, but this hasnt stopped the subpoenas from piling up.
On Wednesday, the committee followed up by issuing subpoenas to Flynns Virginia-based businesses.
In 2015, Flynn received payments from a Kremlin-funded media outlet, RT (formerly Russia Today), through his company, Flynn Intel. What makes the most recent round of subpoenas more difficult for Flynn to evade is that businesses arent protected under the Fifth Amendment.
According to Rep. Adam Schiff (D-CA), the House Intelligence Committee is preparing subpoenas of its own.
Pleading the Fifth can only offer so much protection for Flynn, who unsuccessfully sought immunity in earlier months in exchange for his testimony. He now runs the risk of being held in contempt of court, though it is unclear if Congress wishes to pursue such action.
These videos provide an overview of recent events as well as a refresher on the history and purpose of the Fifth Amendment.
Related front page panorama photo credit: Adapted by WhoWhatWhy from Michael Flynn (DIA)
Keep it civilized, keep it relevant, keep it clear, keep it short. Please do not post links or promotional material. We reserve the right to edit and to delete comments where necessary.
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Michael Flynn expected to invoke Fifth Amendment, source says – WSYR
Posted: at 7:22 am
Former national security adviser Michael Flynn Former national security adviser Michael Flynn Related Content
(CNN) - President Donald Trump's former national security adviser Michael Flynn won't provide records to the Senate intelligence committee and will invoke his Fifth Amendment rights in response to a subpoena from the committee, according to a source close to Flynn.
Flynn's refusal to cooperate comes as he faces scrutiny in several inquiries, including on Capitol Hill and a federal grand jury that has issued subpoenas to associates of the ex-national security adviser.
Flynn's refusal to cooperate will also intensify scrutiny over Trump's decision to hire him initially for the job and his decision to keep him on staff for 18 days after the President was warned by former acting Attorney General Sally Yates that Flynn may have been compromised by the Russians.
The Senate committee had asked Flynn earlier this month to produce all records over his communications with Russian officials by this Wednesday. But Flynn is expected to send a letter later Monday invoking his Fifth Amendment rights.
The source close to Flynn said it would be "highly imprudent for him not to exercise his Fifth Amendment rights" given that several members of Congress have called for his prosecution.
The Associated Press first reported Flynn's plans to invoke the Fifth Amendment.
Flynn's decision to decline the subpoena does not come as a surprise to Senate intelligence leaders, as Flynn's lawyer, Robert Kelner, also told the panel last month he would not provide documents in response to an April request.
Flynn was back in the news last week following the revelation that former FBI Director James Comey wrote in a memo that Trump had asked Comey in a meeting to end his investigation into the former national security adviser.
Flynn resigned from the Trump White House in February after it was revealed he'd misled White House officials over his conversations he had with Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak, which included communication about sanctions.
Flynn previously sought immunity from the Senate committee in exchange for his testimony. Leaders of both the Senate and House panels, which are conducting separate investigations into Russia's election-year meddling, rejected that request.
During the 2016 campaign, Trump blasted aides to Hillary Clinton for taking the Fifth Amendment in relation to the investigation of her use of a private email server while secretary of state. He said at a September Iowa rally: "So there are five people taking the Fifth Amendment, like you see on the mob, right? You see the mob takes the Fifth. If you're innocent, why are you taking the Fifth Amendment?"
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Michael Flynn expected to invoke Fifth Amendment, source says - WSYR
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The Latest: Dems alarmed by report on Trump, intel bosses – Palm Beach Post
Posted: at 7:22 am
WASHINGTON
The Latest on ongoing investigations into Russia's alleged interference with the U.S. election (all times local):
Democrats are expressing alarm at a report alleging that President Donald Trump asked two top intelligence officials to publicly deny collusion between the Russians and the Trump campaign in the 2016 election.
Rep. Adam Schiff of California, the ranking Democrat on the House intelligence committee, says The Washington Post's report that Trump tried to enlist the head of the National Security Agency and the national intelligence director to push the White House narrative is a "disturbing allegation" that Trump is interfering with the FBI probe.
Schiff says the officials involved should testify before Congress and lawmakers must request any memos documenting the conversations.
Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, a member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, says the newspaper's report Monday is an indication that Trump is trying to impede the investigation.
House Oversight Committee Chairman Jason Chaffetz says he will postpone a hearing scheduled for Wednesday after speaking with former FBI Director James Comey.
Chaffetz said in a tweet Monday that Comey "wants to speak with Special Counsel (Robert Mueller) prior to public testimony."
Chaffetz, a Utah Republican, has requested that the FBI turn over all documents and recordings that detail communications between Comey and President Donald Trump.
Chaffetz says he wants to determine whether the president attempted to influence or impede the FBI's investigation into former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn.
Chaffetz had invited Comey to speak at Wednesday's hearing. The former FBI head has agreed to testify before the Senate intelligence committee after Memorial Day.
The top two members of the Senate intelligence committee say they will "vigorously pursue" the testimony of President Donald Trump's first national security adviser, even though Michael Flynn has invoked his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination.
Sens. Richard Burr of North Carolina and Mark Warner of Virginia say they are disappointed that Flynn has decided to ignore the committee's subpoena. Earlier this month, the committee asked Flynn and other Trump associates for lists of meetings and notes taken during the presidential campaign.
The Senate intelligence committee is among the congressional panels investigating Russia's election meddling and possible ties with the Trump campaign. The FBI is also investigating.
The top Democrat on a House oversight committee says documents he's reviewed suggest that former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn lied to federal security clearance investigators about the source of payments Flynn received from a Russian state-sponsored television network.
Rep. Elijah Cummings of Maryland says Flynn told the investigators during an early 2016 security clearance review that a trip to Moscow was "funded by U.S. companies." Cummings says the actual source of the funds was "the Russian media propaganda arm, RT."
Cummings made the statements in a letter to Rep. Jason Chaffetz, the Utah Republican and chairman of the House oversight committee. Cummings' letter came the same day Flynn declined to provide documents to the Senate Intelligence Committee, citing his Fifth Amendment protection from self-incrimination.
Attorneys for Michael Flynn say that a daily "escalating public frenzy against him" and the Justice Department's appointment of a special counsel have created a legally dangerous environment for him to cooperate with a Senate investigation.
That's according to a letter obtained by The Associated Press that was written on behalf of the former national security adviser under President Donald Trump. The letter, sent Monday by Flynn's legal team to the Senate Intelligence committee, lays out the case for Flynn to invoke his Fifth Amendment protection against self-incrimination and his decision not to produce documents in response to a congressional subpoena.
The letter says that the current context of the Senate's investigation into Russia's meddling in the 2016 election threatens that "any testimony he provides could be used against him."
A Republican member of the Senate Intelligence Committee says "we will get to the truth one way or another" even though former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn is citing Fifth Amendment protections in the panel's investigation into Russia.
Sen. James Lankford tweeted that it is Flynn's right to invoke his constitutional right against self-incrimination as part of the probe into interference in the 2016 elections.
The Oklahoma lawmaker tweeted: "We need facts, not speculation & anonymous sources."
Democratic Sen. Dianne Feinstein said Flynn's move was "unfortunate but not unexpected" and the committee would gain information in other ways.
A person with direct knowledge of the matter says Flynn is citing Fifth Amendment protections. The person spoke on condition of anonymity because they weren't authorized to publicly discuss private interactions.
Former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn will invoke his Fifth Amendment protection against self-incrimination on Monday as he notifies the Senate Intelligence committee that he will not comply with a subpoena seeking documents.
That's according to a person with direct knowledge of the matter. The person spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss the private interactions between Flynn and the committee.
Flynn's decision comes less than two weeks after the committee issued a subpoena for Flynn's documents as part of the panel's investigation into Russia's meddling in the 2016 election.
Legal experts have said Flynn was unlikely to turn over the personal documents without immunity because he would be waiving some of his constitutional protections by doing so. Flynn has previously sought immunity from "unfair prosecution" to cooperate with the committee.
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A Look at Fifth Amendment Protections Invoked by Flynn – NBC Connecticut
Posted: at 7:22 am
WATCH LIVE
The Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination being invoked by President Donald Trump's former national security adviser, Michael Flynn, is a bedrock legal principle. It's enshrined in the Constitution's Bill of Rights and relied on by witnesses before Congress and the courts alike.
A look at those protections and elements of the Flynn case:
NO SELF-INCRIMINATION
The amendment provides numerous legal protections for defendants, including the right to have evidence presented to a grand jury. But the best-known provision is one that shields a witness from self-incrimination. Witnesses have invoked it in order to avoid testifying against themselves, or to avoid being forced to produce documents that could be used against them.
NOT AN ADMISSION OF GUILT
Invoking the Fifth Amendment does not mean that a witness is guilty of any crime or even has anything to hide. Instead, it can reflect a witness's concern that any testimony given would be interpreted in an unfavorable way, or that it could be used as evidence in a prosecution. Ironically, both Flynn and Trump pointed to invoking the Fifth Amendment as a sign of guilt during the Hillary Clinton email investigation.
IN FLYNN'S CASE
Flynn is refusing to provide documents to a Senate committee investigating Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election. A subpoena from the Senate intelligence committee requests a list of all contacts between Flynn and Russian officials over an 18-month period. In a letter to the committee Monday, lawyers for Flynn say that he is not admitting wrongdoing but is looking to protect himself from an "escalating public frenzy" of "outrageous allegations."
A PROBLEM FOR INVESTIGATORS
The committee's investigation could be hampered by Flynn's decision to invoke the Fifth Amendment, but lawmakers could try to get some documents on their own or get information they want from another witness. The committee also could file a claim in federal court to try to force Flynn to testify and produce documents, but that could take months.
WHAT ABOUT IMMUNITY?
The committee could offer Flynn immunity in exchange for his testimony, but that could complicate any subsequent Justice Department criminal prosecution. The FBI would not be able to use the immunized testimony, or evidence derived from it, to build a case, though a witness can still be prosecuted for false statements or for evidence of other crimes. The committee would have to alert the attorney general before making such an offer.
Associated Press writer Deb Riechmann contributed to this report.
Published at 3:37 PM EDT on May 22, 2017 | Updated at 4:09 PM EDT on May 22, 2017
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Flag burning and the First Amendment: Yet another look at the …
Posted: at 7:20 am
President-elect Donald Trump's recent comments about prosecuting flag-burning protesters hasstarted yet another debate about the issue. But in the end, the only Justice left on the Supreme Court from the 1980s could have the final say on the matter.
Since Election Night, there has been a renewed interest in the constitutional subject after several anti-Trump protesters burned flags in public to protest his win over Hillary Clinton. On Tuesday, Trump added fuel to the debate with a provoking message on Twitter: Nobody should be allowed to burn the American flag - if they do, there must be consequences - perhaps loss of citizenship or year in jail!
Flag burning, as weve discussed in detail on this blog and at the National Constitution, is a legal debate that goes back decades, and in the minds of the Supreme Court, has been settled since 1990.
Special Podcast:Should we abolish the Electoral College?
In our Interactive Constitution project, scholars Geoffrey R. Stone and Eugene Volokh explained back in September 2015the basic concept of symbolic speech in the First Amendment, which reads that Congress cant make laws that abridging the freedom of speech or of the press.
The Supreme Court has interpreted speech and press broadly as covering not only talking, writing, and printing, but also broadcasting, using the Internet, and other forms of expression. The freedom of speech also applies to symbolic expression, such as displaying flags, burning flags, wearing armbands, burning crosses, and the like, said Stone and Volokh.
The Supreme Court has held that restrictions on speech because of its contentthat is, when the government targets the speakers messagegenerally violate the First Amendment. Laws that prohibit people from criticizing a war, opposing abortion, or advocating high taxes are examples of unconstitutional content-based restrictions. Such laws are thought to be especially problematic because they distort public debate and contradict a basic principle of self-governance: that the government cannot be trusted to decide what ideas or information the people should be allowed to hear.
Stone and Volokh also noted that hasnt always been the case. Courts have not always been this protective of free expression. In the nineteenth century, for example, courts allowed punishment of blasphemy, and during and shortly after World War I the Supreme Court held that speech tending to promote crimesuch as speech condemning the military draft or praising anarchismcould be punished. But since the 1920s, the Supreme Court began to read the First Amendment more broadly, and this trend accelerated in the 1960s, they concluded.
Two landmark Supreme Court decisions ruled on the burning of American flags at protests. In 1989, the Court first established flag burning as a protected First Amendment act inTexas v. Johnson.Back in 1984, Gregory Lee Johnson burned a flag at the Republican National Convention in Dallas in a protest about presidential candidates Ronald Reagan and Walter Mondale. Officials there arrested Johnson and convicted him of breaking a state law; he was sentenced to one year in prison and ordered to pay a $2,000 fine.
In June 1989, a deeply divided Court voted 5-4 in favor of Johnson, and against the state of Texas. Johnsons actions, the majority argued, were symbolic speech political in nature and could be expressed even if it upset those who disagreed with him.
The Courts Johnson decision only applied to the law in the state of Texas. In response, Congress passed a national anti-flag burning law called the Flag Protection Act of 1989 sponsored by a House member from Texas. The final bill approved by the Senate in October 1989 made it unlawful to maintain a U.S. flag on the floor or ground or to physically defile such flag. The bill, however, asked for an expedited Supreme Court review to consider constitutional issues arising under this Act.
There were flag-burning protests the day the federal law went into effect in late October 1989. Arrests were made at protests in Seattle and Washington, D.C., but federal judges dismissed the charges based on the Johnson decision. Government lawyers appealed directly to the Supreme Court, and the same Justices who heard the Johnson case considered United States v. Eichman in May 1990 with the same outcome.
In the majority were Justices William Brennan (who wrote both majority decisions), Anthony Kennedy, Thurgood Marshall, Harry Blackmun and Antonin Scalia. The dissenters were Chief Justice William Rehnquist, John Paul Stevens, Byron White and Sandra Day OConnor.
The decisions remain controversial to the present day, and Congress in 2006 attempted to pass a joint resolution to propose an amendment to the Constitution to prohibit flag desecration, which failed by just one vote in the Senate.
For the incoming President Trump, the only likely option short of a constitutional amendment would be a change of heart at the Supreme Court. But even with a new member joining the Court next year, there are four members of its liberal bloc still in place, as is Justice Anthony Kennedy, the only member of the 1989/1990 Rehnquist court on the current bench.
It was Kennedy who wrote the concurring opinion for the majority in the Johnson decision, where he agreed with the other four Justices (including Scalia) that Johnsons acts were speech, in both the technical and the fundamental meaning of the Constitution."
The hard fact is that sometimes we must make decisions we do not like. We make them because they are right, right in the sense that the law and the Constitution, as we see them, compel the result, Kennedy wrote in 1989.
I do not believe the Constitution gives us the right to rule as the dissenting Members of the Court urge, however painful this judgment is to announce. Though symbols often are what we ourselves make of them, the flag is constant in expressing beliefs Americans share, beliefs in law and peace and that freedom which sustains the human spirit, Kennedy added. It is poignant but fundamental that the flag protects those who hold it in contempt.
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Gianforte should remember First Amendment, too – The Bozeman Daily Chronicle
Posted: at 7:20 am
Its been said that you can tell whats really inside a person when you see how they perform under stress. You can watch them display a certain demeanor on Sundays and out in public, but, as the saying goes, When they are squeezed, watch what really comes out.
A reporter got in his face, as reporters do to get the story. He reacted with violence and a vulgar command, repeating it more than once. He didnt have any trouble saying this. It came out easily when he was squeezed, so you can imagine that it wasnt the first time hes said it.
Hell be carefully guarded in the future to allow only friendly types anywhere near him. It will make living in Washington and in Montana a lot harder, living in a prison like that.
As the troupe of actors crisscrosses Montana next summer, we can admire the cargo trailer featuring the family name. It will also appear on the program for the local symphony, along with a symbol to represent their faith. Religious holy books are often held up and quoted when they are needed to prove a point. Watch how they are followed in daily life.
The U.S. Constitution is held up when we want to strengthen the Second Amendment, to sell an assault rifle or condemn a policy we dont like. Is it held up to protect the First Amendment, freedom of the press?
Dont ask any tough questions. Access to your leaders means access to them if you agree with them, even more access if you bring your checkbook. Now representing us, the courageous duo, Sen. Runandhhide and Congressman Runandhide, who join President Integrity to make America great again.
Judge not, that you not be judged. The measure you give will be the measure you get.
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Gianforte should remember First Amendment, too - The Bozeman Daily Chronicle
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No First Amendment right to political public nudity even in San Francisco – Washington Post
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So the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit held Thursday, in Taub v. City & County of S.F.:
Plaintiffs Oxane Gypsy Taub and George Davis , self-described body freedom advocates, appeal the dismissal of their claims against the City and County of San Francisco and the San Francisco Police Department Plaintiffs allege that Defendants violated their First Amendment rights by enforcing San Franciscos public nudity ordinance.
1. Public nudity is not inherently expressive, but it may in some circumstances constitute expressive conduct protected under the First Amendment. Even if Plaintiffs public nudity at political rallies was entitled to First Amendment protection, however, we hold that the challenged ordinance is a valid, content-neutral regulation as applied to Plaintiffs expressive conduct under United States v. OBrien (1968). OBrien is the applicable test here because the ordinance is aimed at the conduct itself, rather than at the message conveyed by that conduct.
The challenged ordinance satisfies [the] OBrien factors. [T]he ordinance furthers San Franciscos important and substantial interests in protecting individuals who are unwillingly or unexpectedly exposed to public nudity and preventing distractions, obstructions, and crowds that interfere with the safety and free flow of pedestrian and vehicular traffic. San Franciscos interest is unrelated to the suppression of free expression, because the ordinance regulates public nudity whether or not it is expressive. [And] the incidental restriction on alleged First Amendment freedoms is no greater than is essential to the furtherance of that interest. The ordinance prohibits only exposure of ones genitals, perineum, or anal region, during daily activities in the streets of San Francisco, which is essential to meet the Citys goals of preventing distraction and offense to citizens not expecting to be confronted with such private parts of other persons anatomy.
Plaintiffs [also requested] leave to amend [their] Complaint in order to plead additional facts relating to the expressiveness of their nude rallies and demonstrations. Because we conclude that San Franciscos public nudity ordinance is a valid regulation under the OBrien test, even if we assume that more of Plaintiffs conduct was likely to communicate a message to those who saw it, Plaintiffs complaint would not be saved through further amendment.
Recall that, despite the occasional talk of the First Amendment protecting nude dancing, the Supreme Court has held that a ban on public nudity and even one that extends into strip clubs is constitutionally permissible, see Barnes v. Glen Threatre, Inc. (1991). On the other hand, if a city does allow public nudity for some political events, then it might not be able to deny the same rights to people who want to participate in other events (see, e.g., this post); the 9th Circuit opinion did not deal with this issue.
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Huffington Post Apparently Doesn’t Understand How The First Amendment Works – Mediaite
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Huffington Posts senior culture writer, Zeba Blay, blasted Vice President Mike Pence on Monday for perverting the idea of free speech itself during his recent commencement address at the University of Notre Dame. However, her own editors had to correct her faulty understanding of the First Amendment.
The original version of Blays piece apparently contained an argument that the Bill of Rights doesnt protect hate speech. The websites editors later added a correction at the end of post: An earlier version of this story indicated that the First Amendment never protects hate speech. It does.
Even with the correction from her editors, Blay still attempted to defend the speech codes, safe spaces, tone policing, [and] administration-sanctioned political correctness that the Vice President singled out for criticism during his commencement address.
The Huffington Post writer underlined that Pences pristine ideal of free speech' is too often used to dismiss legitimate criticism of language and policies that harm marginalized communities. She cited how figures like Milo Yiannopoulos, Ann Coulter, and Bill Maher have invoked the free speech argument when theyve been called out, criticized, or boycotted for their rhetoric.
Blay continued by dubiously claiming that none of them, however, have actually had their speech curtailed, and set up a straw man.
They have never been thrown in jail for things like inciting racist and sexist abuse against comedian Leslie Jones, or complaining about Jews in America, or suggesting Muslims are inherently violent. Indeed, it wasnt until Yiannopoulos started speaking positively about pedophilia that he actually faced any tangible repercussions.
Of course, individuals right to free speech can be restricted without being thrown in jail. Coulters planned speech at the publicly-funded University of California, Berkeley was cancelled because activists threatened to disrupt the event. The left-wing ACLU criticized the institution for this move, and outlined that the hecklers veto of Coulters Berkeley speech is a loss for the 1st Amendment. We must protect speech on campus, even when hateful.
The Huffington Post culture writer later emphasized that contrary to popular belief, free speech, in the context of the Constitution, actually does have limits. The First Amendment does not protect speech that incites violence, fraud, or child pornography, or certain forms of obscenity. It puts limits and restrictions on slander, and intellectual property.
Blay also asserted that safe spaces do not suppress anything they level the playing field in a landscape where so many of those who bemoan political correctness do so at the expense of already marginalized communities.
Near the end of her piece, the author lambasted appeals to free speech as ultimately just a rhetorical ploy to normalize ideas that oppress others. And complaining when those who are oppressed call out these ideas, as is their right, is another petty ploy.
Blays column isnt the first time that this sort of interpretation of the First Amendment has appeared in media circles. Back in May 2015, CNNs Chris Cuomo, who has a law degree, made an identical argument on Twitter: hate speech is excluded from protection. dont (sic) just say you love the constitutionread it.
Conservatives on the social media outlet sparred with Cuomo over his assertion. The CNN anchor even got some flak from the left, as Salon took him to task for his gaffe about the First Amendment.
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This is an opinion piece. The views expressed in this article are those of just the author.
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Huffington Post Apparently Doesn't Understand How The First Amendment Works - Mediaite
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